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HISTORICAL BACKGROUND, ORIGINS and USAGE

Historically, women have been considered second-class citizens who were not thought to deserve the same rights as their male counterparts. Rather, women were seen as property belonging to men from the moment they were born. Up until marriage, they were considered property of their father until eventually were "sold" to their husbands. A rape done to a woman was not seen as an attack on the victim but a personal attack on her father or husband and she was considered "irreparably damaged."[1]

As early as the 19th century, American women were criticized if they "stray[ed] out of a [dependent] position...fought off [an] attacker...[or] behaved in too self reliant a manner..." in which case "the term rape no longer applied..."[2]. Similar to rape myths and double standards applied to women today, description of rape in the 1800's depicted women who needed to behave or else face the inevitable consequences.

In the 1930's rape was considered a sex crime that was always committed by men and always done to women. From 1935-1965, a shift from labelling rapists as criminals to believing them to be mentally ill "sexual psychopaths" began making its way into popular opinion. Men caught for committing rape were no longer sentenced to prison but admitted to mental health hospitals where they would be given medication for their illness.[3] Because only "insane" men were the ones committing acts of rape, no one considered the everyday person to be capable of such violence.

Transitions in women's roles in society were also shifting, causing alarm and blame towards rape victims. Because women were becoming more involved in the public (i.e. searching for jobs rather than being a housewife) many people believed that these women were "loose" and looking for trouble. Giving up the gender roles of mother and wife was seen as defiant against traditional values while immersing themselves within society created the excuse that women would "not [be] entitled to protection under the traditional guidelines for male-female relationships."[3]

As rape was more commonly studied, different research sanctions were hypothesizing why rape was such a common phenomenon. According to Susan Brownmiller, evolutionary biologists claimed that this was how men had evolved over time which perpetuated the stereotype and excuse "men will be men." From a biological desire, neo-darwinists theorized rape was used as a mechanism to spread genes quickly and efficiently. By having multiple partners in a short amount of time, the desire for sex was engulfed by the need to strategically reproduce but with little to no risk of parental involvement. [4]

(Before Edits)

The term "rape culture" was first coined in the 1970s in the United States by second-wave feminists, and was applied to contemporary American culture as a whole.[9] During the 1970s, second-wave feminists had begun to engage in consciousness-raising efforts designed to educate the public about the prevalence of rape. Previously, according to Canadian psychologyprofessor Alexandra Rutherford, most Americans assumed that rape, incest, and wife-beating rarely happened.[10] The concept of rape culture posited that rape was common and normal in American culture, and that it was one extreme manifestation of pervasive societal misogyny and sexism.

(After Edits)

The term "rape culture" was first coined in the 1970s in the United States by second-wave feminists, and was applied to contemporary American culture as a whole.[9] During the 1970s, second-wave feminists had begun to engage in consciousness-raising efforts designed to educate the public about the prevalence of rape. Previously, according to Canadian psychologyprofessor Alexandra Rutherford, most Americans assumed that rape, incest, and wife-beating rarely happened.[10] The concept of rape culture posited that rape was common and normal in American culture, and that it was one extreme manifestation of pervasive societal misogyny and sexism. Rape was defined as a crime of violence rather than a crime of sex as it had been before and the focus of rape shifted from desire for sexual pleasure to one of male domination, intimidation and a sense of control over gender norms.[3][4][5] Rape also started to be reexamined through the eyes of the victims rather than the perpetrators. [3]

(Before Edits)

The first published use of the term appears to have been in 1974 in Rape: The First Sourcebook for Women, edited by Noreen Connell and Cassandra Wilson for the New York Radical Feminists.[11] In the book, the group stated that "our ultimate goal is to eliminate rape and that goal cannot be achieved without a revolutionary transformation of our society."[12] This book, along with Susan Brownmiller's 1975 Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape, was among the earliest to include first-person accounts of rape. Their authors intended to demonstrate that rape was a much more common crime than previously believed.[13] Brownmiller, a member of the New York Radical Feminists, argued that both academia and the general public ignored the incidents of rape.[14] Her book, Against Our Will, is considered a landmark work on feminism and sexual violence, and it is one of the pillars of modern rape studies.[15][16]

(After Edits)

The first published use of the term appears to have been in 1974 in Rape: The First Sourcebook for Women, edited by Noreen Connell and Cassandra Wilson for the New York Radical Feminists.[11] In the book, the group stated that "our ultimate goal is to eliminate rape and that goal cannot be achieved without a revolutionary transformation of our society."[12] This book, along with Susan Brownmiller's 1975 Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape, was among the earliest to include first-person accounts of rape. Their authors intended to demonstrate that rape was a much more common crime than previously believed.[13] In the book, Brownmiller comments upon the idea that women never spoke about rape because women would never want to be open about a "crime against their physical integrity" which explained the general public's ignorance over how often rape was occurring and to whom.[4] Brownmiller, a member of the New York Radical Feminists, argued that both academia and the general public ignored the incidents of rape.[14] She helped spark psychologists to begin observing and studying what sparked this "rape supportive culture." [3]Her book, Against Our Will, is considered a landmark work on feminism and sexual violence, and it is one of the pillars of modern rape studies.[15][16]

OVERVIEW

(Before Edits)

