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Gender and development (GAD)

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Theoretical approach

The Gender and Development (GAD) approach focuses on the socially constructed[1] differences between men and women, the need to challenge existing gender roles and relations,[2] and the creation and effects of class differences on development.[3] This approach was majorly influenced by the writings of academic scholars such as Oakley (1972) and Rubin (1975), who argue the social relationship between men and women have systematically subordinated women,[4] along with economist scholars Lourdes Benería and Amartya Sen (1981), who assess the impact of colonialism on development and gender inequality. They state that colonialism imposed more than a 'value system' upon developing nations, it introduced a system of economics 'designed to promote capital accumulation which caused class differentiation'.[3]

GAD departs from WID, which discussed women's subordination and lack of inclusion in discussions of international development without examining broader systems of gender relations.][5] Influenced by this work, by the late 1970s, some practitioners working in the development field questioned focusing on women in isolation.[6] GAD challenged the WID focus on women as an important ‘target group’[7] and ‘untapped resources’ for development.[8] GAD marked a shift in thinking about the need to understand how women and men are socially constructed and how ‘those constructions are powerfully reinforced by the social activities that both define and are defined by them.’[6] GAD focuses primarily on the gendered division of labor and gender as a relation of power embedded in institutions.[2] Consequently, two major frameworks, ‘Gender roles’ and ‘social relations analysis’, are used in this approach.[9] 'Gender roles' focuses on the social construction of identities within the household; it also reveals the expectations from ‘maleness and femaleness’[6] in their relative access to resources. 'Social relations analysis' exposes the social dimensions of hierarchical power relations embedded in social institutions, as well as its determining influence on ‘the relative position of men and women in society.’[6] This relative positioning tends to discriminate against women.][10]

Unlike WID, the GAD approach is not concerned specifically with women, but with the way in which a society assigns roles, responsibilities and expectations to both women and men. GAD applies gender analysis to uncover the ways in which men and women work together, presenting results in neutral terms of economics and efficiency.[11] In an attempt to create gender equality (denoting women having the same opportunities as men, including ability to participate in the public sphere),[12] GAD policies aim to redefine traditional gender role expectations. Women are expected to fulfill household management tasks, home-based production as well as bearing and raising children and caring for family members. In terms of children, they develop social constructions through observations at a younger age than most people think. Children tend to learn about the differences between male and female actions and objects of use in a specific culture of their environment through observation (Chung & Huang 2021). Around three years old, children learn about stability of gender and demonstrate stereotyping similar to adults regarding toys, clothes, activities, games, colors, and even specific personality descriptions. (2021). By five years of age, they begin to develop identity and to possess stereotyping of personal–social attributes (2021). At that age of their life, children think that they are more similar to their same-gender peers and are likely to compare themselves with characteristics that fit the gender stereotype [14]. After entering primary school, children’s gender stereotyping extends to more dimensions, such as career choices, sports, motives to learn subjects which has an impact on the cognition of individuals (2021). The role of a wife is largely interpreted as 'the responsibilities of motherhood.'[13] Men, however, are expected to be breadwinners, associated with paid work and market production.[2] In the labor market, women tend to earn less than men. For instance, 'a study by the Equality and Human Rights Commission found massive pay inequities in some United Kingdom's top finance companies, women received around 80 percent less performance-related pay than their male colleagues.'[14] In response to pervasive gender inequalities, Beijing Platform for Action established gender mainstreaming in 1995 as a strategy across all policy areas at all levels of governance for achieving gender equality.[15]

GAD has been largely utilized in debates regarding development but this trend is not seen in the actual practice of developmental agencies and plans for development.[16] Caroline Moser claims WID persists due to the challenging nature of GAD, but Shirin M. Rai counters this claim noting that the real issue lies in the tendency to overlap WID and GAD in policy. Therefore, it would only be possible if development agencies fully adopted GAD language exclusively.[16] Caroline Moser developed the Moser Gender Planning Framework for GAD-oriented development planning in the 1980s while working at the Development Planning Unit of the University of London. Working with Caren Levy, she expanded it into a methodology for gender policy and planning.[17] The Moser framework follows the Gender and Development approach in emphasizing the importance of gender relations. As with the WID-based Harvard Analytical Framework, it includes a collection of quantitative empirical facts. Going further, it investigates the reasons and processes that lead to conventions of access and control. The Moser Framework includes gender roles identification, gender needs assessment, disaggregating control of resources and decision making within the household, planning for balancing work and household responsibilities, distinguishing between different aims in interventions and involving women and gender-aware organizations in planning.[18]

