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Ellen More and her companions were at Dunfermline Palace in October 1504

Ellen or Elen More (fl. c. 1500–1535) was an African servant at the Scottish royal court.[1] There are records of clothing and gifts given to her, although her roles and status are unclear. Some recent scholarship suggests she was a slave. She is associated with a racist poem by William Dunbar, and may have performed in Edinburgh as the "Black Lady" at royal tournaments in 1507 and 1508.[2]

Career

Ellen More was employed in Edinburgh Castle in the household of Lady Margaret, the daughter of James IV of Scotland and his mistress Margaret Drummond.[3] Ellen More was later an attendant of Margaret Tudor at Linlithgow Palace.[4]

She was first mentioned by name, "Elen More", in the royal accounts in December 1511. Possibly remaining in the household of the young James V, she was last mentioned in the accounts in August 1527, as "Helenor the blak moir".[5]

Scotland, Portugal, and privateers

Margaret Tudor, possibly depicted with her pet, the "Marmoset of Calicut",[6] Daniël Mijtens, RCT.[7]

The name "More" recorded in the Scottish accounts seems to be from the word "moor", meaning an African person.[8][9] Four African people, known as the "More lasses", in Scotland in 1504 were accompanied by a Portuguese man and imported animals. The reign of James IV (1488 to 1513) coincided with the era of Portuguese exploration which established firm contact between Europe and Africa.[10] At this time the Portuguese royal court became known for collecting exotic and rare animals from distant lands.[11] Portuguese monarchs sent diplomatic gifts of rare animals to other courts.[12] A pet monkey at the Scottish court was recorded as the "Marmoset of Calicut", reflecting Portuguese activity both on the Malabar Coast and on the coast of Brazil.[13] A portrait of Margaret Tudor includes a Brazilian marmoset, and may be a copy of a picture once in the collection of Henry VIII, described in his inventory as a "woman having a monkey on her hand".[14]

James IV licensed Scottish privateers like Andrew Barton to attack Portuguese shipping by "letter of marque". The context was a dispute about the loss of a valuable cargo at Sluis belonging to John Barton of Leith back in the reign of James III.[15] The Scottish kings gave Barton and his successors letters of reprisal to recover the loss. James IV and James V continued to send reminders to Manuel I of Portugal.[16] Privateer activity may have provided a potential route for African people to reach Scotland, although there is no direct evidence of this.[17]

Archival references to the "More lasses", a Portuguese man, and exotic animals were re-discovered in the early 19th-century by William MacGregor Stirling (1771-1833) and others. A privateer connection between the "More lasses" and the Barton family was suggested by Patrick Fraser Tytler. He conjectured that the African presence at the Scottish court was due to "the success of the Scottish privateers".[18] James IV had other connections to Portuguese shipping and exploration including the employment of Portuguese craftsmen in his shipyards,[19] and his patronage of an Italian merchant and financier in Bruges Jerome Frescobaldi, whose company funded voyages.[20] James IV bought wax, wine, and a grounded ship on the west coast from a Portuguese merchant, John Farnhae, in April 1498.[21]

These African people have been described as "human booty" in terms of their relationship with the Portuguese Empire.[22] While details of their journeys and arrival in Scotland remain obscure, the accounts of the treasurer and comptroller of Scotland record the employment of African people at the court of James IV.[23] The Scottish royal household included "Peter the More" and the "More taubronar", a drummer who travelled around Scotland in the king's retinue.[24]

In the same years in England, African servants were recorded in the household of the Spanish princess Catherine of Aragon, the wife of Prince Arthur and Henry VIII, including a trumpeter John Blanke, and a groom Francis Negro.[25] The lawyer Thomas More was surprised by the appearance of Africans in Catherine of Aragon's entourage in procession during her formal Entry to London in November 1501. He wrote about them in racist terms to John Holt.[26][27]

Ellen More in the archival record

Ellen More moved to Inverkeithing, possibly to the Hospitium of the Grey Friars

The More Lasses in Dunfermline and Inverkeithing

The "More lasses" stayed with James Hommyll on the south side of Castlehill on Edinburgh's High Street in November 1504