Feminists and gender activists conceptualize rape cultures that encourage gender violence, as well as perpetuate "rape myths", ranging from treating rape as merely "rough sex", to blaming the victim for inviting rape. Such "rape myths" are social messages that command women to assume predefined gender roles concerning sexual behavior.[23] A 2015 meta-analysis found that overall men perceived rape victims more negatively than women did and this sex difference was moderated by the acceptance of rape myths.[24] This "rape myth" idea is also reflected in spousal rape. Rape culture perpetuates particular rape myths that are codified into law. Rape myths had suppressed the incidence of such events now known as 'intimate partner rape'[25] or 'marital rape'; at one time, the view was that women could never claim to be raped by a spouse. Rape cases in which both parties previously knew one another has been coined "acquaintance rape", a term first coined by Robin Warshaw in 1988, and subsequently used by prominent academics such as Mary P. Koss.[26] In addition, rape culture can manifest when third parties separate the sexual violence of select individuals and cast them off as deviant perverts. Highly influential scholars and feminists, such as J. Ann Tickner, have stressed the importance of understanding that because individuals are a part of broader society, they cannot be explained apart from society. By focusing only on deviant individuals who commit sexual violence, researchers and observers can overlook or forget that society influences and reinforces the mindset of such individuals.[27]

(After Edits)

Rape culture perpetuates particular rape myths that are codified into law. Feminists and gender activists conceptualize rape cultures that encourage gender violence, as well as perpetuate "rape myths", ranging from treating rape as merely "rough sex", to blaming the victim for inviting rape. Such "rape myths" are social messages that command women to assume predefined gender roles concerning sexual behavior.[23] A 2015 meta-analysis found that overall men perceived rape victims more negatively than women did and this sex difference was moderated by the acceptance of rape myths.[24]

One explanation for the commonality of these myths is that only certain "bad" or "misbehaved" women are raped. This creates a category of women separated from the general population which encourages an "otherness" and reduces the idea that anyone is vulnerable to being raped. [1][6]Another reason for the acceptance of rape culture is the "just-world" hypothesis which claims that what happens to an individual in life is inherently tied to his or her actions and thus seen as justly deserved. People who believe in this theory would also be more likely to believe women who are raped deserved it in some way. Finally, rape can be attributed to ways women were treated historically, as a factor used to oppress and create control over women.[1]

Brownmiller, in Against Our Will, discusses three important ideas that helped bring awareness and attention to some clearly defined rape myths of the early to mid 20th century. First, any woman can be a rape victim regardless of age, size, shape, ethnicity, or status. Second, any man can be a rapist, not just "evil" or "mentally ill" men as thought in previous decades. Finally is that rape can occur in many different forms besides the classic case of a violent, forceful rape done by a stranger.[4][5]

The idea any women could be raped was a new proposition that called attention to the notion of victim blaming. Now that rape could affect anyone, there would not be a proper way for men and women to avoid it. Some rape myths that were widely accepted on the basis of what kind of women would be raped were ideas that the victim was always "young, careless [and] beautiful" or they are "loose" women who "invite rape" by provoking men." [7][8] Although Brownmiller's idea about victim blaming was supposed to expose rape myths thus eradicating victim-blaming, blaming the victim in rape circumstances is still a common practice.

Rape culture can manifest when third parties separate the sexual violence of select individuals and cast them off as deviant perverts rather than acknowledging that anyone can be capable of rape. As believed in the 1960's and still sometimes today, rapists were seen as mentally ill or deviants in society.[3] Highly influential scholars and feminists, such as J. Ann Tickner, have stressed the importance of understanding that because individuals are a part of broader society, they cannot be explained apart from society. By focusing only on deviant individuals who commit sexual violence, researchers and observers can overlook or forget that society influences and reinforces the mindset of such individuals.[27]

As related to Brownmiller's final point about different forms of rape, a common non-believed "rape myth" was the idea of spousal or partner rape. Rape myths had suppressed the incidence of such events now known as 'intimate partner rape'[25] or 'marital rape'; at one time, the view was that women could never claim to be raped by a spouse. Rape cases in which both parties previously knew one another has been coined "acquaintance rape", a term first coined by Robin Warshaw in 1988, and subsequently used by prominent academics such as Mary P. Koss.[26]

EFFECTS ON WOMEN

According to Ann Burnett, the concept of rape culture explains how society perceives and behaves towards rape victims and rape perpetuators.[7][9] For example, a number of rape myths that are held are "no means yes", women can resist rape if they really wanted to, women who are raped are promiscuous therefore "asking to be raped" and many women falsely report rape to protect their own reputations or because they are angry at the "perpetrator" and want to create a type of backlash[1][4][5] [7][9]. A theory for why rape myths are so common in society is because they are perpetuated by norms already present in society. Researchers claim that communication and language is created by the dominant patriarchy. In positions of power, men control how women are portrayed in the media, women's censorship of body and voice, etc. which forces women to submit to the gender stereotypes formed by the dominant culture. The dominance of the male language in society creates the concept of a "slutty woman" and forces women to begin to monitor their behavior in fear of how they will be perceived within the rape culture[9].

One effect rape culture has on women is their lack of understanding or a feeling of ambiguity surrounding the idea of consent and rape. Burnett's study followed college women's experiences of rape revealing that many students could not define what the term rape really meant, did not believe consent had to be verbal and felt sexual consent was always vague and hard to pinpoint.[3][9] Along with this was people viewing women who had "allegedly been raped" were "asking for it" because of how they were dressed or their flirtatious behavior. [6][7][8][9] Women in the study also assumed that men expected sex in exchange for drinks or dinner bought earlier for the woman.[9] Because of their lack of awareness of what rape was and because of how they were acting/what they were wearing, women believed they had in some way provoked the rape to happen. [7][8][9] Some women also did not report the rape if it did not fit the stereotypical version of rape, physically injury and force committed by a stranger. When raped by someone the individual knew, women felt less inclined to label the assault as rape.[4][5][9][10] They could not, therefore, report the incident or rape because they were either confused about what had happened or believed it to be their own fault.[6][9]

