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Integralist Uprising

Stuff to work on
Article Date started Start class Current class Current goal(s) for the article Done
Brazilian military junta of 1930 2/3/21 Stub A FA No
João de Deus Mena Barreto 12/21/21 Stub B GA No
Isaías de Noronha 12/2/21 Stub B GA No
Augusto Tasso Fragoso N/A Stub Stub C Not started
Integralist Uprising 3/27/22 NA NA C No
Constitution of 1934 and 37 N/A NA NA C Not started

Goal: Improving coverage of the Vargas Era and general history of the Republic, specifically from the proclamation onward, ending around where the military dictatorship comes in. Articles on politicians, generals, eras and periods, events, and movements/groups need to be created, expanded, and/or "perfected."

Florida

28 april -

Same as 26

Articles saved for future, minor work:

Prelude[edit]

Vargas's coup and Integralist–government relations (1937–1938)[edit]

The 1937 coup was largely enabled by the Cohen Plan (Correio da Manhã newspaper report pictured). The Integralists, though initially supportive of the coup which created a dictatorship, were quickly disillusioned by Vargas's treatment of them.

Events escalated quickly. On 1 November, Integralists held the parade of "50,000 Green Shirts" (though, in reality, Vargas's counters reported it was closer to 17,000), observed by President Vargas and military aides, including the pro-Integralist General Newton Cavalcanti [pt].[1][2] Salgado declared the marchers were "taking this opportunity to affirm their solidarity with the President of the Republic and the Armed forces in their fight against Communism and anarchical democracy, and to proclaim the principles of a new regime," adding the fight was against international capitalism, and finally stated, "What I desire is not to be President of the Republic, but simply the adviser of my country."[2]

Instead of gambling his power with elections, on 10 November Vargas, with military and Integralist support, abrogated the old constitution in favor of Campos's quasi-totalitarian one, gave a speech in which he attacked Congress, declared a national emergency, and transitioned the country from a failing democracy to an official dictatorship.[3][4] When Vargas made his first public appearance after the installation of the new regime, the Estado Novo, on 15 November to inaugurate a statue of the first president, Deodoro da Fonseca, the Integralists were there to salute him.[5] However, despite the Integralists's ties with the government, General Pedro Aurélio de Góis Monteiro gave, as one of his reasons for the coup of 10 November, that the strength of the Integralists could lead to their own coup.[6]

Over the course of the Estado Novo, Integralists proved to be disillusioned. They were the only political group to remain untouched, and they believed they would gain from the coup. Vargas believed that Salgado and the Integralists were keen on pursuing the example of Adolf Hitler in replacing Paul von Hindenburg and hoped to curtail this.[5][7] The first signs of the break between the government and the Integralists was Vargas's failure to mention them in his 10 November radio broadcast and Salgado being informed about the coup much later than he believed appropriate.[a][8] By presidential decree on 2 December, all political parties were outlawed, including the AIB; by a new law code announced via a radio broadcast at midnight, 31 December, and per Article 2 of the national constitution, only the national flag, anthem, and coat of arms would be permitted instead of those of the states' and the Integralists; and, by inquiring with Campos, Salgado learned Vargas made the appointment of a new Minister of Education contingent on the complete suppression of Integralism.[7][9][10] Vargas had earlier offered Salgado the post, to which Salgado refused, and when Salgado reconsidered and recommended it be offered to another Integralist, Gustavo Barroso, the government ignored him.[8]

To accommodate with the 2 December decree, Salgado reorganized the AIB as the Brazilian Cultural Association (Associação Brasileira de Cultura), and Integralist symbols, uniform, and rituals quietly disappeared.[8] The organization divided into those who wanted to accommodate and operate under the new regime and those who opposed and wished to overthrow it. Following the seizure of Integralist works and the arrest of Integralists, the Council of 40 voted in late January 1938 38–2 to not collaborate with Vargas.[b][10]

Premature uprising (March 1938)[edit]

Late in 1937, a conspiracy began against the Estado Novo. It involved many intertwined persons and groups: Washington Luís's former Foreign Minister, Otávio Mangabeira; a participant in the Constitutionalist Revolution who had turned down the option to lead the 1930 Revolution, General Euclides Figueiredo [pt]; the exiled former governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Flores da Cunha [pt]; a Bahian physician, Belmiro Valverde; the head of the Army's War Material Division, José Maria Castro Júnior; the Integralists; and the Navy. Mangabeira and Figueiredo plotted at the Glória Hotel in Rio; Cunha provided monetary contribution when an agent for the conspiracy visited Argentina and Uruguay for support; Valverde, the Integralists' finance secretary, was appointed by Salgado as head of the Integralists in Rio, and the physician too also joined the conspiracy; Júnior took leadership of the military aspect of the movement; Salgado kept ties with the hotel's conspirators; and in early January 1938, commander of the Navy Vítor Pujol and another officer told Valverde, the Council of 40's secretary Barroso, and Integralist Olbiano de Melo that the Navy would march on the Guanabara Palace, seat of the presidency, with or without Integralist support.[12][13][14]