In October 1504 Margaret Tudor was at Dunfermline Palace, across the Forth from Edinburgh in Fife.[28] James IV was in the north at Elgin. There was a suspected outbreak of plague at Dunfermline. The queen and her household decided to leave Dunfermline.[29] Four African women, called "More lasses", went to North Queensferry and Inverkeithing on 8 November, looked after by the court apothecary, John Mosman. There were also "folkis with them" at Inverkeithing, people accompanying the "lasses" and some animals. After a few days, they went on to Edinburgh. The accounts record that a woman "tursit" the "More lasses" from Dunfermline, a word that usually means the packing and transport of household goods with cord but can also mean the transport of people.[30]

Edinburgh

James IV arrived in Edinburgh, and came to Holyrood Palace by 18 November, where on 22 November he rewarded a man who had brought animals with 20 gold crowns, these animals had been with the African women, the "More lasses", at Inverkeithing. They included a Portuguese horse with a red tail, and a civet or "must cat".[31] In England, Henry VII also bought animals from Portuguese travellers, including, in 1505, parrots and "cats of the mountain".[32]

On 26 November James IV gave the woman who had brought the "More lasses" from Fife 4 shillings. On 27 November James IV ordered that two suspected plague victims, who had been excluded from Dunfermline town, should have 14 shillings.[33][34][35][36]

At first the four African people, recorded by a clerk as "Ethiopians", were lodged in the house of James Hommyll, a wealthy Edinburgh merchant who bought tapestries for the king. Hommyll also hosted the Portuguese man who was escorting the African people, who had brought them to Scotland, and the two horses and other animals. They stayed with James Hommyll and his wife Helen for 40 days. The clerk recorded the payments as "extra domicilium", meaning the expenses of royal servants residing away from the royal household for a time.[37]

Property records mention that James Hommyll's house or land was on the south side of the High Street in the tenement of Lord Borthwick beyond the Over Bow, near to Edinburgh Castle. The street is now called Castlehill. Homyll's house was damaged by a fire in 1511 that started in a bakery.[38] The king had sent his brother, William Hommyll, on an errand to Portugal in December 1503, a connection to Portuguese trade and shipping.[39]

William Wod

In July 1505 a Leith mariner and timber merchant William Wod received a reward of £12 Scots from the king for bringing the African people to the Scottish court accompanied by the white horse from Portugal, a jennet horse, and a must cat.[40] No reason is given for the later date of this reward.[41] It remains unclear if the mariner Wod had brought the Africans and the Portuguese man to Scotland from a ship he captured under "letters of Marque" or whether the King had requested him to obtain the African people to be his servants, attendants to his daughter Lady Margaret.[42] The apothecary Mosman came to Stirling Castle on 6 November to fetch the must cat.[43]

Baptism and naming

One "More las" was christened on 11 December 1504, and probably given a new name. Perhaps this marked the end of the stay at James and Helen Homyll's house when the "More lasses" returned to the royal household.[44] Ellen More may have been renamed after a courtier, Eleanor Pole, or Helen of Troy, and her sister named Margaret after the queen.[45] There was another "Eleanor" in the household, Eleanor Johns. Ellen was a very common choice of girl's name in Early Modern Scotland, as later baptismal records show.[46] The historian Bernadette Andrea notes that Ellen More and other African people arriving in Scotland and Britain in the 16th-century may have followed the Islamic faith.[47] The age of these arrivals is unclear, a "lass" could be as old as a teenager, as the word was most commonly used.[48]

Ellen More

Ellen and Margaret More were attendants of the king's daughter Lady Margaret in Edinburgh Castle
Ellen More and Margaret More were members of the household of Margaret Tudor at Linlithgow Palace

These records concerning the "More lasses" in 1504 may refer to the arrival of Ellen and her sister Margaret. Ellen and Margaret seem to be the two "More lassis" at Edinburgh Castle who attended Lady Margaret and were bought shoes.[49] The shoemaker was John Davidson, who also made shoes for "Little Martin the Spaniard" and the Danish noble, Christopher or Christiern, said to be a son of Elizabeth of Denmark, but his identity remains unclear.[50]

In 1506 Ellen and Margaret were both given gowns of russet cloth with velvet bands, with red skirts or kirtles. In 1507 they, and another girl in the castle, Marjory Lindsay, were given red skirts with green ribbons.[51]