After a rape has already occurred or after the victim acknowledged that she has been raped, women still did not report the incident because they felt it would ultimately hurt or punish them. Some reasons that women did not report their rape is because they did not want to bring attention to themselves, psychologically, they did not want to have to remember what had happened to them, and they did not want people to find out and gain a negative reputation.[3][9] Because of the existing rape myths mentioned above, women knew that reporting rape could potentially make them out to be a "slut" or "easy" and garnish a reputation that would affect how others perceived them.[3][11] Many women noted that they felt that they could not even admit the rape to friends and family they trusted most because they were so afraid of the repercussions.[6] Women felt that they would not be supported, would have their validity questioned or be blamed for the incidents that happened. The affect of rape on women could lessen women's trust with others because of these beliefs and later felt very isolated.[9]

Another affect rape culture has on young women is a victim's self reflection. After a rape, women reported feeling dirty, thought of themselves as slutty, and believed that they had "used or damaged goods." Women felt ashamed of themselves for what had happened and felt that they no longer fit the ideal "pure and virginal" stereotype that men want.[11] Women's belief that they were somehow rotten and their feelings that no one would want to be with them after the rape created feelings of depression and anxiety amongst victims[9].

If women do choose to share their rape with others, many still remain under scrutiny unless it is proven that they are telling the truth.[3][7][9] Men belonging to the college study, reported that they felt the rape was validated if the woman had taken the accusation to court and then won. Only then, was the rape taken seriously by men. Men were also more likely to victim blame than women for the rape, especially if the case was not reported. Women who chose not to tell or chose to tell only people who were close to her were often deemed liars or exaggerators when others found out about the rape.[8] Because no legal action was attempted, onlookers often believed that the rape was "not a big deal" or "must not have happened."[6][9] Without some kind of validation from a person in authority, rape, according to college students in the study, was believed to not be as prominent or affect as many women as was the reality.

EFFECTS ON MEN

(Before Edits)

The term used to define what men undergo in a rape culture is "toxic masculinity". This is a gender stereotype burdening the men in society, depicting men as sexually driven, violent beings.[66]

A consequence of toxic masculinity is that most male rape victims would not come forward to the police or in a survey, out of feelings of shame. The male gender stereotype suggests that men should be tough enough to avoid rape, if raped by a man, or sexually driven enough to enjoy it, if raped by a woman.[citation needed]

To dismantle rape culture would require the undoing of more than just the normalization and tolerance of sexual assault and rape. It would require addressing gender stereotypes in a patriarchal (male-dominated) society and relieving both genders from their pressures.[67] In a patriarchal society, men are expected to be dominant: strong, violent, sexual, and controlling. Women are expected to be submissive: weak, passive, decorative, and controllable. Emma Watson, the UN Goodwill Ambassador for Women, said at the launch of HeForShethat enabling women to take control and be strong will allow men to relieve themselves of that responsibility, imposed on them by the toxic masculinity in a rape culture.[68]

This expectation is often traced back to cultural values of masculinity.[69] In the United States, for example, traditional concepts of masculinity are valued in men, considered to be based in the western frontier culture, as in America's ideal cowboy who uses violence and a tough persona to achieve respect. Jason Katz explores this concept in the widely acclaimed documentary "Tough Guise 2."[70] It analyzes the factors contributing to and the effects of gender violence. Part of American culture teaches boys that in order to be men, they must conform to this "box of masculinity," which perpetuates mantras such as: be tough, don't be emotional, don't be disrespected, be sexually aggressive, or take a hit. If a boy steps out of this box, especially in the tender years of puberty, he is shamed by peers as soft or weak, which teaches him that being feminine is wrong.

Filmmaker Thomas Keith explained his thoughts on this with the his film The Bro Code: How Contemporary Culture Creates Sexist Men. Keith focuses on the sexual objectification of women that has occurred in America for decades. He states the American male culture teaches boys and men to dehumanize and disrespect women. Keith addresses several different forms of contemporary media, mainly focusing on movies and music videos that show womanizing as positive and acceptable behavior, pornography that glamorizes the brutalization of women, comedians who make jokes about rape and other forms of sexual assault, and a plethora of men's magazines, books, TV shows that portray their own archaic view of American masculinity and manhood. Keith posits that men's level of violence towards women has reached epidemic levels, and the media coverage and advertising suggest that it is not only normal, but it's cool, for boys and men to control and humiliate women.[71]

(After Edits)

The term used to define what men undergo in a rape culture is "toxic masculinity". This is a gender stereotype burdening the men in society, depicting men as sexually driven, violent beings.[66]

A consequence of toxic masculinity is that most male rape victims would not come forward to the police or in a survey, out of feelings of shame. The male gender stereotype suggests that men should be tough enough to avoid rape, if raped by a man, or sexually driven enough to enjoy it, if raped by a woman. Men were less likely to report rape because they felt reporting it would undermine their masculinity. This was related to characteristics of submissiveness and weakness attributed to rape victims, opposite of gender stereotypes pertaining to men which focus on dominance and aggressiveness. [3][12][13] Like female victims, male victims also fear the stigmatization associated with rape. When they do report, they are often met with disbelief, dismissiveness or blame from police and other services. [13][14] In response to this, men are less likely than women to reveal the nature of the assault having been sexual or fail to mention any genital contact. They are also more likely to deny and hide how the attack affected them emotionally.[15] Male rape victims, in proportion to female victims, are more likely to be blamed for the incident because they are thought to be more capable of fighting back or getting away from their attacker. [13] Victims are also more likely to blame themselves for these same reasons.[14]

A study done by Michelle Davies and Samantha McCartney discusses why men are often blamed or stigmatized for their rape. They found that heterosexual men were more likely to blame the victim, show less empathy for the victim, deny or diminish the seriousness of the attack, and were more likely to belief rape myths than heterosexual women and homosexual men.[13] One reason for this is the societal pressure placed on men to be strong, tough, and assertive rather than passive, gentle and "feminine" as mentioned earlier. [3][12][13] Another cause for negative reaction toward male rape victims is linked to homophobia. Davies and McCartney and previous research has found a correlation between male victim blame and homophobia, since male rape involving a male rapist is (nonconsensual) sex between two men. The study also revealed that heterosexual men were more likely to be against the victim if the victim was perceived to be homosexual rather than heterosexual. [13] Homosexual men, similar to heterosexual women, were made to feel like they had "asked for it" based on their behavior.[14]

