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LGBT asylum seekers

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Historically, homosexuality was a deviant behavior. In 1952, Congress passed the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952. This barred homosexual individuals from entering the United States due to concerns about their psychological health.[1] One of the first successful LGBT asylum pleas to be granted refugee status in the United States due to sexual orientation was a Cuban national, whose case was first presented in 1989.[2] The case was affirmed by the Board of Immigration Appeals and the barring of LGBT and queer individuals into the United States was repealed in 1990. The case, known as Matter of Acosta (1985), set the standard of what qualified as a "particular social group." This new definition of "social group" expanded to explicitly include homosexuality and the LGBT population. It considers homosexuality and gender identity a "common characteristic of the group either cannot change or should not be required to change because it is fundamental to their individual identities or consciences." [3] This allows political asylum to some LGBT individuals who face potential criminal penalties due to homosexuality and sodomy being illegal in the home country who are unable to seek protection from the state.[4][5] The definition was intended to be open-ended in order to fit with the changing understanding of sexuality. According to Fatma Marouf, the definition established in Acosta was influential internationally, appealing to "the fundamental norms of human rights."[6]

Experts disagree on the fundamentalism of sexuality in the asylum process. Stefan Volger argues that the definition of social group tends to be relatively flexible. He describes sexuality akin to religion--one might change religions but characteristics of religion are protected traits that can't be forced.[3][6] However, Susan Berger argues that while homosexuality and other sexual minorities might be protected under the law, the burden of proving that they are an LGBT member demonstrates a greater immutable view of the expected LGBT performance.[7] The importance of visibility is stressed throughout the asylum process, as sexuality is an internal characteristic. It is not visibly represented in the outside appearance.[6]

When considering how sexuality is viewed, research utilize asylum claim decisions and individual cases to understand what is considered characteristic of being a member of the LGBT community. In migration studies, there was an implicit assumption that immigrants are heterosexual and queers are citizens.[8]

One theory that took route within the queer migrations studies was Jasbir Paur's idea of homonationalism. According to Paur, following the November 11, 2001 terrorist attack, the movement against terrorists also resulted in a reinforcement of the binary "us vs. them" against some members of the LGBT community. The social landscape was termed "homonormative nationalsim" or homonationalism.[9]

Obstacles asylum seekers face

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Gender

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Female asylum seekers may encounter issues when seeking asylum in the United States due to what some see as a structural preference for male narrative forms in the requirements for acceptance.[7] Researchers, such as Amy Shuman and Carol Bohmer, argue that the asylum process produces gendered cultural silences, particular in hearings where the majority of narrative construction takes place.[10] Cultural silences refers to things that women refrain from sharing, due to shame, humiliation, and other deterrents.[10] These deterrents can make achieving asylum more difficult as it can keep relevant information from being shared with the asylum judge.[10]

Susan Berger argues that the relationship between gender and sexuality leads to arbitrary case decisions, as there are no clear guidelines for when the private problems becomes an international problem. Berger uses case specific examples of asylum applications where gender and sexuality both act as an immutable characteristic. She argues that because male persecutors of lesbian and heterosexual female applicants tend to be family members, their harm occurs in the private domain and is therefore excluded from asylum consideration. Male applicants, on the other hand, are more likely to experience targeted, public persecution that relates better to the traditional idea of a homosexual asylum seeker. Male applicants are encouraged to perform gay stereotypes to strengthen their asylum application on the basis of sexual orientation, while lesbian women face the same difficulties as their heterosexual partners to perform the homosexual narrative.[7] Joe Rollins found that gay male applicants were more likely to be granted refugee status if they included rape in their narratives, while gay Asian immigrants were less likely to be granted refugee status over all, even with the inclusion of rape.[11] This, he claimed, was due to Asian men being subconsciously feminized.[11]

These experiences are articulated during the hearing process where the responsibility to prove membership is on the applicant.[7][10][3] During the hearing process, applicants are encouraged to demonstrate persecution for gender or sexuality and place the source as their own culture. Shuman and Bohmer argue that in sexual minorities, it is not enough to demonstrate only violence, asylum applicants have to align themselves against a restrictive culture. The narratives are forced to fit into categories shaped by western culture or be found to be fraudulent.[10]