In later years they joined the court of Margaret Tudor and were bought clothes, and given New Year's day gifts, comparable to those given to the queen's English lady in waiting, Mistress Musgrave. Ellen is known to have worked for the queen at Linlithgow Palace.[52] This is an example from the accounts of a New Year gift of money, five French gold crowns worth £3-10s Scots, given to Ellen More on 1 January 1512 at Holyrood Palace; "Item, to Elene Moire, v Franch crounis, iij li x s." The same amount was given to two "maidens", servants of Elizabeth Barlow, Lady Elphinstone. Elizabeth Sinclair got 10 crowns.[53]

Ellen or Elen More was first mentioned by name in the royal account for December 1511. She was given her livery clothes, an allowance of clothing given to many royal servants in the days before Christmas, on 15 December 1511. This included a gown made of "Rissillis broun" (russet cloth from Rijsel or Lille) trimmed with velvet, with yellow taffeta sleeves, a velvet hood, and skirt of English brown or russet woollen cloth with a crimson hem.[54] Margaret More is mentioned less often in the accounts, but she was at Linlithgow Palace in April 1512, when James V of Scotland was born. The "two black ladies" were given 10 gold crowns on 1 January 1513.[55] The historian Imtiaz Habib connects this reference to Ellen and Margaret More as black ladies to the earlier Black Lady tournaments.[56]

The king's daughter, Lady Margaret Stewart married John Gordon, Lord Gordon and then Sir John Drummond of Innerpeffray.[57]

Ellen More was given 40 shillings in July 1527, recorded as a payment to "Helenor, the blak moir".[58] No further details of the lives of Ellen and Margaret More are known for certain.[59]

It may be that one "Margaret Prestoun", an attendant of Margaret, Lady Gordon who rode north with her and John Sinclair over the Mounth towards Huntly Castle on 19 November 1512, was the same person as Margaret More.[60] Lady Gordon's place at court was taken by her half-sister, also Margaret Stewart, a daughter of Janet Kennedy summoned from Darnaway in April 1513.[61]

Of Ane Blak-Moir

William Dunbar wrote a poem for the court of James IV with the title Of Ane Blak-Moir which describes the appearance of a black woman involved in a tournament in unflattering and racist terms.[62] James IV staged two elaborate tournaments called "The justing of the wyld knicht for the blak lady", held in June 1507 and again in May 1508.[63] The part of the "Black Lady" was played by a woman of the court. and James IV was the Wild or Black Knight, a character based on one of King Arthur's knights of the Round Table who had been brought up in a forest.[64] A later 16th-century author, Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie, wrote, "The king iustit [jousted] him selff dissaguysed onknawin and he was callit the blak knicht".[65]

It is not clear if William Dunbar's poem was directly connected to these events, or that Ellen More played the part of the Black Lady in the tournaments.[66] The identity of Ellen, or Elen More, is discussed in scholarship as the subject of Dunbar's poem, the woman named in the accounts, and the actor in the tournaments.[67] Martin the Spaniard, who appears in the accounts linked with the "More lasses" in payments for their shoes, performed with the Black Lady at the tournament banquet.[68] The role of the Black Lady as a prize was perhaps not unusual in the conventions of medieval tournament, but seems also to emphasise a chattel status for an African performer.[69]

The opening lines of Dunbar's poem refer to the arrival of the woman in Scotland on a ship. Dunbar explains that he writes in contrast to his previous poems describing white women of the court. The poem "creates a very unfavourable contrast between black female physiology and that of white ladies at court";[70]

Lang have I made of ladies white,
Now of ane black I will indite,
That landit furth of the last ships,
Who fain I would descrive perfyte.[71][72]

The Black Lady Tournaments

At the end of the tournament banquet the "Black lady" vanished in a cloud, a theatrical device contrived in the Great Hall of Holyroodhouse by a French soldier of the royal artillery and Andrew Forman.[73] The hall was newly converted from the old refectory of Holyrood Abbey.[74]

The expenditure on these lavish events, imitating the "Round Table of King Arthur of England", was recorded in the treasurer's accounts, and the tournaments were described in Scottish chronicles.[75] The invitation to the tournament sent to France was illuminated with gold leaf.[76] It was issued by the Marchmont Herald on behalf of the 'Chevalier Sauvage à la Dame Noire', the Wild Knight to the Black Lady, and gave details of the events to be held at Edinburgh.[77] Bluemantle or Rothesay Herald, sent abroad in March 1507 with news of the birth of James, Duke of Rothesay, may have carried the invitation to the courts of France, Spain, and Portugal.[78]