Men are more likely to believe myths about rape, dismiss the situation, or become assailants themselves because of the emphasis of what it means to be masculine in society.[3] [6][12][13] Dianne Herman found that date rape was most likely to occur when a man had requested or initiated the date, the man paid for the date, the man drove, when drinking took place and when the couple found themselves alone. Because of the effort put into the date, men often felt entitled to some payment in the form of sexual gratification. When this did not happen, men felt it was more acceptable to rape. Herman claims that the American dating system emphasizes men as possessors of females, who can be seen as sexual objects ready to be "paid for." [6]

To dismantle rape culture would require the undoing of more than just the normalization and tolerance of sexual assault and rape. It would require addressing gender stereotypes in a patriarchal (male-dominated) society and relieving both genders from their pressures.[67] In a patriarchal society, men are expected to be dominant: strong, violent, sexual, and controlling. Women are expected to be submissive: weak, passive, decorative, and controllable.  Men are socialized to believe they need to prove their masculinity by taking this control and dominating women. This is not only enforced by expectations of men to be dominant but also society's discouragement of men showing any emotions, vulnerability, or sensitivity.[6][12][13] Emma Watson, the UN Goodwill Ambassador for Women, said at the launch of HeForShe that enabling women to take control and be strong will allow men to relieve themselves of that responsibility, imposed on them by the toxic masculinity in a rape culture.[68]

This expectation is often traced back to cultural values of masculinity.[69] In the United States, for example, traditional concepts of masculinity are valued in men, considered to be based in the western frontier culture, as in America's ideal cowboy who uses violence and a tough persona to achieve respect. Jason Katz explores this concept in the widely acclaimed documentary "Tough Guise 2."[70] It analyzes the factors contributing to and the effects of gender violence. Part of American culture teaches boys that in order to be men, they must conform to this "box of masculinity," which perpetuates mantras such as: be tough, don't be emotional, don't be disrespected, be sexually aggressive, or take a hit. If a boy steps out of this box, especially in the tender years of puberty, he is shamed by peers as soft or weak, which teaches him that being feminine is wrong.[6]

Filmmaker Thomas Keith explained his thoughts on this with the his film The Bro Code: How Contemporary Culture Creates Sexist Men. Keith focuses on the sexual objectification of women that has occurred in America for decades. He states the American male culture teaches boys and men to dehumanize and disrespect women. Keith addresses several different forms of contemporary media, mainly focusing on movies and music videos that show womanizing as positive and acceptable behavior, pornography that glamorizes the brutalization of women, comedians who make jokes about rape and other forms of sexual assault, and a plethora of men's magazines, books, TV shows that portray their own archaic view of American masculinity and manhood. Keith posits that men's level of violence towards women has reached epidemic levels, and the media coverage and advertising suggest that it is not only normal, but it's cool, for boys and men to control and humiliate women.[71]

RAPE CULTURE IN OTHER COUNTRIES

While research about rape culture has been mostly conducted in Westernized countries, particularly the United States, there are a number of other countries that are considered to be, by the rest of the world, "rape supportive" societies. These places have similarities to Western countries in terms of beliefs and gender stereotyping, but there are some significant differences that explains the high percentage of rape and sexual assault that occurs in these less developed parts of the world.

RAPE CULTURE IN SOUTH AFRICA

In a study conducted by Rachel Jewkes, Yandina Sikweyiya, Robert Morrell and Kristin Dunkle, men from the three districts in the Easter Cape and KwaZulu-Natal provinces of South Africa were surveyed about rape. The prevalence among the men was high; about 1 in 4 men had raped another person, mostly young women.[16]

Men claimed that had raped for a number of different reasons. Many raped women and young girls for "fun" or out of boredom. Gang rapes were also quite common amongst the men, about 1 in 5 men had participated in one, which reflected the society's belief that it was common and "what boys do." Drinking was another common reason for raping or pressure to do so from friends. A majority claimed they had raped because they were punishing the women, either acquaintances or girlfriends, for having made them angry. Sub-areas and communities saw rape as a legitimate punishment for women and reasonable under certain circumstances.[16][17] Some men also had sex with very young women or virgins in order to "cleanse themselves of diseases."[18] Young women were often targeted because they were virgins and because the men believed they were easy to overpower and would not report it. Men were not afraid of repercussions.[17]

Researchers have attempted to explain the high percentage of rape happening in South Africa and have connected it to the traditional and cultural norms embedded within the society. Certain norms like the belief of rape myths, the inequality between men and women, and the need to express their dominance made the rape appear justified to the assailants. Many began raping when they were young teenagers for entertainment also reflecting the notion that rape is a pastime for young men and boys.[16][17]

Rape and sexual violence is also prevalent in South Africa because of the confusion of what is to be regarded as rape. Certain acts of sexual coercion may be indistinguishable from legal standings and laws regarding the subject. While the criminal offense of rape is condemned by the society, many rapes or sexual assaults might not be recognized as such and thus are not thought to be unacceptable behavior.[16]

Cultural values stemming from traditional practices still influence South African rape culture. Ukuthwala, also known as wife abduction, is a traditional marriage practice in which a man kidnaps a young woman with intent of convincing the girl and her family to agree to marriage. Another belief, kusasa fumbi or sexual cleansing, is the idea that having sex cleans the body, specifically for illnesses. A more specific type cleaning would be virgin cleansing, which is the belief that having sex with a virgin will eliminate deadly diseases such HIV. Kusasa fumbi is a reflection of the indigenous medical views of the country. [16][18]

