Rodrigo Constantino: Difference between revisions
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'''Rodrigo Constantino dos Santos''' (born 4 July 1976) is a [[conservative]] [[Brazilian people|Brazilian]] [[economist]], known for being a [[controversial]] [[columnist]] for Brazilian magazine [[Veja (magazine)|Veja]] from to 2013 to 2015.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://veja.abril.com.br/blog/rodrigo-constantino/sem-categoria/despedida/|title=Despedida - Rodrigo Constantino - Veja|language=Portuguese|date=2015-10-06}}</ref> |
'''Rodrigo Constantino dos Santos''' (born 4 July 1976) is a [[conservative]]<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Rodrigues|first=Lidiane Soares|date=2018-11-29|title=Uma revolução conservadora dos intelectuais (Brasil/2002–2016)|url=https://periodicos.ufsc.br/index.php/politica/article/view/2175-7984.2017v17n39p277|journal=Política & Sociedade|language=pt|volume=17|issue=39|pages=277–312|doi=10.5007/2175-7984.2017v17n39p277|issn=2175-7984}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Messenberg|first=Débora|last2=Messenberg|first2=Débora|date=2017|title=A direita que saiu do armário: a cosmovisão dos formadores de opinião dos manifestantes de direita brasileiros|url=http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&pid=S0102-69922017000300621&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt|journal=Sociedade e Estado|language=pt|volume=32|issue=3|pages=621–648|doi=10.1590/s0102-69922017.3203004|issn=0102-6992|via=}}</ref> [[Brazilian people|Brazilian]] [[economist]], known for being a [[controversial]] [[columnist]] for Brazilian magazine [[Veja (magazine)|Veja]] from to 2013 to 2015.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://veja.abril.com.br/blog/rodrigo-constantino/sem-categoria/despedida/|title=Despedida - Rodrigo Constantino - Veja|language=Portuguese|date=2015-10-06}}</ref> |
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== Ideas == |
== Ideas == |
Revision as of 19:59, 13 January 2020
Rodrigo Constantino dos Santos | |
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File:Rodrigo Constantino.jpg | |
Born | 4 July 1976 Rio de Janeiro, Brazil |
Nationality | Brazilian |
Academic career | |
Field | Economics |
Institution | Graphus Capital (2005–2013) |
School or tradition | Libertarian economics, classical liberalism |
Alma mater | Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (1998) Ibmec Business School (MBA, 2000) |
Influences | Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, Ayn Rand, Mario Vargas Llosa, Thomas Sowell [citation needed] |
Awards | Libertas Award (2009)[1] |
Rodrigo Constantino dos Santos (born 4 July 1976) is a conservative[2][3] Brazilian economist, known for being a controversial columnist for Brazilian magazine Veja from to 2013 to 2015.[4]
Ideas
Racist holiday
In this 2007 article, Constantino criticizes the existence in Brazil of the Black Awareness Day, although this is not a national holiday (but that has been implemented in some states, such as Rio de Janeiro), and illustrates his thesis remembering Martin Luther King Jr. and his speech I Have a Dream, which condemns racism. For Constantino, this holiday can be considered racist. Constantino explains that "Brazil is a country with a recordist number of holidays, as our country isn't rich enough to have that luxury." He believes that, in Brazil, politicians always focus on minority groups, seeking to guarantee privileges in exchange for votes. About the people of the country, he explains that "people do not care about the amount of holidays because it is one more lazy day for a people who idolizes sloth."[5]
Constantino cites Martin Luther King as an example, to have quoted that "it's my dream that my four children would one day live in a nation where they would not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of character", and that, in Brazil, has been going the opposite: people would be taking advantage of his black condition to get privileges, wanting to be judged by the color of their skin and not by character. Gives as an example the implementation of racial quotas in Brazil universities, and the deployment of blacks holidays, saying: "This is what that are encouraging in the country: totally abandon of the concepts of individual merit, and adopt the skin color criterion, still subject to gross errors like the white people who claim to be black, and still manage to enter into Brazil's universities by racial quotas. Whether the individual is black, yellow, brown or white, it says absolutely nothing about their values and character. There are admirable blacks and perfidious blacks, as well as admirable whites and perfidious whites. But nobody is brave just for being black, because there is no moral choice about it. This would be like admiring someone for being tall or short. It makes no sense."[5]
