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KHAM theory

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KHAM (खाम) stands for Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi and Muslim. Here Kshatriya is taken to include the Koli and its sub-community Thakore. The theory was propounded by Madhavsinh Solanki (who was a Thakore himself[1]) in 1980s in Gujarat to create vote bank for Indian National Congress. The theory was prepared by Jhinabhai Darji.[2][3][4] Using the formula, Congress was able to capture 149 seats in the 182-member Assembly. However the formula alienated Patels permanently from Congress.[5][6]

Bharatsinh Solanki, state Congress president and the son of Madhavsinh Solanki, attempted to revise his fathers formula by coming up with KHAMP (Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi, Muslim and Patel) in 2017.[7] Congress was able to increase its seat count by 16 to 77. The Congress was able to get Hardik Patel, the leader of the Patidar reservation agitation to campaign for it.[8]

An article by Deepal Trivedi in 2019 suggests the combination OPT (OBC, Patidar, Tribals) is the new winning combination in Gujarat. It suggests these numbers for the major caste groups in Gujarat: OBC 43%, Patidar 12.6%, Tribals 15%, Muslims 10%, Schedued castes 8%. The forward castes are Rajputs 6%, Brahmins 2%, Bania 2%, Jain 1%. [9] OBC (Other backward class) refer to a group of castes, as determined by the state government for affirmative action.

In Haryana and Western UP, the corresponding formula is AJGAR (Ahir, Jat, Gurjar and Rajput) said to have been initially formulated by Sir Chhotu Ram (1881-1945), a peasant leader, which was later used by Charan Singh in 1970s.[10] It is sometimes referred to as the MAJGAR (Muslim, Ahir i.e. Yadav, Jat, Gujjar and Rajput) formula. [11][12]

Mulayan Singh of UP and Lalu Yadav of Bihar are credited with having used the MY (Muslim Yadav) formula.[13] In UP, Muslims are 19% and Yadavs are about 10%.[14] In Bihar, 16% are Yadav and 17% Muslim.

Also see

References

  1. ^ As Gujarat CM, Madhavsinh Solanki Was the Precursor to Mandal Politics, Rajiv Shah, The Wire, 09/JAN/2021
  2. ^ "The fixed centre around which Gujarat caste politics revolves". The Indian Express. 27 August 2015. Retrieved 31 August 2015.
  3. ^ Shani, Ornit (2007). Communalism, Caste and Hindu Nationalism: The Violence in Gujarat. Cambridge University Press. pp. 70. ISBN 978-0-521-68369-2.
  4. ^ Engineer, Asghar Ali (2003). Introduction. New Delhi: Orient Longman. pp. 1–24. ISBN 81-250-2496-4. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help)
  5. ^ Bhattacharya, D. P. (6 November 2012). "Looking past 2012". Mail Today. Retrieved 5 August 2014.
  6. ^ Langa, Mahesh (23 August 2015). "Quota agitation in Gujarat heading for caste conflicts?". The Hindu. Retrieved 23 August 2015.
  7. ^ Congress will go for ‘KHAM’ formula, Kundan Jha, Sunday Guardian Live, July 8, 2017
  8. ^ [https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/the-patel-factor-the-real-influence-on-gujarats-elections/articleshow/61992704.cms The Patel vote: The decisive factor in Gujarat Elections, Dec 11,2017, TOI, http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/61992704.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst]
  9. ^ OPT is the new KHAM of Gujarat, Deepal Trivedi, Ahmedabad Mirror, Apr 9, 2019
  10. ^ रूढ़ियों से निकलने की छटपटाहट Naveen Kumar Pande, Navabharat Times, Jan 25, 2015
  11. ^ [https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/meltdown-of-the-majgar-alliance/article5120950.ece Meltdown of the Majgar alliance, Ajaz Ashraf, The Hindu, Sept 13, 2013]
  12. ^ Competitive politics is transforming the nature and role of caste, Jairam Ramesh, India Today, September 27, 1999
  13. ^ राष्ट्रनायक कौन- अकबर या महाराणा प्रताप?, हरबंस मुखिया, मध्यकालीन भारत के इतिहासकार, वोट बैंक की राजनीति, BBC, 29 जुलाई 2017
  14. ^ 47 Muslim-Yadav-Dalit seats will decide BJP's fate in Uttar Pradesh, India Today, Ashish Ranjan, Poulomi Saha, India Today March 18, 2019