The Black Lady's gown was made from Flanders damask figured with gold flowers, bordered with yellow and green taffeta, with outer sleeves of black gauze called "plesance", inner sleeves, a drape of the same black gauze about her shoulders and arms, and she wore long gloves of black chamois or "semys" leather. She had two lady companions dressed in gowns of green Flanders taffeta edged with yellow.[79][80]

William Ogilvy and Alexander Elphinstone, probably Alexander Elphinstone, 1st Lord Elphinstone, dressed in English white damask as the "Squires of the Black Lady" and escorted her from Edinburgh Castle to the field of the tournament. She was carried in a "triumphal chair" draped with Flanders taffeta with appliqué flowers.[81] Antoine d'Arces was the "White Knight". James IV himself played the part of the Wild or Savage Knight.[82][83] The horses pulling the pageant carts and triumphal chairs were dressed with rich fabrics. One horse was disguised as a unicorn, with a caparison of black and white damask lined with canvas.[84] The Black Lady was carried (in her triumphal chair) by 12 men from Edinburgh Castle to the tournament ground beneath the castle and to Holyrood Palace.[85] "Wild men" at the course or barriers were dressed in goat skins and wore hart horns from Tullibardine.[86] In 1508 the Black Lady's costume was renewed with a green woollen skirt, and new black leather sleeves and gloves. Her two maidens wore Bruges satin.[87]

On the first day of the first week of the five week-long event, challengers were to assemble at the "Tree of Esperance" at the tournament ground beneath the castle, where the Black Lady kept the week's white shield, accompanied by the wild men. Combats and jousts were scored by judges and the ladies, women of Margaret Tudor's household and the court.[88] The tree of Esperance or Hope was decorated with artificial flowers, pears, and painted heraldic shields, moulded in leather by Simon Glasford, a buckler-maker.[89] In England, Margaret Tudor attended a Christmas 1516 banquet where a garden of Esperance or Hope was presented as a stage set for a masque inside the hall of Greenwich Palace.[90]

Events concluded with three days of banqueting at Holyroodhouse. There was a masque and a dance organised by Lady Musgrave, Mistress of the Queen's Wardrobe.[91] The Black Lady came into the hall with Martin the Spaniard who was equipped with an archery bow and dressed in yellow.[92] A cloud descended from the roof and swept them both away.[93][94]

Africans represented in court drama

Records of 16th-century court and civic drama include both performers of African origin and perfomers wearing costumes representing imagined African people or "moors". In 1504 and 1505 James IV employed an African drummer known as the "More taubronar". James IV travelled with him and four Italian minstrels on his trip to the north to Darnaway and Elgin. The drummer devised a masque or dance for the tournament held on Shrove-Tide, called "Fasterins Eve". Twelve dancers wore costumes in black and white fabrics.[95] The "taubronar" was paid a fee, an annual salary, of the same value as that paid to another drummer, Guilliam, and to Margaret Tudor's English attendant Mistress Elizabeth Barley, who later married Lord Elphinstone.[96]

Later Stewart court festivities and drama with African actors and actors portraying Africans, include; the Entry of Mary, Queen of Scots into Edinburgh in 1561, the baptism of James VI at Stirling in December 1566,[97] the Entry of Anne of Denmark to Edinburgh (1590), the baptism of Prince Henry (1594), and The Masque of Blackness (1605).[98][99] Clare McManus identifies "markers of difference, foreigness and liminality" and "compact symbols of blackness and femininity initially encapsulated in the body of the Black Lady" of James IV's tournaments which reappeared at the baptism of Prince Henry, and were suited to Scottish conventions of court theatre and performance. A "threat of diversity" was defused through theatrical representation.[100]

The costume of the "Black Lady" at James IV's tournaments included a black lightweight fabric called "plesance" around her arms.[101][102] Costume used at court in England in this period had some similarities: female courtiers performing in a masque in 1510 covered their arms and faces with a similar black fabric, "lumberdynes, whiche is marveillous thinne, so that the same ladies seem to be nigrost or blacke Mores".[103] At the court of Edward VI of England actors in masques were dressed as "Mores" with long black velvet gloves reaching above the elbow, with bells attached to costumes made from goat's skins.[104] Such revels costumes at the English court were designed and made by an Italian artist, Niccolo da Modena. He made wigs or "perukes" of hair used by female actors disguised as "Mores".[105] The painter William Lyzard worked on the "More's Masque" for Elizabeth I in 1579.[106] The use of black sleeves, gloves, and fabrics as part of the costume in Edinburgh has raised some doubt that the vanishing Black Lady was played by an African performer.[107]