RAPE CULTURE IN PAKISTAN

Pakistan is another underdeveloped country in which rape is prominent throughout the country. Violence against women is typical and the norm, especially marital abuse, as is seen as a private matter not believed to be "appropriate for intervention or policy changes." Due to cultural beliefs, spousal abuse and especially rape is rarely considered a crime. This is due to Pakistan's patriarchal society and role expectations that support men to be violent and dominant while women to be fragile and weak. Religious norms familiar to Pakistan also embrace violence and discrimination toward women, emphasizing that women would not be able to live without men. Normalization of violence and rape against women continue to reflect high percentages of rapes in Pakistan.[19]

Two main types of rape that are prevalent are political rapes and honor (izzat) rapes. Beyond the typical type of assault for dominance and control, comes rape with the intention of revenge. Because women are not seen as individuals but rather as objects or possessions, rape is sometimes a political move to seek revenge against an enemy. Fights and feuds are settled by raping the rival's mother, wife, daughter or sister. According to Khaled Ahmed, a noted Pakistani journalist, "...women are gang raped, then paraded naked in the streets to show to the society that terminal revenge has been taken."[20] Honor rapes are used as a tactic to take away sometime of value belonging to the woman. Because women are seen as objects for men to possess, taking away her honor through rape diminishes her worth.[19][20]

Rape is rarely reported in Pakistan due to the inequality between the two genders.[19] Women do not speak out about rape because they want to uphold their family's honor. Similar to the honor rapes where value is taken from someone's wife, rapes can dishonor entire families. Women who's rapes are found out fear being ostracized or abandoned and disowned by their families. Victims of rape that are discovered might lose their families, their husbands and their homes. They think of themselves as bayghairate, a person without honor or someone who has lost self-respect, because of what has happened and do not want to be stigmatized or humiliated by their society. Women are highly discouraged from talking or reporting about their rape because of these reasons. [20]

One ambiguity that perpetuates the negative stereotype and reaction toward women rape victims is the blurred understanding between rape and adultery. When a married woman is raped by another man, if she reports it, the women herself has the high possibility of being charged with the crime of adultery and sent to jail.[20] Because women are thought to be submissive and obedient to their husbands, the Pakistani culture emphasizes the need and expectation for a wife to be faithful to her husband in all circumstances.[19] Fear of being charged and punished for their own rape makes women keep quiet about their assaults. Women who do decide to report also face the possibility that they were raped by a government official or other law enforcement officer, thus diminishing the chance of the punishment for the perpetrator and increasing the chance of punishment for the victim.[20]

WHAT NEEDS TO BE IMPROVED

Rape Culture:

ORIGINS AND USAGE:

Do some more research on the origins of rape culture and also find supporting evidence of how often rape was happening that people were not aware of. There should also be more research on how the term came about and how feminism developed that concept and why.

OVERVIEW:

Define rape culture more

There are some parts of the article that seem a bit subjective and should define how misogyny is interlaced with rape culture and how a male dominated society can affect societal views of rape. Also, Michael Parenti should be introduced rather than go into what he believes right away.

There should be more citations to support some of the claims being made and also the structure of this section is a little strange. There should be smaller paragraphs to separate larger ideas and there should also be some kind of "topic sentence" to reveal what the paragraph is about.

Can provide more information on specific rape myths.

Rape culture is fluid-find more evidence to back up that statement.

Discuss more deeply systems of justice not doing anything about rape or not giving proper sentencing for rape.

Expand on paragraphs about pornography and how rape culture is talked about in everyday society.

PREVALENCE:

Possibly expand more on how prevalent rape actually is and explain why the countries that are listed are qualified as having rape culture.

EFFECTS:

Go further into how rape affects its victims versus how the culture affects society.

Go more into how it effects women since there is a whole new section on how it effects men.

EFFECTS ON MEN:

More sources. There are somethings I agree with but just saying them with no source makes it seem biased.

VICTIM BLAMING AND SLUT SHAMING:

Talk about how it is related to rape culture and cite more

SLUTWALK:

Needs sources

CRITICISMS:

Needs sources

OVERALL THINGS TO IMPROVE

-structure

-sources

-clearer titles

-possibly talk more about how rape culture affects other countries versus just the viewpoint of an American-felt the article related more toward rape culture of Western civilization than other countries.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bell, Susan T., Peter J. Kuriloff, and Ilsa Lottes. "Understanding attributions of blame in stranger rape and date rape situations: An examination of gender, race, identification, and students social perceptions of rape victims." Journal of Applied Social Psychology 24.19 (1994): 1719-1734.

Bohner, Gerd, et al. "Rape myths as neutralizing cognitions: evidence for a causal impact of anti‐victim attitudes on men's self‐reported likelihood of raping." European Journal of Social Psychology 28.2 (1998): 257-268.

Burt, Martha R. "Rape myths." Confronting rape and sexual assault (1998): 129-144.

Herman, D. "The rape culture." Culture 1.10 (1988): 45-53.

Maschke, Karen J. The Legal Response to Violence against Women. New York: Garland Pub., 1997. N. pag. Print.

Thornhill, Randy, and Craig T. Palmer. A Natural History of Rape: Biological Bases of Sexual Coercion. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 2000. Print.

Vogelman, Lloyd. The Sexual Face of Violence: Rapists on Rape. Johannesburg: Ravan, 1990. Print.