Criticism

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GAD has been criticized for emphasizing the social differences between men and women while neglecting the bonds between them and also the potential for changes in roles. Another criticism is that GAD does not dig deeply enough into social relations and so may not explain how these relations can undermine programs directed at women. It also does not uncover the types of trade-offs that women are prepared to make for the sake of achieving their ideals of marriage or motherhood.[11] Another criticism is that the GAD perspective is theoretically distinct from WID, but in practice, programs seem to have elements of both. Whilst many development agencies are now committed to a gender approach, in practice, the primary institutional perspective remain focused on a WID approach.[19] Specifically, the language of GAD has been incorporated into WID programs.[20] There is a slippage in reality where gender mainstreaming is often based in a single normative perspective as synonymous to women.[21] Development agencies still advance gender transformation to mean economic betterment for women.[19] Further criticisms of GAD is its insufficient attention to culture, with a new framework being offered instead: Women, Culture and Development (WCD).[22] This framework, unlike GAD, wouldn't look at women as victims but would rather evaluate the Third World life of women through the context of the language and practice of gender, the Global South, and culture.[22]

Gender Roles in Childhood Development

Introduction

Gender identity formation in early childhood is an important aspect of child development, shaping how individuals see themselves and others in terms of gender (Martin & Ruble, 2010). It encompasses the understanding and internalization of societal norms, roles, and expectations associated with a specific gender. As time progresses, there becomes more outlets for these gender roles to be influenced due to the increase outlets of new media. This developmental process begins early and is influenced by various factors, including socialization, cultural norms, and individual experiences. Understanding and addressing gender roles in childhood is essential for promoting healthy identity development and fostering gender equity (Martin & Ruble, 2010).

Observations of Gender Identity Formation

Educators have made abundant observations regarding children's expression of gender identity. From a earlier age, children absorb information about gender from various sources, including family, peers, media, and societal norms (Halim, Ruble, Tamis-LeMonda, & Shrout, 2010). These influences shape their perceptions and behaviors related to gender, leading them to either conform to or challenge gender stereotypes. An example could be when children may exhibit preferences for certain toys, activities, or clothing based on societal expectations associated with their perceived gender because that is what was handed to them or what was made okay from an authority figure, establishing a baseline.

Teacher Research

Teacher research plays a crucial role in understanding gender roles in childhood development. Educators often are able to see similarities in children's behavior that reflect societal gender norms, such as boys moving towards rough play or girls engaging in nurturing activities (Solomon, 2016). These observations prompt more investigation into the factors contributing to these behaviors, including the classroom materials, teacher expectations, and social interactions by examining these factors, educators can gain insights into how gender stereotypes are perpetuated and explore strategies to promote gender equity in the classroom. Since teachers have the educational background of learning about and seeing these developments, it allows them to be great researchers in this subject category.

Influence of Materials and Teacher Expectations

The materials provided in the classroom and the requirements established by teachers can influence children's behavior and interactions (Solomon, 2016). For instance, offering a diverse range of toys, books, and activities can help encourage these children to explore interests outside of traditional gender roles that are trying to be established by external sources (Martin & Ruble, 2013). Also, creating an environment where all children feel valued regardless of gender can help challenge stereotypes and promote ideal socialization experiences. By being aware of the materials and messages conveyed in the classroom, educators can create an environment that fosters gender diversity and empowers children to express themselves authentically (Solomon 2016).

Children's Desire and Search for Power

Children actively seek/express power in interactions with others, often coming upon their understanding of gender idealistic. For example, they may use knowledge of gender norms to assert authority or control over others, such as excluding others from being able to participate in a game because of a gender stereotype like girls cannot play sports game or games that include rough play. These behaviors show children's attempts to sift through social hierarchies and establish identities within the context of expectations. By recognizing and addressing these dynamics, educators can promote more inclusive and equitable interactions among children.

