AJGAR

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search

AJGAR was a suggested caste alliance of the Ahir, Jat, Gujar and Rajputs castes. The theoretical alliance was first proposed by Sir Chhotu Ram, a rural leader and politician in pre-independence India. AJGAR later morphed into MAJGAR, by adding Muslims to the equation.[1] He also included Muslims. thus propagating both AJGAR and MAJGAR theories in the 1930s.[2][3]

The theory was later used after independence by Charan Singh in the 1970s in Uttar Pradesh to create Votebank for his party and to break the monopoly of Indian National Congress.[4] Choudhary Charan Singh subscribed to this theory that Ahir, Jat, Gurjar and Rajput belong to the same social and racial group, the Kshatriya.[5]

Aims and objectives[edit]

The changes that have occurred in independent India have been generally such as to increase the power and prestige (political dominance) of the peasant castes, such as Ahir, Jat, Gurjar and the Rajput. The villagers in North India speak of the AJGAR, which literally means "Python" and testifies to the fear which the dominant castes rouse in the oppressed minority castes.[6] The AJGAR castes are prosperous throughout the State of Uttar Pradesh and constitute the Mid-Strata of the Village social structure. Their social conditions largely corresponds to their economic position, better than the schedule castes and nearer to the higher castes in respect of the social standings.The coalition AJGAR emerged prominently to gain political power in the state of Uttar Pradesh.[7]

Basically, the AJGAR and MAJGAR fronts were raised as the new strategy to promote political polarization so as to develop political power for not only the development of particular beneficiary class group, but also to develop the defence mechanism.[8]

Political outcome[edit]

In Western Uttar Pradesh, the wealth and power of AJGAR alliance increases during Green Revolution period,[9] but the AJGAR formula devised and tried out by BKD/BLD/LD leaders had obviously failed to muster support from all its sections.[10]

References[edit]

  1. ^ "Waiting for an idea". khaleejtimes.com. Retrieved 2014-10-09. 
  2. ^ Datta, Forming an identity, op. cit., p. 108.
  3. ^ India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India By Christophe Jaffrelot – page 278
  4. ^ Price, P.; Ruud, A.E. (2012). Power and Influence in India: Bosses, Lords and Captains. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9781136197987. Retrieved 2014-10-09. 
  5. ^ Brij Kishore Sharma (2008). Social, Economic and Political Contribution of Caste Associations in Northern India: A Case Study of All India Jat Mahasabha. Contributor Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies (Calcutta, India): Har Anand Publications, 2008. p. 49. ISBN 9788124114124. 
  6. ^ Mysore Narasimhachar Srinivas, M. N. (1995-01-01). "Social Change in Modern India". India. Orient Blackswan. p. 20. Retrieved 23 October 2014. 
  7. ^ M. P. S. Chandel (1991-01-01). "Democratic Transformation of a Social Class (Google eBook)". Beanda (India : District). Mittal Publications. p. 110. Retrieved 23 October 2014. 
  8. ^ Mahendra Lal Patel (1997). Awareness in Weaker Section: Perspective Development and Prospects. M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd. p. 33. ISBN 9788175330290. 
  9. ^ Lucia Michelutti (2002). "Sons of Krishna: the politics of Yadav community formation in a North Indian town" (PDF). PhD Thesis Social Anthropology. London School of Economics and Political Science University of London. p. 34. Retrieved 20 May 2015. 
  10. ^ Shafiuzzaman (2003). "The Samajwadi Party: A Study of Its Social Base, Ideology, and Programme". India. APH Publishing. p. 44. Retrieved 23 October 2014.