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The Hollow State: Bibliography (5) 1) [1]

Section 2: Infrastructure The primary purpose of the hollow state is to function as a multi-organizational structure through which policy is designed and executed. By hollow state it is meant to be understood that it's a system consisting of units of government separated from their outputs but still linked by negotiation or contract. However, governance is still retained as the government must still choose what services to outsource, secure funds, determine contract terms and contractors. An example of an institution like a hollow state is the intergovernmental networks, governments working with private organizations, that exist between local governments and regional businesses. Usually this would involve a private development network supported by a public administration like the Chamber of Commerce and several private businesses. There are 2 types of networks that exist in the hollow state: horizontal and vertical. Horizontal networks consist of 3 types, policy making, resource exchange, and project based, all of which are between governments and non-governmental organizations. Vertical networks are the collaborations that occur amongst federal, state, and local governments. The purpose of this collaboration is to devise strategy for business retention, expansion, or recruitment. The reason city economics developers reach out to surrounding organizations and become multiple networks is due to the fact economic policy is designed and implemented under ambiguity and uncertainty. As complexities increase, so does the need for more nongovernmental actors to deliver local services hence more actors equates to more hollow. Substituting from a stable, linear government for complex networks may raise questions of allocation deliberations being solely prompted by cost/ efficiency not taking into account taxpayers other values.







 Annotation: This article explores the different strategic types, structures, and purposes of intergovernmental networks and how they differentiate from single organizations. The sample size used to conclude implications of such a system is suitable as the information was gathered from economic development in 237 cities. The authors hail from Indiana University and the University of North Texas, nothing spectacular, yet for their work to be on Oxfords journals lend them extra credibility. This reference allows the reader to determine if the hollow state in the local economy is better than in single institutions.

2) [2]

  Annotation: This article examines the implications for public management when shifting to more public-private arrangements and the challenges of hollowing an institution. The example used explores the move away from federal grants in municipal wastewater infrastructure to state-revolving loan funds (SRFs) and the problems that come with trying to implement policy under such context. The author at least possesses an adequate understanding of the topic since they are graduates of the University of Georgia, however, the fact that this article was published in 1996, almost 20 years ago, could make the conclusions out-of-touch with today's administrative system.

3) [3]

Privatizing Local Governments:

"Governments still must choose the services to be outsourced, secure funding, determine the contract terms, select

the contractors, and monitor the contract’s outcomes (Stein, 1990). In other words, government

services have been outsourced, but governance has not.

A new form of private local government offers services as well as governance but has eluded

the attention of researchers in public administration and policy. Homeowners associations (HOAs)

provide urban services, hold elections, “tax” residents, and regulate their behavior (McCabe,

2011). In 1989, HOAs were identified as the most extensive privatization effort in the United

States (U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations (ACIR, 1989) and since that

time HOAs have become so prolific that they now far outnumber local governments. The populations

of large communities governed by HOAs rival those of small to midsized cities, yet we know

little about these organizations or their operations

At its best, finding new ways to deliver services would encourage

innovation and wed the efficiency norms of business with the accountability norms of democratic

governments. At its worst, the hollow state substitutes the stable control of government

provision for the uncertain continuity of networks of public, private, and nonprofit providers

(Milward & Provan, 2000). Some warn that this approach may prompt allocation deliberations—

about who should receive what kinds of services and how—to be driven by questions of cost and

efficiency, with other values lost in the shuffle. Pushing decisions once debated in public squares

into private spheres could weaken the tie between public service and public accountability and

undermine the legitimacy of public agencies (Terry, 1998).

Distancing service funding

from delivery may leave the public unaware of where their services come from, what their taxes

and fees pay for, and what their governments actually do.

The HOAs are created long before construction begins. After designing a new community, the

developer files a kind of master deed restriction known as covenants, conditions and restrictions

(CC&Rs) with the local government land records agency. The CC&Rs establish the HOA and

articulate its powers and duties; restrict the land’s use; set aesthetic standards; and create rules to

govern future homeowners’ behavior. The CC&Rs’ obligations are permanent; they “run with the

land.” Buying property in the HOA community automatically makes the new owners HOA members

and signals their agreement to follow the CC&Rs and the HOA’s rules.

HOAs can preserve green space, produce property tax revenue and reduce

infrastructure costs, at least within the new HOA communities (McCabe, 2005). These potential

gains are so attractive that many local governments require that developers both provide infrastructure

within their projects and establish HOAs for its upkeep (McCabe, 2006; Siegel, 2007;

Winokur, 1998). In Lang and LeFurgy’s (2007) “boomburbs,” large fast growing suburban cities,

HOAs provide most of the urban services city residents receive.

First, private governments are

seen as a matter of concern because of the perception of common self-interest being served

between developers and local governments by the creation of such entities. If a developer

approaches a local government with a proposal that will turn present nonrevenue yielding property

into a source of revenue for many years to come, both parties see themselves as winners.

Thus, one would expect initial relations to be good as both parties benefit."

  Annotation: Declaring the hollow state a manifestation of when outsourcing public service provision to the private and nonprofit sectors, this article shows the new phenomenon of it occurring at the local level. Essentially, the hollow state is a private government and by using homeowner's associations as an example, this article seeks to reveal the nature of how private entities can interact with local governments. The article gathers its evidence from the first national homeowners survey, concluding that views on local government are largely determined by the degree that person utilizes private enclaves. One author is a professor at the Dept. of Public Admin. at the University of Icheon in Korea while the other is American, hailing from the University of Texas San Antonio, thus satisfying basic requirements for understanding the subject as well as regular practice of studying social sciences, as is the case of the former.

4) [4]

  Annotation: This article asserts the hollow corporation, a lean corporation consisting primarily of four departments: research and development, design, marketing, and financial control, to be analog the of the hollow state using Nike as aprime example due to the fact that possess no production capacity of their own. An even more extreme hollow corporation is examined, subcontracting anything and everything, essentially making the corporation the center of a system integration unit. The author is a professor of Government and Public Policy

5) [5]

  1. ^ Agranoff, Robert; McGuire, Micheal (1998). "Multinetwork Management: Collaboration and the Hollow State in Local Economy". Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory. 8 (1): 67–91. Retrieved 10/16/2015. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  2. ^ O'Toole Jr., Laurence (1996). "Hollowing the Infrastructure: Revolving Loan Programs and Network Dynamics in the American States". 6 (2): 225–242. Retrieved 10/16/2015. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  3. ^ Tao, Jill; McCabe, Barbara (November 2012). "Where a Hollow State Casts No Shadow Homeowner Associations in Local Governments". The American Review of Public Administration. 42 (6): 678–694. doi:10.1177/0275074012452337. Retrieved 10/16/2015. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  4. ^ Milward, H. Brinton; Proven, Keith (1993). "The Hollow State: Private Provision of Public Services". Public policy for democracy. 10: 222. Retrieved 10/16/2015. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  5. ^ Painter, Martin (12 March 2008). "From command economy to hollow state? Decentralisation in Vietnam and China". Australian Journal of Public Administration. 67 (1): 79–88. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8500.2007.00570.x. Retrieved 10/16/2015. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)