Constantino still ends explaining that the recent adoption of this type of holiday in Brazil would be part of the traditional leftist strategy, inflating the class struggle between the inhabitants of the country. He cites: "the left loves to spread hatred between groups, preaching the struggle between employers and employees, blacks and whites, women and men, heterosexual and homosexual. Our left looks like a vulture, who lives in carrion of others, and propagate ideas which divide rather than unite. Soon, may suggest the "Gay Awareness Day", or maybe the "Day of Proletarian Consciousness". A typical leftist can not judge individuals alone, always calling for tribalist collectivism. And so left will spreading a climate of constant dispute between groups, ignoring that those acts, in fact, are always individuals. It's in this context that we have the "Black Awareness Day", a totally racist holiday.[5]
Privatization of Petrobras
In a text published at the newspaper "O Globo" in 2012, Constantino defends the privatization of Petrobras, considered by him as an ineffective company, and argues that "the political use of Petrobras has cost increasingly more to their investors, whose interests are ignored by the government. The Brazil's government has lagged fuel prices to curb inflation, negatively affecting the company's profit. Furthermore, it demands large share of domestic suppliers in billionaires investments of the state company, something that rises the costs, and delays the schedule. By being strategic, the sector should be removed from the politicized, inefficient and corrupt government management. Petrobras, which had U$26.7 billion of net debt in 2007, ended the first half of 2012 owing more than U$130 billion. The profitability of Petrobras is one of the lowest in the industry. Its return on equity does not reach 10%, half of the average of their international peers. Investors accuse the punch in the stomach, and Petrobras shares have one of the worst performers in the world. Since 2009, its shares fell 5%, while the Bovespa index rose more than 40%, and Vale do Rio Doce, more than 50%. It is the government destroying the value of saving thousands of people, including everyone who used the FGTS as a tool to focus on business. Why is there no mobilization for Petrosaur privatization? Part of the answer is the ideological factor. Another part concerns the huge amount of grupos interest that suck the teats of the state. Its 80,000 employees cost the company more than U$ 18 billion in 2011, or nearly U$ 20,000 per month per employee. How deny the use of the state company as a employment hanger for the "king's friends"? Inefficient or corrupt domestic suppliers also thanks it, because they don't need to compete openly in the free market. The path to the state company is often another, as shown by the case of Silvinho "Land Rover", the former secretary of the PT who won an imported car from a Petrobras supplier."[6]
Constantino also mentions the oil curse: countries that have oil production much above its consumption, and its economy is based on exporting oil, usually have their wealth extremely poorly distributed (usually concentrated in the hands of a small elite, which becomes totalitarian), and do not develop other economic potentials due to the ease that too much oil extraction provides, as is the case with almost all countries of OPEC.[7][8][9] He cites: "countries like Venezuela, Mexico, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Nigeria and Russia have state companies controlling oil exploration. No one would dare say that it did well for their respective peoples, victims of authoritarian regimes."[6] Brazilian government owns 64% of Petrobras.[10]
The "caviar left"
In a text published at the newspaper "O Globo" in 2012, Constantino speaks of the mayor election of Rio de Janeiro city, dispute mainly between Eduardo Paes (PMDB party, elected) and Marcelo Freixo (PSOL, an far-left party), whose personal representation is allegedly claim by Constantino, appears in the film Tropa de Elite as the character "Diogo Fraga", a typical Brazilian leftlist, History professor and self-proclaimed human rights activist, who becomes State Deputy by exploiting the leftist rhetoric in speeches. Constantino cites the figure of "brazilian caviar-left". He explains: "Rio de Janeiro is a victim of a real plague: the "caviar-left", formed by the financial and cultural elite of the country. Their members pose as altruistic, while praising bloody dictators like Fidel Castro. From the comfort of their apartments in Paris, because no one is made by iron." Constantine explains that "our artists and leftist intellectuals have schizophrenia, because admire socialism but also love three things that only capitalism can give to you: Good caches in hard currency, no censorship, and bourgeois consumerism. Hypocrisy is useful: approaching the power, these intellectuals get privileges. Petrobras, for example, has allocated R$ 652 million for "cultural sponsorships" between 2008 and 2011."[11]
