User:OberMegaTrans/ss2022/Weimar Republic Draft
Original German Section: Weimarer Republik#Fehler von politischen Verantwortlichen
Current English Section: Weimar Republic#Role of individuals
Preliminary English Section: Weimar Republic Role of Individuals
Questions
[edit]- I could add an explanation for the term Präsidialkabinette (e.g. from the corresponding English wiki article) or just link it?
- Does the wording "he saw himself in a function where he had to preserve the constitution, and refused to hand instruments of power to blatant violations of the latter" work well in English even though violations are not living creatures that can be handed or given anything? Would a simple "give power" be better?
German:
Außer den gesellschaftsgeschichtlichen, strukturpolitischen und wirtschaftsbezogenen Gründen für das Scheitern der Weimarer Republik werden auch Einfluss und Handeln von Personen in herausgehobener Stellung und Verantwortung von der Geschichtswissenschaft hinsichtlich ihres Wirkungsbeitrags im demokratischen Niedergangsprozess geprüft, speziell in der Ära der Präsidialkabinette.
Reichspräsident Paul von Hindenburg musste aufgrund seiner militärischen Karriere und monarchischen Prägung im Kaiserreich, wegen seiner Hauptrolle bei der Verbreitung der Dolchstoßlegende und wegen seiner Zugehörigkeit zum konservativen ostpreußischen Großgrundbesitzermilieu den Anhängern der Republik bereits seit seiner Wahl 1925 als Reaktionär verdächtig sein. Er verkörperte an der Spitze des Staates die eingetretene Rechtsverschiebung der politischen Machtgewichte, forderte und förderte autoritäres Regierungshandeln. Dabei sah er sich jedoch auch in verfassungswahrender Funktion und verweigerte eklatantem Verfassungsbruch seine Machtmittel. Die Ernennung Hitlers zum Reichskanzler lehnte er mit deutlichem Hinweis auf dessen diktatorische Ambitionen und den hochfahrenden Machtanspruch seiner gewalttätigen Anhängerschaft lange entschieden ab. Dass er im Januar 1933 nachgab, lag weniger an ihm selbst als an den Ratgebern in seinem Umfeld, die das dynamische Potential Hitlers und seiner Gefolgsleute unterschätzten.
Umstritten sind Politik und Rolle Heinrich Brünings, der als erster Kanzler in der Reihe der Präsidialkabinette von Hindenburg ernannt wurde. Dazu gehört auch sein Agieren beim Auseinanderbrechen der Großen Koalition im März 1930.
Translation:
Beside the reasons for the failure of the Weimar Republic relating to social history, structural policy and economy, influence and actions of persons in prominent positions and of responsibility are likewise examined by historical scholarship with regard to their effective contribution to the process of democratic decline, in particular in the era of the presidential cabinets (Präsidialkabinette).
Due to his military career and monarchic stance formed in the era of the German Empire, his major role in the propagation of the stab-in-the-back myth (Dolchstoßlegende), and his affiliation with the conservative East-Prussian milieu of large landowners, proponents of the Republic must have been suspecting President (Reichspräsident) Paul von Hindenburg of reactionism ever since his election back in 1925. As the head of state he epitomised the political power shift to the right, demanded and promoted authoritarian governance. At the same time, he saw himself in a function where he had to preserve the constitution, and refused to hand instruments of power to blatant violations of the latter. For a long time, he staunchly opposed Hitler’s appointment as chancellor (Reichskanzler) with a clear reference to the latter’s dictatorial ambitions and imperious claim to power of his violent followers. His yielding in January 1933 was less due to his own person than the counsellors in his entourage who underestimated the dynamic potential of Hitler and his acolytes.
Meanwhile the policies and role of Heinrich Brüning, whom Hindenburg appointed as the first chancellor in the succession of presidential cabinets, are controversial. This includes his actions when the Great Coalition fell apart in March 1930.