Early Acquisition of Gender Roles

Children begin to internalize gender roles from a young age, often as early as infancy. By preschool age, many children have developed some form of understanding on gender stereotypes and expectations (King, 2021). These stereotypes are established through various sources, including family, friends, media outlets, and cultural ideals, shaping children's understanding and behaviors related to gender. Education systems, parental influence, and media and store influence can contribute as many of these influences associated different colors with different genders, different influential figures, as well as different toys that are supposed to cater to a specific gender.

Expressions and Behavior Reflecting Gender Development

Children's expressions provide insights into their changing understanding of gender roles and relationships. However, it is necessary to be able to demonstrate processes of emotional regulation in situations where the individual needs an adjustment of the emotional response of larger intensity (Sanchis et. al 2020). Some children can develop stern understandings about gender stereotypes, showing a bias or discrimination towards those who do not conform to these norms. Educators play a role in counteracting these beliefs by providing opportunities for reflection and promoting empathy and respect for diverse gender identities (Martin & Ruble, 2010).

Educational Strategies

In conclusion, promoting gender equity and challenging traditional gender roles in early childhood takes additional intentional educational strategies. This includes implementing multi-gendered activities, giving examples diverse role models, and offering open-ended materials for activity that encourage creativity (Martin & Ruble, 2010). By creating inclusive learning environments that affirm and celebrate gender diversity, researchers and individuals can support children in developing healthy and positive identities that transcend narrow stereotypes and promote social justice.

Neoliberal approaches

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Gender and neoliberal development institutions

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Neoliberalism consists of policies that will privatize public industry, deregulate any laws or policies that interfere with the free flow of the market and cut back on all social services. These policies were often introduced to many low-income countries through structural adjustment programs (SAPs) by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Neoliberalism was cemented as the dominant global policy framework in the 1980s and 1990s. Among development institutions, gender issues have increasingly become part of economic development agendas, as the examples of the World Bank shows. Awareness by international organizations of the need to address gender issues evolved over the past decades. The World Bank, and regional development banks, donor agencies, and government ministries have provided many examples of instrumental arguments for gender equality, for instance by emphasizing the importance of women's education as a way of increasing productivity in the household and the market. Their concerns have often focused on women's contributions to economic growth rather than the importance of women's education as a means for empowering women and enhancing their capabilities. The World Bank, for example, started focusing on gender in 1977 with the appointment of a first Women in Development Adviser. In 1984 the bank mandated that its programs consider women's issues. In 1994 the bank issued a policy paper on Gender and Development, reflecting current thinking on the subject. This policy aims to address policy and institutional constraints that maintain disparities between the genders and thus limit the effectiveness of development program. Thirty years after the appointment of a first Women in Development Adviser, a so-called Gender Action Plan was launched to underline the importance of the topic within development strategies and to introduce the new Smart Economics strategy.

Gender mainstreaming mandated by the 1995 Beijing Platform for action integrates gender in all aspects of individuals lives in regards to policy development on gender equality. The World Bank's Gender Action Plan of 2007-10 is built upon the Bank's gender mainstreaming strategy for gender equality. The Gender Action Plan's objective was advance women's economic empowerment through their participation in land, labor, financial and product markets. In 2012, the World Development Report was the first report of the series examining Gender Equality and Development. Florika Fink-Hooijer, head of the European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations introduced cash-based aid as well as gender and age sensitive aid.

An argument made on the functions behind institutional financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank are that they support capitalist ideals through their means of economic growth of countries globally and their participation in the global economy and capitalist systems. The roles of banks as institutions and the creation of new workers’ economy reflect neoliberal developing ideals is also present in the criticisms on neoliberal developing institutions. Another critique made on the market and institutions is that it contributes to the creation of policies and aid with gender-related outcomes. An argument made on the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development is that it creates a neoliberal dominance that continues the construction and reconstruction of gender norms by homogenously category women rather than the gender disparities within its policies.