A contemporary description of the 1590 Edinburgh event by a Danish observer distinguished between townspeople who wore masks and had had painted legs and arms, and "an absolutely real and native blackamoor".[108] An African servant at the Scottish court was buried at Falkland in July 1591.[109] It is not clear if he was the participant in 1590 Entry of Anne of Denmark.[110] An African performer appeared to pull a pageant cart in the Great Hall of Stirling Castle at the baptism feast in August 1594.[111]

In Shakespeare's Othello, Desdemona recalls her mother's maidservant, a Moorish woman called "Barbary". Barbary had lost her love, a man who had lost his mind, and she sang a song of mourning and loss called "Willow".[112] The play was performed at Whitehall Palace on 1 November 1604. Anne of Denmark and her ladies performed in black face in the Masque of Blackness in the same space on 6 January 1605.[113] Kim F. Hall draws attention to The Masque of Blackness and the documented reactions of its audience, in the context of the "growth of actual contact with Africans, Native Americans, and other ethnically different foreigners" and a "collision of the dark lady tradition with the actual African difference encountered in the quest for empire".[114]

Representation in Media

Ellen More is featured in a short animation titled "The Tournament of the African Lady",[115] which also depicts John Blanke, a trumpeter at the English court, written and directed by Jason Young.[116][117] The story of Ellen More forms the basis of a stageplay James IV: Queen of the Fight, written by Rona Munro for performance in 2022.[118][119]