NOTES

Origins

-idea of rape begins to change during the 1970s

-women, before, expected to not engage in sex besides for procreational reasons, even in cases of rape, that was still their fault

-rape no longer defined as a sexual act, or crime of sex but rather crime of violence

-rape no longer thought of for sexual pleasure but for male domination and control, enforcing gender roles and maintaining male run hiearchy

-sometimes rape seen or defined as rite of [assage, act of manhood, or form of male bonding

-victims of rape often portrayed as secrtely enjoying their victimization

-focus on gender inequality, women's oppression and men's abuse of power

-became about women's nonconsent and a violation of that-no means no

Ideas to combat Rape Myths

  1. any woman can be a rape victim
  2. 2. any man can be a rapist
  3. 3. rape itself occurs in many forms

**put these ideas into first paragraph somewhere to expand the changes that were made

(Maschke)

-1930s considered sex crimes committed by men against women

-rapists thought of as deviants rather rather than criminals- shift from prison to mental health system, between 1935-1965, medication for these people- rapists labeled as "sexual psychopaths"

"sex psychopath laws" passed to protect women but really were to protect white men who would get off "mentally ill" whereas blacks would be sent to jail

*women's roles changing-becoming more involved in the public sphere rather than staying at home

-seen as an attack on traditional gender roles and a defiance against chivalry

-opportunity for women to be victimized increase because they were going outside of the home

-women who did not adhere to gender roles were considered "loose" and "not entitled to protection under the traditional guidelines for male-female relationships

-following is a description of rape in the 19th century:

"sexual assault could be conceived of...as an exploitation of women's presumed dependence on men. If a woman had herself patriarchal norms by straying out of her depender position-if she had fought off her attacker, asserted her rights alone in court, or behaved in too self-reliant a manner more generally-the term "rape" no longer applied, no matter how forceful the attack visited to her." (Arnold, 1989, pg 49) -essentially women better behave or face the consequences "asking for it"

Susan Brownmiller sparked research within psychology to examine the "rape-supportive culture"

"Martha Burt hypothesized that our culture and the status of women within that culture play a significant role in the attitudes toward sexual violence held by persons, particularly rapists. Shy hypothesized that myths about rape (women ask for it) might act as releasers or facilitators of sexual aggression."

-attitudes that help facilitate sexual aggressiveness in our society and factors that Burt predicted to support rape myths were

  1. sex role stereotyping- gender roles in society
  2. adversial sexual beliefs-male and female relationships are naturally filled with conflict and competition
  3. acceptance of interpersonal violence- idea that violence is appropriate way of interacting with others, especially in male-female relationships

Koss, Leonard, Beezley and Oros (1985) proposed a social conflict theory to explain rape in our society: "Culture transmitted assumptions about men, women, violence, sexuality, and myths about rape constitute a rape-supportive belief system. Furthermore, stratified systems such as the American dating situation may legitimate the use of force by those in power and weaken resistance of the less powerful. Finally, acquisition of stereotyped myths about rape may result in a failure to label as rape sexual aggression that occurs in dating situations." (Koss et al., 1985, p. 982)

Colonial time, rape thought of as a violation against a man's property

RAPE MYTHS

"Prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, or rapists. Rape myths have the effect of denying that many instances incolvibg coercive sex are actually rapes."

-people do not always see or understand how rape is defined, or understand what rape is- not having the same ideas about rape are what causes rape myths because people's definitions can be broader or more limited

-have an idea of what rape is, usually more limited than the definition of rape, and then apply their beliefs onto other people's experiences of rape (difficult because often the 'rape' everyone thinks of is the least common form making rape types that are more frequent not as believed)- standard idea of rape- rape by a stranger, physical force, outside, lots of resistance and violence

-most rapes are by someone the victim knows

-often used to shift blame of rape from perpetrators to victims

EFFECTS ON WOMEN

-rape culture explains how people perceive or behave towards victims and rapists

-"deny of minimize victim injury or blame the victims for their own victimization" (Carmody and Washington, 2001, p. 424)

-rape myths:

  1. no means yea
  2. women can resist rape if they want
  3. women are promiscuous
  4. women falsely report rape to protect reputations or because they are angry at someone (Burt, 1980; Carmody and Washington)

Theorization of how rape culture is perpetuated by societal norms- communication brought about by the dominant patriarchy which controls how women are portrayed in the media, women's censorship, etc. thus women are forced to submit to the gender stereotypes of the dominant culture.

awareness of rape (for college students)

-many could not define rape

-did not think consent had to be verbal

-felt sexual consent/rape was ambiguous

-psychological level-people viewed women who were "allegedly raped" as "asking for it" based on how they dressed and their flirtatious behavior

-sociological level-women and men believe sex equates to payment (buys drinks, gets sex)

dominance of male language and culture creates women to be the sluts and forces women to monitor their behavior

-women could not tell if they had been raped or not based on the ambiguity of date rape or rape by someone the victim knows

-victim may feel that it is their fault for not knowing or discerning what they wanted/not knowing fully what is regarded as rape

-could not therefore report it because they were confused on what had happened

post rape

-women did not want to report-remain muted by rape culture

-did not want to bring attention to themselves

-did not want to have to remember what had happened that night

-did not want people to find out and thus gain a reputation

-women felt they could not admit it/could not trust those that they felt close to to 1. support them, 2. not question the validity, 3. blame them for what happened

-loses trust of both perpetrator (usually someone the victim knows) and friends

-do not want to relive physical/emotional trauma

leads to two interpersonal levels: 1. avoid sharing with friends and 2. avoid contact with perpetrator and friends of perpetrator (because they will take the side of the rapist)

-feel like they will be isolated and blamed for what happened

-women's self reflection will change

-think they are dirty, slutty, "used goods"

-feel ashamed, feel like no one will want them, no longer pure

-depressed

-people felt rape was only legitimized if it was taken to a legal level and won in court

-if person was "raped" and did not report it, onlookers believed it must not have been a big deal or must not have happened

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/00909880903233150?needAccess=true

-women can report feeling victimized and experiencing PTSD

https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=Vb7kiJawUu8C&oi=fnd&pg=PA161&dq=rape+effects+on+women&ots=ESvLuNpeB9&sig=Trvr4QwgtRgLI6T_UAPV3e4YmwE#v=onepage&q=rape%20effects%20on%20women&f=false

EFFECTS ON MEN

(find out how rape culture affects men as perpetrators of rape)

http://homepage.smc.edu/delpiccolo_guido/soc1/soc1readings/rape%20culture_final.pdf

-date rape was more likely to occur when:

-man initiated the date

-drove to and from the date

-drinking took place

-paid for the date

-when couple found themselves alone-college men felt entitled to rape

-"women seen as legitimate objects of sexual aggression. rape can be viewed as the logical extension of a cultural perspective that defines men as possessors of women. american dating system places females inpositions of sexual objects purchased by men...men are sociallized to expect sexual reward for their attention to women..."