Gender and outsourcing

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One of the features of development encouraged in neoliberal approaches is outsourcing. Outsourcing is when companies from the western world moves some of their business to another country. The reasons these companies make the decision to move is often because of cheap labor costs. Although outsourcing is about businesses it is directly related to gender because it has greatly affected women. The reason it is related to gender is that women are mainly the people that are being hired for these cheap labor jobs and why they are being hired.]]

One example of a popular place for factories to relocate is to China. In China the main people who work in these factories are women, these women move from their home towns to cities far away for the factory jobs. The reasons these women move is to be able to make a wage to take care of not only themselves but their families as well. Oftentimes these women are expected to get these jobs.

Another example of a country the garment industry outsources work to is Bangladesh, which has one of the lowest costs of labor compared to other third world countries (see the ILO data provided in figure 1). With low labor costs, there is also poor compliance with labor standards in the factories. The factory workers in Bangladesh can experience several types of violations of their rights. These violations include: long working hours with no choice but to work overtime, deductions to wages, as well as dangerous and unsanitary working conditions.

Although the discussions made around outsourcing do not often involve the effects on women, women daily endure constant results from it. Women in countries and areas that may not have been able to work and make their own income now have the opportunity to provide for themselves and their kids. Gender is brought to attention because unemployment is sometimes a threat to women. The reason for it being a threat is because without jobs and their own income women may fall victim to discrimination or abuse. It is very valuable to many women to be able to obtain their own source of income, outsourcing allows women in countries that may not easily obtain a job the opportunity to obtain jobs. Many times factory owners discuss how many women want the jobs they have to offer.

With the availability of jobs and the seeming benefits comes a concern for the work conditions in these outsourced jobs. Although some women have acquired a job the work conditions may not be safe or ideal. As mentioned above the jobs are in extreme demand because of how limited opportunities for employment is in certain regions. This leads to the idea of women being disposable at the workplace. As a result of this the workers in these factories do not have room to complain. They also are not able to expect safe working conditions in their work environments. Women have to move far from their hometowns and families to work at these factory jobs. The hours are long and because they are not home they typically also move into dormitories and live at their jobs.

Gender and microfinance

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Women have been identified by some development institutions as a key to successful development, for example through financial inclusion. Microcredit is giving small loans to people in poverty without collateral. This was first started by Muhammad Yunus, who formed the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh. Studies have showed that women are more likely to repay their debt than men, and the Grameen Bank focuses on aiding women. This financial opportunity allows women to start their own businesses for a steady income. Women have been the focus of microcredit for their subsequent increased status as well as the overall well-being of the home being improved when given to women rather than men.

There were numerous case studies done in Tanzania about the correlation of the role of SACCoS (savings and credit cooperative organization) and the economic development of the country. The research showed that the microfinance policies were not being carried out in the most efficient ways due to exploitation. One case study went a step further to claim that this financial service could provide a more equal society for women in Tanzania.

While there are such cases in which women were able to lift themselves out of poverty, there are also cases in which women fell into a poverty trap as they were unable to repay their loans. It is even said that microcredit is actually an "anti-developmental" approach. There is little evidence of significant development for these women within the 30 years that the microfinance has been around. In South Africa, unemployment is high due to the introduction of microfinance, more so than it was under apartheid. Microcredit intensified poverty in Johannesburg, South Africa as poor communities, mostly women, who needed to repay debt were forced to work in the informal sector.

Some arguments that microcredit is not effective insist that the structure of the economy, with large informal and agriculture sectors, do not provide a system in which borrowers can be successful. In Nigeria, where the informal economy is approximately 45–60% of economy, women working within it could not attain access to microcredit because of the high demand for loans triggered by high unemployment rates in the formal sector. This study found Nigerian woman are forced into “the hustle” and enhanced risk of the informal economy, which is unpredictable and contributes to women's inability to repay the loans.  Another example from a study conducted in Arampur, Bangladesh, found that microcredit programs within the agrarian community do not effectively help the borrower pay their loan because the terms of the loan are not compatible with farm work. If was found that MFIs force borrowers to repay before the harvesting season starts and in some cases endure the struggles of sharecropping work that is funded by the loan.