Comments/Corrections:
- "presidential cabinets (Präsidialkabinette)" suffices. "German:" is only used with the title of the article
- the term presidential cabinets needs not to be explained in this article, that's what the link is for
- mentioned terms and concepts with their own wiki page are only linked the first time they appear in a given article: (only presidential cabinets, East-Prussian and Great Coalition need to be linked)
- "German Empire" doesn't need to be translated
- propose "authoritarian governance" as the translation for "autoritäres Regierungshandeln"
- "Great Coalition" links to the wrong wiki page
- fixes minor orthographic error
- added spacing
- great translation :]]
German:
Hindenburgs Staatssekretär Otto Meißner und der deutschnationale Abgeordnete Kuno Graf Westarp fassten im Januar 1930 eine neue Regierung ins Auge, die sowohl „antimarxistisch“ als auch „antiparlamentarisch“ sein und eine „Wandlung in Preußen“, das heißt eine Ablösung der sozialdemokratisch geführten Landesregierung von Otto Braun mit sich bringen sollte.[184] Die Frage, ob die Große Koalition an einer inneren „Krise des Parteienstaats“ oder an den Absichten Hindenburgs und der Reichswehrführungen scheiterte, war in den 1950er Jahren Gegenstand einer Kontroverse zwischen Werner Conze und Karl Dietrich Bracher. Die Frage wird bis heute kontrovers diskutiert.[185] Einigkeit besteht dagegen darüber, dass das Ende der Regierung Müller am 27. März 1930 eine wichtige Zäsur darstellte: Der Historiker Arthur Rosenberg ließ seine 1935 erschienene Gesamtdarstellung der Weimarer Republik damit enden – was danach kam, war für ihn nur noch Epilog.[186] Heinrich August Winkler urteilt, dass mit dem Regierungsantritt Brünings „die Zeit relativer Stabilität zu Ende ging und die Auflösungsphase der ersten deutschen Demokratie begann.“[187] Hinsichtlich der Kanzlerschaft Franz von Papens mit verstärkt autoritären Zügen werden zwei gegensätzliche Optionen des Republikschutzes erwogen. Einerseits wird die im Wesentlichen resignative Hinnahme des Preußenschlags durch die SPD-Verantwortlichen mit Otto Braun und Carl Severing an der Spitze sowie durch die Gewerkschaften problematisiert. Dabei kommt jedoch auch die jüngere Forschung nicht zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Ausrufung des Generalstreiks oder der Appell zum bewaffneten Widerstand etwa an die preußische Polizei und an die Eiserne Front wahrscheinlich Erfolg gehabt hätte.
Translation:
Otto Meißner, Hindenburg's secretary of state, as well as a member of the German national party, Kuno Graf Westarp, envisioned a government that would be both anti-Marxist and anti-parliament, as well as a shift in Prussian regime, which meant the replacement of the social democratic party led by Otto Braun, which dominated the state's government at the time. Could the failure of the great coalition be blamed on an inner crisis of the "Party State" or on Hindenburg's intentions and those of the Reichswehr commanders? This question was the subject of a controversy between Werner Bonze and Karl Dietrich Bracher. To this day the question is controversially disputed. What is clear however, is the fact that the end of Müller's regime on March 27th, 1930, marked an important caesura. Thus, the historicist Arthur Rosenberg concluded his summary of the Weimar Republic, which was published in 1935. What followed seemed to be part of an epilog for him. Along with Brünings accession to government came "the end of relatively stable times, leading to the the phase of dissolution of Germany's first democracy", as Heinrich August Winkler assessed. Regarding Franz von Papen's chancellorship tainted by increased authoritarian features, two polar opposite types of republic protection were considered. The essentially resignative acceptance of the "Preußenschlag" by the SPD-responsibles with Otto Braun and Carl Severing at the top was problematized by the unions. Regarding this matter even recent research has not reached the conclusion that the proclamation of the general strike or the appeal to an armed resistance concerning the Prussian police and the iron front would not have been successful.
Comments/Corrections:
- "deutschnationale"=German national party?
- "ins Auge fassen": envisage
- "Parteienstaat"? (no other translation found)
- Reichswehrführungen: I think Reichswehr commanders should be fine as long as the term Reichswehr is linked the first time it appears in the article
- "Gegenstand" einer Kontroverse: subject to controversy
- Zäsur = caesura
- Gesamtdarstellung = Zusammenfassung? In this context I would call it "his history of the Weimar Republic"
- Regierungsantritt: taking office
- Republikschutz
- resignative Hinnahme: resigned acquiescence
- im deutschen steht einerseits aber nicht das weiterführende dazugehörende andererseits im Text...: Das wird aber im folgenden Satz durch die Formulierung "Dabei kommt jedoch auch (...) nicht..." zum Ausdruck gebracht.
- "which meant the replacement of the social democratic party led by Otto Braun, which dominated the state's government at the time" makes it sound as though the SPD as a party was to be replaced by some other party, when really the aim was to take over from them as the governing party. Suggestion: which meant taking over from the governing party at the time, the social democrats led by Otto Brown.
- I think "What is clear however, is the fact that..." doesn't mean quite the same as "Einigkeit besteht darüber". Suggestion: There is, however, a consensus that...
- "Thus, the historicist Arthur Rosenberg concluded his summary of the Weimar Republic, which was published in 1935. What followed seemed to be part of an epilog for him." Alternate suggestion: This is where the historian Arthur Rosenberg concluded his 1935 history of the Weimar Republic, treating what followed merely as a sort of epilog.
- "would not have been successful." The double negation changes the meaning of the last sentence. Suggestion: would have had a great chance of success.
