3-19 shooting incident

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The 3-19 shooting incident (Chinese: 三一九槍擊事件) was an assassination attempt on President Chen Shui-bian and Vice President Annette Lu while they were campaigning in Tainan, Taiwan on March 19, 2004, the day before Taiwan's presidential election. Their injuries were not life-threatening, and both Chen and Lu were released from Chi-Mei Hospital on the same day without losing consciousness or undergoing surgery.

The attack provoked shock and unease in Taiwan, where political violence of this kind was commonplace against non-KMT members 40 years earlier.[citation needed] Reaction to the incident divided along partisan lines, with some pan-Blue supporters believing the incident was faked in order to win the sympathy of voters in the upcoming election,[citation needed] which Chen and Lu won by 29,500 votes. In August 2005, the case was officially closed with all evidence pointing to a single deceased suspect, Chen Yi-hsiung, but Chen's opponents as well as Annette Lu have insisted on the continuation of the investigation.[1]

Sequence of events[edit]

President Chen and Vice President Lu were standing in the back seat of an open convertible Jeep moving slowly through a crowded street when around 1:45 PM, a bullet penetrated the windshield of the vehicle, grazed Chen's stomach, and was stopped in his clothes. Chen received a flesh wound 11 centimetres (4.3 in) long and 2 centimetres (0.79 in) wide.[citation needed] The other bullet penetrated the windshield and hit a cast on Lu's knee which she was wearing due to an earlier injury and was later found in the vehicle.[2] At first both believed that they had been hit by firecrackers,[citation needed] which are common in Taiwanese political parades and rallies. Chen realized that it was something more serious when he noticed that he was bleeding from the abdomen and that there was a bullet hole in the window.[2] Chen reported pain in his abdomen and Lu reported pain in her knee and they were taken to the Chi-Mei Hospital. At 3:30 pm, the spokesperson for the president, Chiou I-Jen, announced that the "National Security Mechanism" had been activated. By 5:30 pm, both the Pan-Blue and Pan-Green coalitions announced that they would cease all scheduled campaigning activities.[citation needed]

At 5:45 pm, the hospital announced that the president had suffered an 11 centimetres (4.3 in) long and 2 centimetres (0.79 in) wide gash across his abdomen. Around 6:00 PM, two shells were found on the campaign route where the shooting took place.[citation needed]

The president returned to his official residence by 9:00 PM and, in a video released to the public, the urged the Taiwanese people to remain calm and indicated that neither his health nor the security of Taiwan was threatened.[citation needed]

The next day's election was not postponed, as Taiwanese law only allows for suspension of an election on the death of a candidate.[citation needed] Chen's opponent, Lien Chan, and Lien's campaign manager Wang Jin-ping tried to visit Chen on the night of the incident, but were unable to see the president because he was resting.[citation needed] Chen appeared in public the next day when he turned out to cast his vote.

Investigation beginning[edit]

Within hours, police announced that the crime was not political, and that the People's Republic of China was not involved.[citation needed] Some Pan-Blue supporters theorized that the incident was staged in order for Chen to gain sympathy votes.[citation needed] while some Pan-Green supporters theorized that the assassination was a part of China and those pro-China politicians' plot to claim Chen's life and crush Taiwan's democracy.[citation needed]

These speculations were considered highly offensive by both camps[citation needed] and were not condoned by the leaderships of the two sides until after Chen had already won the election.[citation needed]

Two bullet casings were found by a civilian under a police car after it was driven away.[citation needed] The casings found suggested that only two shots were fired at the motorcade. Their assembly also suggested that they were fired from home-made guns. It is unclear as to whether they were fired from the same gun, or from different guns.[citation needed]

The police did not find or identify any suspect involved in the shooting. There were several people the police wanted to question based on erratic behavior, such as leaving the scene in a hurry as recorded by surveillance camera. A few people showed up after they recognized themselves on the broadcast footage, but these proved to be inconclusive.[citation needed]

The bullet trajectory proposed by the police suggested that a bullet struck the windshield, entered Lu's knee, and then fell out. Another bullet fired from the Jeep's side struck Chen's stomach and traveled through his jacket and lodged in the rear of the jacket until recovered by the hospital staff.[citation needed]

Investigation conclusion[edit]