Constantine goes on to explain the reasons for the formation of caviar left: "One of the factors is connected with the guilt sentiment of that elite. And face it: nothing like an gulty elite trying to atone for his sins. How easily they adheres to the most hyped and demagogic speeches. Reaches pitiful. Culturally, in a country that condemns profit, and sees the economy as a zero-sum game, where Joseph, to get rich, need to take from John, the success ends up being a "personal offense", as Tom Jobim said. This view is great for producing an guilty elite, desperate to preach to the four winds the wonders of socialism. So we see filmmakers, heirs of bank owners, making movies that extol communist guerrillas. So we see children of great writers licking the boots of tyrants in Latin America. Image is everything. And these poor souls believe that by praising the ideology that wants to destroy them, will gain reputation as selfless and hipsters. How easy is it to say that capitalism sucks when you're a millionaire!"[11]
In 2013, he again uses the term, commenting on the massacre carried out against a police officer, by a group of thugs who called themselves defenders of justice, in a national context of many manifestations of vandalism carried out by anarchists and left-wing extremists. He quotes: "President Dilma Rousseff condemned the act, which he called "undemocratic barbarity" and quoted directly black blocs. Sympathized also with the victim, Col. AM Simões Rossei Reynaldo. The Human Rights Minister, Maria do Rosario, followed the president and also stated that these attacks represent undemocratic barbarities. It's the least that is expected of our leaders, usually remaining silent when the victims are police officers, not the "protesters". We know that the history posture of the PT in particular, and the Left in general, has been to ease into the side of violent groups or even criminals who speak in the name of "social justice." It is the case of MST, among others. PT helped create this monster, which today seems somewhat out of control. There are clear signs that leftist parties are behind some of these movements that have brought chaos to our streets. Come with the support of artists and intellectuals of the caviar-left. Some even dress up in black bloc, others recorded video condemning the police on the streets... and defending the "political prisoners". Police, for this class, is "fascist", while the real fascists are masked and armed "young idealists " who need to "dream". The useful idiots are not my biggest concern. Always existed in a reasonable amount and below the equator. What really takes my sleep is the silent moderate majority. We can never forget the warning given by Burke: "All that is necessary for the triumph of evil, is that good men do nothing."[12]
References
- ^ Instituto Liberal, ed. (2009-04-08). "Rodrigo Constantino ganha Prêmio Libertas" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2013-10-19.
- ^ Rodrigues, Lidiane Soares (2018-11-29). "Uma revolução conservadora dos intelectuais (Brasil/2002–2016)". Política & Sociedade (in Portuguese). 17 (39): 277–312. doi:10.5007/2175-7984.2017v17n39p277. ISSN 2175-7984.
- ^ Messenberg, Débora; Messenberg, Débora (2017). "A direita que saiu do armário: a cosmovisão dos formadores de opinião dos manifestantes de direita brasileiros". Sociedade e Estado (in Portuguese). 32 (3): 621–648. doi:10.1590/s0102-69922017.3203004. ISSN 0102-6992.
- ^ "Despedida - Rodrigo Constantino - Veja" (in Portuguese). 2015-10-06.
- ^ a b c Rodrigo Constantino (2007-11-20). "Feriado Racista" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2013-10-19.
- ^ a b Rodrigo Constantino (2012-08-07). O Globo (ed.). "Privatizem a Petrobras!" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2013-10-19.
- ^ The Oil Curse
- ^ Venezuela try to reduce their petroleum dependence
- ^ Oil exports creates dependent and vulnerable nations
- ^ Denise Luna (2010-09-28). O Estado de S. Paulo (ed.). "Governo eleva de 57,5% para 64% fatia de controle na Petrobras" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2013-10-19.
- ^ a b Rodrigo Constantino (2012-04-09). O Globo (ed.). "The caviar left" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2013-10-27.
- ^ Rodrigo Constantino (2013-10-26). "Undemocratic barbarisms. Or: the silence and cowardice of moderate people". Veja (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2013-10-27.
External links
- Personal blog (in Portuguese)
- Rodrigo Constantino (15 December 2014). Privatize Já. Leya. ISBN 978-85-8044-708-8.