Proactive authorities, however, foiled the plot, scheduled for 10 March 1938.[15] A small group of insurgents attacked the Post Office and Telegraph Building, electricity plants, the Mayrink Veiga Radio Station, and the Naval School. The Naval School was the most important part of the plan, which would involve the taking of the installations by Integralist sailors which in turn would lead to the capture of Vargas who would have lunch at the base that day.[12] There was terrible confusion among rebels. Dulles states that "it became complete during the following days when messages for starting and stopped the 'rebellion' were issued in rapid succession."[15]

Uprising (May 1938)[edit]

Severo Fournier, sem data

Two months after the first coup attempt, a mobilization began to try to arrest Getúlio Vargas and take over the government. The action was facilitated because it had some infiltrators, such as "the Guard of the Guanabara Palace, commanded by integralist lieutenant Júlio do Nascimento; the head of the Guard in the Civil Police, in charge of lieutenant Soter, and also several service officers in the Navy and in the Army".[12]

Even so, the result was unfavorable for the integralists. At the palace, out of the 150 who had volunteered to participate in the insurrection, only 30 were present in the confrontation with the guard at the government headquarters and some relatives of Vargas. In addition, the insurgents only had two trucks to transport the troops. The rebels were not able to imprison officers such as Eurico Gaspar Dutra, who escaped by leaving his residence and ended up leading troops that came from the Leme Fort and expelled the integralists from the presidential palace, Góis Monteiro, Francisco Campos, Cristóvão Barcelos, among others.[12]

As a result, around 1,500 Integralists were arrested and Plínio Salgado, leader of the Brazilian Integralist Action, went into exile in Portugal, from where he tried to reorganize the Integralist movement.[12]

References[edit]

More important stuff:

http://www.eb.mil.br/exercito-brasileiro?p_p_id=101&p_p_lifecycle=0&p_p_state=maximized&p_p_mode=view&_101_struts_action=/asset_publisher/view_content&_101_assetEntryId=1556563&_101_type=content&_101_urlTitle=o-levante-integralista-de-1938&_101_redirect=http://www.eb.mil.br/exercito-brasileiro?p_p_id=3&p_p_lifecycle=0&p_p_state=maximized&p_p_mode=view&_3_keywords=campo+grande&_3_advancedSearch=false&_3_groupId=0&_3_delta=20&_3_assetTagNames=republica1&_3_resetCur=false&_3_andOperator=true&_3_struts_action=%252Fsearch%252Fsearch&inheritRedirect=true

http://www.fgv.br/cpdoc/acervo/dicionarios/verbete-tematico/revolta-integralista (see Menandro)

  1. ^ Levine 1970, p. 159.
  2. ^ a b Dulles 2012, p. 166.
  3. ^ Skidmore 2007, p. 29.
  4. ^ Young 1967, p. 89.
  5. ^ a b Dulles 2012, p. 178.
  6. ^ Young 1967, pp. 89–90.
  7. ^ a b Skidmore 2007, p. 31.
  8. ^ a b c d Levine 1970, p. 161.
  9. ^ Young 1967, p. 91.
  10. ^ a b Dulles 2012, pp. 178–179.
  11. ^ Levine 1970, p. 160.
  12. ^ a b c d e Menandro.
  13. ^ Dulles 2012, pp. 181–182.
  14. ^ Levine 1970, pp. 162–163.
  15. ^ a b Dulles 2012, p. 182.

Bibliography[edit]

    • Dulles, John W.F. (2012). Vargas of Brazil: A Political Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-74078-5.
    • Fausto, Boris; Fausto, Sergio (2014). A Concise History of Brazil (2nd, revised ed.). New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-63524-1.
    • Levine, Robert M. (1970). The Vargas Regime: The Critical Years, 1934–1938. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-03370-1.
    • Marques, Anthéro José (1942). Livro Histórico do Corpo de Fuzileiros Navais (in Portuguese). Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Marinha.
    • Menandro, Heloísa. "Revolta Integralista". FGV CPDOC. Retrieved 20 March 2022.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
    • Skidmore, Thomas E. (2007). Politics in Brazil, 1930–1964. New York City, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-533269-8.
    • Young, Jordan M. (1967). The Brazilian Revolution of 1930 and the Aftermath. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. OCLC 651337306.


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