On March 29, 2004 three American forensic scientists arrived in Taiwan to help with the investigation. They were Dr. Cyril Wecht, a forensic expert, Michael Haag, an expert on bullet trajectory, and Timothy Palmbach, an expert on crime scene integrity. Wecht personally examined Chen's belly and concluded it was consistent with a gunshot wound.[citation needed]

They were followed by Henry C. Lee on April 9, 2004. After examining the Jeep, he deduced that the shots were fired from the outside because there were shards of glass on the Jeep's floor. But due to the incompleteness of evidence preservation, and the lack of an accurate record on the Jeep's speed at the day of procession, he pointed out that it might be impossible to determine from which direction the bullets entered the Jeep.[citation needed]

Interior Minister Yu Cheng-hsien announced his resignation on April 4, 2004, and National Security Bureau director Tsai Chao-ming stepped down the week before to take responsibility for the shooting, in keeping with the Taiwanese tradition that government officials take responsibility for perceived or implied dereliction of duty.[citation needed]

On August 24, 2004, the Pan-Blue controlled Legislative Yuan approved legislation setting up the "3-19 truth investigative commission" to probe the shooting. According to the number of seats they have in the current 5th Legislative Yuan, each party will appoint members for the new commission. The commission will have the right to interview government officials and demand documents, and will be asked to present its findings to the legislature infinitely without time constraint. As part of the law, no one is permitted to elect silence or to influence the commission's investigation. The commission is also authorized to command a government prosecuting attorney, to unilaterally utilize the disaster reserve funds from the Executive Yuan, and to override court verdicts. Because such a law was suspected unconstitutional, the Pan-Green Coalition opposed the commission. Some Taiwanese nationals[who?] actually referred the commission as the "3-19 truth in-the-making commission".[citation needed][3]

Dr. Henry C. Lee submitted a 130-page report and a CD containing 150 photos to Andrew Hsia, director general of Taipei Economic and Cultural Office in New York on August 29, 2004. He concluded that the incident was not a planned assassination attempt because "a more powerful weapon than a homemade pistol would have been used." He was unable to make a conclusive report, but indicated his findings would help locate the gun and its factory.[4] Dr. Lee's findings prompted immediate outrage from conspiracy theorists as it did not fit well with either side.[citation needed]

On September 9, 2004, three men – Yeh Ho-chiang, 37, Chen Ching-hung, 33, and Huang Chin-shou, 43 – were arrested at an illegal weapons factory near Tainan possessing bullets matching those found at the crime scene.[citation needed]

On March 7, 2005, Taiwanese police held a conference about the shooting incident. Two suspects were named; Chen Yi-Hsun and Huang Hung-Ren. Both of them were found dead shortly after the 3-19 incident. Chen was living in the vicinity and resembled one of the unknown persons shown on police tapes in the hot zone (the "yellow coat bald guy"). The tape was released by the police on March 26, 2004, and Chen was found drowned in a harbor on March 28. The connection between Chen and the weapon maker was established by confirming Chen as being the 5th hand of a possible weapon; additionally family members of Chen stated that he left suicide notes, which according to the Taiwanese police's interpretation hinted that he committed the crime, although the notes had been burned by the family, and the interpretation held by the police is at best tenuous. Additionally the family members were reported to have recalled strange behavior of Chen following the 3-19 shooting. On the other hand, Huang also committed suicide with a gun that was made from the same manufacturer as that of the incident, and the bullet found shared traits with the one that hit the Vice-President.[citation needed]

On August 17, 2005, the case was officially closed after the investigators concluded that Chen acted alone.[5] However there continue to be lingering doubts among a substantial part of the population of both sides.[6][7][8][9] Lien, who happened to be leaving office as KMT chairman on the same day, publicly expressed disbelief.[citation needed] A China Times poll purportedly showed that only 19% of the surveyed persons believe that there had been a sufficiently thorough investigation. Pan-Blue legislators have called for continued investigation of the case, as has Vice President Lu.[citation needed]

Doubts about the incident[edit]

Some pan-Blue supporters painted the incident as a sham staged to boost sympathy for Chen and win the election, arguing that the wounds inflicted upon the President and Vice President were improbably light and citing various perceived irregularities in the chronology of events and the physical and photographic evidence.[citation needed]

The Pan-Blue claimed the activation of National Security Mechanism after the incident recalls military and police personnels on leave, which may have affected the election's outcome as the recalled personnels were not able to vote. [10] The court refuted the claim because the military and police said the number of staying personnel was not affected. [11]

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