Although there is debate on how effective microcredit is in alleviating poverty in general, there is an argument that microcredit enables women to participate and fulfill their capabilities in society. For example, a study conducted in Malayasia showed that their version of microcredit, AIM, had a positive effect on Muslim women's empowerment in terms of allowing them to have more control over family planning and over decisions that were made in the home.

In contrast, out of a study conducted on 205 different MFIs, they concluded that there is still gender discrimination within microfinance institutions themselves and microcredit which impact the existing discrimination within communities as well. In Bangladesh, another outcome seen for some of the Grameen recipients was that they faced domestic abuse as a result of their husbands feeling threatened about women bringing in more income. A study in Uganda also noted that men felt threatened through increased female financial dominance, increasing women's vulnerability at home.

Through the “constructivist feminist standpoint,” women can understand that the limitations they face are not inherent and in fact, are “constructed” by traditional gender roles, which they have the ability to challenge through owning their own small business. Through this focus, a study focused on the Foundation for International Community Assistance's (FINCA) involvement and impact in Peru, where women are made aware of the “machismo” patriarchal culture in which they live through their experiences with building small enterprises. In Rajasthan, India, another study found mixed results for women participating in a microlending program. Though many women were not able to pay back their loans, many were still eager to take on debt because their microfinance participation created a platform to address other inequities within the community.

Another example is the Women's Development Business (WDB) in South Africa, a Grameen Bank microfinance replicator. According to WDB, the goal is to ensure “[…] that rural women are given the tools to free themselves from the chains of poverty […]” through allocation of financial resources directly to women including enterprise development programs. The idea is to use microfinance as a market-oriented tool to ensure access to financial services for disadvantaged and low-income people and therefore fostering economic development through financial inclusion.

Diving into another example regarding Microfinance and women from Women Entrepreneurship Promotion in Developing Countries: What explains the gender gap in entrepreneurship and how to close it?is Vossenberg (2013) describes how although there has been an increase in entrepreneurship for women, the gender gap still persists. The author states “The gender gap is commonly defined as the difference between men and women in terms of numbers engaged in entrepreneurial activity, motives to start or run a business, industry choice and business performance and growth” (Vossenberg, 2). The article dives into how in Eastern Europe there is a low rate of women entrepreneurs. Although the author discusses how in Africa nearly fifty percent of women make up entrepreneurs.

As a reaction, a current topic in the feminist literature on economic development is the ‘gendering’ of microfinance, as women have increasingly become the target borrowers for rural microcredit lending. This, in turn, creates the assumption of a “rational economic woman” which can exacerbate existing social hierarchies). Therefore, the critique is that the assumption of economic development through microfinance does not take into account all possible outcomes, especially the ones affecting women.

The impact of programs of the Bretton Woods Institutions and other similar organizations on gender are being monitored by Gender Action, a watchdog group founded in 2002 by Elaine Zuckerman who is a former World Bank economist.

Gender, financial crises, and neoliberal economic policy

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The global financial crisis and the following politics of austerity have opened up a wide range of gender and feminist debates on neoliberalism and the impact of the crisis on women. One view is that the crisis has affected women disproportionately and that there is a need for alternative economic structures in which investment in social reproduction needs to be given more weight. The International Labour Organization (ILO) assessed the impact of the global financial crisis on workers and concluded that while the crisis initially affected industries that were dominated by male workers (such as finance, construction and manufacturing) it then spread over to sectors in which female workers are predominantly active. Examples for these sectors are the service sector or wholesale-retail trade.

There are different views among feminists on whether neoliberal economic policies have more positive or negative impacts on women. In the post-war era, feminist scholars such as Elizabeth Wilson criticized state capitalism and the welfare state as a tool to oppress women. Therefore, neoliberal economic policies featuring privatization and deregulation, hence a reduction of the influence of the state and more individual freedom was argued to improve conditions for women. This anti-welfare state thinking arguably led to feminist support for neoliberal ideas embarking on a macroeconomic policy level deregulation and a reduced role of the state.