Mexican Transgender Asylum Seeker

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LGBT individuals have a higher risk for mental health problems when compared to cis-gendered counterparts and many transgendered individuals face socioeconomic difficulties in addition to being an asylum seeker. In a study conducted by Mary Gowin, E. Laurette Taylor, Jamie Dunnington, Ghadah Alshuwaiyer, and Marshall K. Cheney of Mexican Transgender Asylum Seekers, they found 5 major stressors among the participants including assault (verbal, physical and sexual), "unstable environments, fear for safety and security, hiding undocumented status, and economic insecurity."[12] They also found that all of the asylum seekers who participated reported at least one health issue that could be attributed to the stressors. They accessed little or no use of health or social services, attributed to barriers to access, such as fear of the government, language barriers and transportation.[12] They are also more likely to report lower levels of education due to few opportunities after entering the United States. Many of the asylum seeker participants entered the United States as undocumented immigrants. Obstacles to legal services included fear and knowledge that there were legal resources to gaining asylum.[12]

Human Rights Activism

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Human Rights and LGBT advocates have worked to create many improvements to the LGBT Asylum Seekers coming into the United States.[13] A 2015 report issued by the LGBT Freedom and Asylum network identifies best practices for supporting LGBT asylum seekers in the US.[14] The US State Department has also issued a factsheet on protecting LGBT refugees.[15]

  1. ^ Shannon, Minter, (1993). "Sodomy and Public Morality Offenses under U.S. Immigration Law: Penalizing Lesbian and Gay Identity". Cornell International Law Journal. 26 (3). ISSN 0010-8812.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  2. ^ "Social visibility, asylum law, and LGBT asylum seekers". Twin Cities Daily Planet. October 7, 2013.
  3. ^ a b c Vogler, Stefan (2016). "Legally Queer: The Construction of Sexuality in LGBQ Asylum Claims". Law & Society Review. 50 (4): 856–889.
  4. ^ Kerr, Jacob (June 19, 2015). "LGBT Asylum Seekers Not Getting Enough Relief In U.S., Report Finds". Huffington Post.
  5. ^ Taracena, Maria Inés (May 27, 2014). "LGBT Global Persecution Leads to Asylum Seekers in Southern AZ". Arizona Public Media, NPR.
  6. ^ a b c Marouf, Fatma (2008). "The Emerging Importance of "Social Visibility" in Defining a "Particular Social Group" andIts Potential Impact on Asylum Claims Related to Sexual Orientation and Gender". Yale Law & Policy Review. 27 (1): 47–106.
  7. ^ a b c d Berger, Susan A. (2009-03-01). "Production and Reproduction of Gender and Sexuality in Legal Discourses of Asylum in the United States". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 34 (3): 659–685. doi:10.1086/593380. ISSN 0097-9740. {{cite journal}}: no-break space character in |first= at position 6 (help)
  8. ^ Lewis, Rachel A; Naples, Nancy A (2014-10-31). "Introduction: Queer migration, asylum, and displacement". Sexualities. 17 (8): 911–918. doi:10.1177/1363460714552251.
  9. ^ Puar, Jasbir K. (2007-10-05). Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times. Duke University Press. doi:10.1215/9780822390442. ISBN 9780822390442.
  10. ^ a b c d e Shuman, Amy; Bohmer, Carol (2014-10-31). "Gender and cultural silences in the political asylum process". Sexualities. 17 (8): 939–957. doi:10.1177/1363460714552262.
  11. ^ a b Rollins, Joe (2009). "Embargoed Sexuality: Rape and the Gender of Citizenship in American Immigration Law". Politics & Gender. 5 (4): 519–544.
  12. ^ a b c Gowin, Mary; Taylor, E. Laurette; Dunnington, Jamie; Alshuwaiyer, Ghadah; Cheney, Marshall K. (2017-02-10). "Needs of a Silent Minority: Mexican Transgender Asylum Seekers". Health Promotion Practice. 18 (3): 332–340. doi:10.1177/1524839917692750.
  13. ^ Mertus, Julie (2007). "The Rejection of Human Rights Framings: The Case of LGBT Advocacy in the US". HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY. 29: 1036–1064. {{cite journal}}: line feed character in |title= at position 30 (help)
  14. ^ "Best Practice Guide: Supporting LGBT Asylum Seekers in the United States" (PDF). LGBT Freedom and Asylum Network.
  15. ^ US Department of State LGBT Human Rights Fact Sheet, US Department of State, accessed May 14, 2016