-"normal males feel a need to prove themselves to be men by displaying dominance over females"

-masculinity involves a contempt for anything feminine or for females in general

"american culture produces rapists when it encourages the socialization of men to subscribe to values of control and domincane, callousness and competitiveness, and anger and aggression, and when it discourages the expression by men of vulnerability, sharing and cooperation."

RAPE CULTURE IN OTHER COUNTRIES

South Africa

-in a study performed by (source), they found that South African men who had raped someone..

-raped girls under age 15 for "fun" or because they were bored

-gang rapes were also for fun or boredom or because the assailant was pressured into it, drinking

-act of punishment for the city because they were angry

-women who were raped by acquaintances or girlfriends were often raped as punishment

-some men raped young women because they felt the need to "cleanse themselves of diseases"

-men also raped young women because they believed the women would not tell on them

-prevalence of rape very high in the study, 1 in 4 men

-most men had raped or starting raping in their early teens

Reasons these men raped:

  1. been abused in childhood
  2. held ideas that justified the rape-rape myths, inequality between men and women
  3. behavior with females that exaggerates masculinity and heterosexual performance to control women, had many partners, had transactional sex, physical violence
  4. felt they had not gotten what they wanted out of life
  5. were associated with a group of delinquent peers

South Africa- criminal offense of rape is condemned but acts of sexual coercion are indistinguishable from the legal categories in intents and acts but are not widely viewed as rape or regarded as unacceptable and violent behavior

-some of the rapes were seen as needed for "legitimate reasons or justified"

traditional marriage practice of ukutwala (wife abduction) and sexual cleansing after traditional circumcision (thought having sex with a virgin will cleanse of diseases) sikweyiya

-HIV cure

"general notion of sex as cleansing which is prevalent in the ethnomedicine of this area"

*most often raped to punish women and seen as legitimate punishment in some sub-areas and communities

-1 in 5 men had participated in gang rape "which shows of men of a particular age, this was a common thing and believed to be "what boys do"- high prevalence of gang rape in South Africa

ON THE VIRGIN CLEANSING MYTH: GENDERED BODIES, AIDS, AND ETHNOMEDICINE

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.2989/16085906.2002.9626548 **Danika, read this

-belief that HIV/AIDS can be cured by having sex with babies and you children

"virgin cleansing"

WHY, WHEN AND HOW MEN RAPE http://www.ajol.info/index.php/sacq/article/view/101459

by Rachel Jewkes, Yandina Sikweyiya, Robert Morrell and Kristin Dunkle

-sample taken from population of Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal

-men do not fear repercussions for their actions, do not feel remorse

-very low number of rapes reported to police-due to gender hiearchy

-men did it for fun, were bored, wanted entertainment

-did it to punish

-sexual entitlement

-relativley large group of men felt motivated to rape for 'cleansing' which reflects the broad indigenous medical views of sex as cleaning, rather than cleaning specific diseases

Reasons these men raped:

  1. been abused in childhood
  2. held ideas that justified the rape-rape myths, inequality between men and women
  3. behavior with females that exaggerates masculinity and heterosexual performance to control women, had many partners, had transactional sex, physical violence
  4. felt they had not gotten what they wanted out of life
  5. were associated with a group of delinquent peers

South Africa- criminal offense of rape is condemned but acts of sexual coercion are indistinguishable from the legal categories in intents and acts but are not widely viewed as rape or regarded as unacceptable and violent behavior

-some of the rapes were seen as needed for "legitimate reasons or justified"

traditional marriage practice of ukutwala (wife abduction) and sexual cleansing after traditional circumcision (thought having sex with a virgin will cleanse of diseases) sikweyiya

-HIV cure

"general notion of sex as cleansing which is prevalent in the ethnomedicine of this area"

*most often raped to punish women and seen as legitimate punishment in some sub-areas and communities

-1 in 5 men had participated in gang rape "which shows of men of a particular age, this was a common thing and believed to be "what boys do"- high prevalence of gang rape in South Africa

ON THE VIRGIN CLEANSING MYTH: GENDERED BODIES, AIDS, AND ETHNOMEDICINE

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.2989/16085906.2002.9626548 **Danika, read this

-belief that HIV/AIDS can be cured by having sex with babies and you children

"virgin cleansing"

WHY, WHEN AND HOW MEN RAPE http://www.ajol.info/index.php/sacq/article/view/101459

by Rachel Jewkes, Yandina Sikweyiya, Robert Morrell and Kristin Dunkle

-sample taken from population of Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal

-men do not fear repercussions for their actions, do not feel remorse

-very low number of rapes reported to police-due to gender hiearchy

-men did it for fun, were bored, wanted entertainment

-did it to punish

-sexual entitlement

-relativley large group of men felt motivated to rape for 'cleansing' which reflects the broad indigenous medical views of sex as cleaning, rather than cleaning specific diseases

Pakistan

http://legalpoint.pk/download/Violence%20against%20Women%20in%20Pakistan%20A%20Framework%20for%20Analysis.pdf

-domestic violence is seen as a private thing- within families, not seen as "appropriate for focus for assessment, intervention, or policy changes."