Therefore, some scholars in the field argue that feminism, especially during its second wave, has contributed key ideas to Neoliberalism that, according to these authors, creates new forms of inequality and exploitation.

As a reaction to the phenomenon that some forms of feminism are increasingly interwoven with capitalism, many suggestions on how to name these movements have emerged in the feminist literature. Examples are ‘free market feminism’  or even ‘faux-feminism’.

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References

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  1. ^ Bertrand, Tietcheu (2006). "Being Women and Men in Africa Today: Approaching Gender Roles in Changing African Societies". Student World.
  2. ^ a b c Reeves, Hazel (2000). Gender and Development: Concepts and Definitions. Brighton. p. 8. ISBN 1-85864-381-3.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  3. ^ a b Lourdes, Benería (2014-11-11). Gender, development, and globalization : economics as if all people mattered. Berik, Günseli,, Floro, Maria (Second ed.). New York. ISBN 9780415537483. OCLC 903247621.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  4. ^ Moser, Caroline (1993). Gender Planning and Development. Theory, Practice and Training. New York: Routledge. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-203-41194-0.
  5. ^ Razavi, Shahrashoub; Carol Miller (1 February 1995). From WID to GAD: Conceptual Shifts in the Women and Development Discourse (Report). p. 3. hdl:10419/148819.
  6. ^ a b c d Razavi, Shahrashoub; Carol Miller (1 February 1995). From WID to GAD: Conceptual Shifts in the Women and Development Discourse (Report). p. 12. hdl:10419/148819.
  7. ^ Razavi, Shahrashoub; Carol Miller (1 February 1995). From WID to GAD: Conceptual Shifts in the Women and Development Discourse (Report). p. 8. hdl:10419/148819.
  8. ^ Moser, Caroline (1993). Gender Planning and Development. Theory, Practice and Training. New York: Routledge. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-203-41194-0.
  9. ^ Razavi, Shahrashoub; Carol Miller (1 February 1995). From WID to GAD: Conceptual Shifts in the Women and Development Discourse (Report). p. 13. hdl:10419/148819.
  10. ^ Reeves, Hazel (2000). Gender and Development: Concepts and Definitions. Brighton. p. 18. ISBN 1-85864-381-3.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  11. ^ a b Shifting views...
  12. ^ Development Assistance Committee (DAC), 1998, p.7
  13. ^ Razavi, Shahrashoub; Carol Miller (1 February 1995). From WID to GAD: Conceptual Shifts in the Women and Development Discourse (Report). p. 30. hdl:10419/148819.
  14. ^ Prügl, Elizabeth (14 March 2012). "If Lehman Brothers Had Been Lehman Sisters...: Gender and Myth in the Aftermath of the Financial Crisis". International Political Sociology. 6 (1): 25. doi:10.1111/j.1749-5687.2011.00149.x.
  15. ^ "Re-Thinking Women's Empowerment and Gender Equality in 2015 and Beyond" (PDF). United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization: 2–7. 2015.
  16. ^ a b Rai, Shirin M. (2002). "Gender and Development". Gender and the Political Economy of Development. Malden: Polity. pp. 44–83. ISBN 0-7456-1490-6.
  17. ^ March, Smyth & Mukhopadhyay 1999, pp. 55.
  18. ^ Van Marle 2006, pp. 126.
  19. ^ a b Reeves, Hazel (2000). Gender and Development: Concepts and Definitions. Brighton. p. 33. ISBN 1-85864-381-3.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  20. ^ Brown, Andrea M. (2006-07-20). "WID and GAD in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Reappraising Gender Planning Approaches in Theory and Practice". Journal of Women, Politics & Policy. 28 (2): 57–83. doi:10.1300/J501v28n02_03. ISSN 1554-477X. S2CID 144490955.
  21. ^ True, J (2012). Feminist Strategies in Global Governance: Gender Mainstreaming. New York: Routledge. p. 37.
  22. ^ a b Chua, Peter; Bhavnani, Kum-Kum; Foran, John (September 2000). "Women, Culture, Development: a New Paradigm for Development Studies?". Ethnic and Racial Studies. 23 (5): 820–841. doi:10.1080/01419870050110913. S2CID 144390210.