German:
Dagegen standen nicht nur die Verbände der NSDAP, sondern auch ein zu erwartender Reichswehreinsatz von durchschlagender Wirkung. Andererseits werden die Chancen eines noch einseitiger autoritär gegründeten Regimes erwogen, wie es Papen mit der Verhängung des Staatsnotstands und der Aussetzung von Neuwahlen auf unbestimmte Zeit anstrebte. Da Hindenburg einen solchen Verfassungsbruch in den entscheidenden Momenten aber ablehnte, konnte die Republik auf diesem Wege allenfalls hypothetisch gerettet werden.
Auch Kurt von Schleicher als letzter Reichskanzler vor Hitler bereitete, nachdem seine anderen Pläne gescheitert waren, für den eigenen Verbleib im Amt die Ausrufung des Staatsnotstands vor – und scheiterte damit ebenfalls bei Hindenburg. Die Reichswehrführung war allerdings bereits gründlich vorbereitet auf die für diesen Fall anstehenden Aufgaben.
Unter den Voraussetzungen einer Präsidialregierung, die vielleicht die Wirtschafts- und Staatskrise hätte überstehen können, nennt Longerich soziale Zugeständnisse und eine aktive Krisenbekämpfungspolitik, wie sie mit Schleichers „Querfront“-Konzept am deutlichsten verbunden war. Doch kam dieser Ansatz Schleichers, der sich bei Hindenburg seinerzeit sowohl für Brünings wie für Papens Berufung eingesetzt hatte, zu spät, um die Vertrauensverluste auszugleichen und die verlorenen Hoffnungen mit Hilfe eines erst noch umzusetzenden Programms nachhaltig wiederzubeleben. „Sicherlich“, heißt es bei Mommsen, „hätte dies im August 1932 größere Chancen gehabt als nach der Diskreditierung des Präsidialsystems durch die dilettantischen Alleingänge von Papens.“
Translation:
Against this stood not only the forces of the NSDAP, but also an expected decisive deployment of the Reichswehr. On the other hand, the chances of establishing an even more one-sided authoritarian regime were considered, as Papen sought to do by declaring a state of emergency and suspending new elections indefinitely. But since Hindenburg rejected such a breach of the constitution at crucial moments, the Republic could be, at best, hypothetically saved by this means.
Kurt von Schleicher, the last chancellor of Germany before Hitler, also prepared the declaration of a state of emergency for his own continuation in office after his other plans had failed. He thus would have been contained by Hindenburg as well. However, the Reichswehr leadership was already thoroughly prepared for the tasks ahead in this case.
Among the conditions of a presidential government that might have survived the economic and national crisis, the historian Peter Longerich cites social concessions and an active crisis-fighting policy, most clearly associated with Schleicher's Querfront ("cross-front") concept. Yet this approach by Schleicher, who had lobbied Hindenburg at the time for both Brüning's and Papen's appointments, came too late to make up for the loss of confidence and to sustainably revive lost hopes with the help of a program that had yet to be implemented. "Certainly," Mommsen states, "this would have had greater chances in August 1932 than after the discrediting of the presidential system by Papen's amateurish solo efforts."
Comments/Corrections: Not only the forces of the NSDAP, but also an expected decisive deployment of the Reichswehr opposed to this. Then again, the chances of establishing an even more one-sided authoritarian regime, as Papen sought to do by declaring a state of emergency and suspending new elections indefinitely, were considered. But since Hindenburg rejected such a breach of the constitution at crucial moments, the Republic could be, at best, hypothetically saved by this means. Kurt von Schleicher, the last chancellor of Germany prior to Hitler, also prepared the declaration of a state of emergency for his own continuation in office after his other plans had failed. He thus would have been contained by Hindenburg as well. However, in this case, the Reichswehr leadership was already thoroughly prepared for the tasks ahead. Under the conditions of a presidential government that might have survived the economic and national crisis, the historian Peter Longerich cites social concessions and an active crisis-fighting policy, most clearly associated with Schleicher's "cross-front" concept. Unfortunately, this approach by Schleicher, who had lobbied Hindenburg at the time for both Brüning's and Papen's appointments, came too late to be able to make up for the loss of confidence and to sustainably revive lost hopes with the help of a program that had yet to be implemented. "Certainly", Mommsen states, "this would have had greater chances in August 1932 than after the discrediting of the presidential system by Papen's amateurish solo efforts."
- to oppose sth/sb, not to oppose to sth/sb; in this context, "stand against" seems the more idiomatic option
- maybe put the "were considered" before that long subordinate clause (the syntax looks very German like this)
- "the Republic could be, at best, hypothetically saved by this means". Alternate suggestion: "in this way the Republic was saved hypothetically at best"
- no comma before "as well"; comma after "however"
- among, not under the conditions
- translate sentence-initial "Doch..." not as "unfortunately" or "but"; maybe "Yet..."