-women fave discrimination and violence due to cultural and religious norms that society embraces

-sposual abuse rarely considered a crime

-patriacrhal society/ role expectations support masculine men to be violent and females to be fragile, timid and submissive

-religious and traditional values-women believe it to be sinful to end relationships, even abusive ones

-"women cannot live without men"

https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=Fc-CTW2LhAMC&oi=fnd&pg=PA55&dq=rape+pakistan&ots=8DKhWuhuVQ&sig=0Nm0sPk7TcSn-r82AQ-MDfLuJrY#v=onepage&q=rape%20pakistan&f=false

-women keep quiet about rape to continue a family's honor, or because of fear of ostracism

-may face humiliation or abandonment from families

-society actively discourages public disclosure of rape

-thought to be a bayghairat (without honor, loss of one's self-respect)

-women lose homes, are disowned, are jailed for being raped

-rape can be used as a political move against an old enemy-seeking revenge on someone else rather than the woman

-supported by cultural values

-feuds settled through rapes-men avenge themselves on each other by raping each other's mothers, wives, daughters and sisters

-"sometimes women are gang raped, then paraded naked in the streets to show to the society that terminal revenge has been taken." -Khalid Ahmed, noted Pakistani journalist

-no one intervenes because this is the way society is run

-honor (izzat) rape

-natural masculine right to possess and control women

women seen as objects of honor that a man wants to possess: three things to have the most honor, women, gold and land

-cases of rape and adultery blurred- women who report rape might be charged with adultery

-women do not seek justice for their rape because they feel shame from what happened, are intimidated by the agents of "law and order" and do not want to be accused of adultery

  1. ^ a b c d Lonsway, Kimberly A., and Louise F. Fitzgerald. "Rape Myths: In Review." Psychology of Women Quarterly 18.2 (1994): 133-64. Web.
  2. ^ Hamilton Arnold, Marybeth. "Chapter 3 Life of a Citizen in the Hands of a Woman." Passion and Power: Sexuality in History. Ed. Kathy Lee. Peiss, Christina Simmons, and Robert A. Padgug. Philadelphia: Temple UP, 1989. N. pag. Print.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Maschke, Karen J. The Legal Response to Violence against Women. New York: Garland Pub., 1997. N. pag. Print.
  4. ^ a b c d e f Brownmiller, Susan. Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape. Ballantine, 1975. Print
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  8. ^ a b c d Whatley, M. A., and R. E. Riggio. "Gender Differences in Attributions of Blame for Male Rape Victims." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 8.4 (1993): 502-11. Web.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Burnett, Ann. Communicating/Muting Date Rape: A Co-Cultural Theoretical Analysis of Communication Factors Related to Rape Culture on College CampusJournal of Applied Communication Research. 4th ed. Vol. 37. N.p.: Taylor & Francis Group, 2009. N. pag. Print.
  10. ^ Kilpatrick, Dean G., Heidi S. Resnick, Benjamin E. Saunders, and Connie L. Best. "Chapter 10 Rape, Other Violence Against Women, and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder." Adversity, Stress, and Psychotherapy. Ed. Bruce P. Dohrenwend. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1998. N. pag. Print.
  11. ^ a b  Bell, Susan T., Peter J. Kuriloff, and Ilsa Lottes. "Understanding attributions of blame in stranger rape and date rape situations: An examination of gender, race, identification, and students social perceptions of rape victims." Journal of Applied Social Psychology 24.19 (1994): 1719-1734.
  12. ^ a b c d Pino, Nathan W., and Robert F. Meier. "Gender Differences in Rape Reporting." Sex Roles40.11/12 (1999): 979-90. Web.
  13. ^ a b c d e f g h Davies, Michelle, and Samantha Mccartney. "Effects of Gender and Sexuality on Judgements of Victim Blame and Rape Myth Acceptance in a Depicted Male Rape." Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 13.5 (2003): 391-98. Web.
  14. ^ a b c Struckman-Johnson, Cindy. "Acceptance of Male Rape Myths Among College Men." Sex Roles: A Journal of Research. Ed. David Struckman-Johnson. 3rd ed. Vol. 27. N.p.: Plenum Corporation, 1992. N. pag. Print.
  15. ^ "Male Rape Victims: Noninstitutionalized Assault." American Journal of Psychiatry 137.2 (1980): 221-23. Web.
  16. ^ a b c d e Jewkes, Rachel, Yandisa Sikweyiya, Robert Morrell, and Kristin Dunkle. "Gender Inequitable Masculinity and Sexual Entitlement in Rape Perpetration South Africa: Findings of a Cross-Sectional Study." PLoS ONE 6.12 (2011): n. pag. Web.
  17. ^ a b c Jewkes, Rachel, Yandisa Sikweyiya, Robert Morrell, and Kristin Dunkle. "Why, When and How Men Rape: Understanding Rape Perpetration in South Africa." South African Crime Quarterly SA Crime Q. 34 (2016): n. pag. Web.
  18. ^ a b Leclerc-Madlala, Suzanne. "On the Virgin Cleansing Myth: Gendered Bodies, AIDS and Ethnomedicine." African Journal of AIDS Research 1.2 (2002): 87-95. Web.
  19. ^ a b c d Ali, Parveen Azam, and Maria Irma Bustamante Gavino. "Violence against women in Pakistan: a framework for Analysis." JOURNAL-PAKISTAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION 58.4 (2008): 198.
  20. ^ a b c d e Afsaruddin, Asma, and Anan Ameri. Hermeneutics and honor: negotiating female" public" space in Islamic/ate societies. Vol. 32. Harvard CMES, 1999.