See also

References

  1. ^ Imtiaz Habib, Black Lives in the English Archives, 1500–1677: Imprints of the Invisible (Routledge, 2008), pp. 30-34, 291-4.
  2. ^ Bernadette Andrea, 'The Presences of Women from the Islamic World', Merry Wiesner-Hanks (ed), Mapping Gendered Routes and Spaces in the Early Modern World (Routledge, 2016), p. 295: Carole Levin, 'Women in the Renaissance', Renate Bridenthal, Susan Stuard, Merry Wiesner (eds), Becoming Visible: Women in European History (Houghton Mifflin: Boston, 1998), pp. 152-173 at 161-4.
  3. ^ Mairi Cowan & Laura Walkling, 'Growing up with the court of James IV', Janay Nugent & Elizabeth Ewan, Children and Youth in Premodern Scotland (Boydell, 2015), pp. 20-1, 25: Mary E. Robbins, 'Black Africans at the Court of James IV', Review of Scottish Culture, 12 (1999), pp. 34–45: James Balfour Paul, Accounts of the Treasurer of Scotland, vol. 3 (Edinburgh, 1901), pp. lxxxv, 182.
  4. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer of Scotland, vol. 4 (Edinburgh, 1902), pp. 232, 324, 404, 434: Miranda Kaufmann, Black Tudors (London, 2017), pp. 17-18: Sue Niebrzydowski, 'The Sultana and her Sisters: Black Women in the British Isles before 1530', Women's History Review, 10:2 (2001), pp. 187-210, 201-205: Imtiaz Habib, Black Lives in the English Archives, 1500-1677: Imprints of the Invisible (Ashgate, 2008), pp. 292-3.
  5. ^ Imtiaz Habib, Black Lives in the English Archives, 1500–1677: Imprints of the Invisible (Routledge, 2008), pp. 291-2, 294.
  6. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer, vol. 4 (Edinburgh, 1902), pp. lxxxiii, 117.
  7. ^ 'Margaret Tudor', RCT RCIN 401181
  8. ^ Nubia, O., (2019, October 10), 'Africans in England and Scotland (1485–1625)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.
  9. ^ Nandini Das, João Vicente Melo, Haig Z. Smith, Lauren Working, Blackamoor/Moor, Keywords of Identity, Race, and Human Mobility in Early Modern England (Amsterdam, 2021), pp. 40-50
  10. ^ Mairi Cowan & Laura Walkling, 'Growing up with the court of James IV', Janay Nugent & Elizabeth Ewan, Children and Youth in Premodern Scotland (Boydell, 2015), p. 24.
  11. ^ Almudina Pérez de Tudela & Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, 'Renaissance Menageries', Karel A. E. Enenkel & Paulus Johannes Smith, Early Modern Zoology: The Construction of Animals in Sciene Literature and the Visual Arts (Brill, 2007), pp. 419-50: Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, 'The Portuguese Quest for Exotic Animals', Jessica Hallett, Triumphal Procession with Giraffes (Lisbon, 2009), pp. 33-77
  12. ^ Catarina Santana Simões, 'The Symbolic Importance of the "Exotic" in the Portuguese Court in the Late Middle Ages', Anales de Historia del Arte, 24 (November 2014), p. 521.
  13. ^ Cecilia Veracini, 'Non Human Primate Trade in the Age of Discoveries', Cristina Joanaz de Melo, Estelita Vaz, Lígia M. Costa Pinto, Environmental History in the Making, II: Acting (Springer, 2017), pp. 147-172: Kathleen Walker-Meikle, Medieval Pets (Boydell, 2012), p. 83: Accounts of the Treasurer, vol. 4 (Edinburgh, 1902), pp. lxxxiii, 117.
  14. ^ Lorne Campbell, 'Scottish Patrons and Netherlandish Painters', Grant G. Simpson, Scotland and the Low Countries 1124–1994 (Tuckwell, 1996): David Starkey (ed), Inventory of Henry VIII (London, 1998), p. 237 no. 10594.
  15. ^ Claire Jowitt, Pirates? The Politics of Plunder, 1550-1650 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 4-6: David Dunlop, 'The politics of peace-keeping: Anglo-Scottish relations from 1503 to 1511', Renaissance Studies, 8:2 (June 1994), p. 157.
  16. ^ Robert Kerr Hannay, Letters of James IV (SHS: Edinburgh, 1953), pp. 81-2 no. 125: Robert Kerr Hannay & Denys Hay, Letters of James V (Edinburgh, 1954), p. 401: Raphael Holinshed, First and Second Volumes of Chronicles: The Historie of Scotland (London, 1586), p. 293
  17. ^ Norman Macdougall, James IV (Tuckwell: East Linton, 1997), p. 239: Steve Murdoch, Scotland's Maritime Warfare (Brill, 2010), p. 81.
  18. ^ Patrick Fraser Tytler, History of Scotland, vol. 5 (Edinburgh, 1834), pp. 43-4, and see P. F. Tytler, Lives of Scottish Worthies, vol. 3 (London, 1833), p. 331 MacGregor's publications include Notes, Historical and Descriptive, on the Priory of Inchmahome (Edinburgh, 1815). His son Robert MacGregor Stirling emigrated to Jamaica.
  19. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer, vol. 4 (Edinburgh, 1902), p. 368.
  20. ^ Richard A. Goldthwaite, The Economy of Renaissance Florence (Johns Hopkins, 2009), p. 159: Nunziatella Alessandrini, 'The Far East in the Early 16th Century: Giovanni da Empoli’s Travels', Mary N. Harris, Global Encounters European Identities (Pisa, 2010), p. 218.
  21. ^ Accounts of Treasurer, vol. 1 (Edinburgh, 1877) pp. 388, 391-2.
  22. ^ Imtiaz Habib, Black Lives in the English Archives, 1500-1677 (London, 2008), p. 28: Bernadette Andrea, The Lives of Girls and Women from the Islamic World in Early Modern British (Toronto, 2017), p. 23.
  23. ^ Mairi Cowan & Laura Walkling, 'Growing up with the court of James IV', Janay Nugent & Elizabeth Ewan, Children and Youth in Premodern Scotland (Boydell, 2015), pp. 24-6: George Burnett, Exchequer Rolls: 1502-1507, vol. 12 (Edinburgh, 1889), pp. 374-5 (Latin)
  24. ^ Miranda Kaufmann, Black Tudors (London, 2017), p. 11.
  25. ^ Imtiaz Habib, Black Lives in the English Archives (London, 2008), pp. 37-8, 45, 47, 50.
  26. ^ Matthieu Chapman, Anti-Black Racism in Early Modern English Drama (Taylor & Francis, 2016), pp. 48-50.
  27. ^ Sydney Anglo, 'The London Pageants for the Reception of Katherine of Aragon: November 1501', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXVI (1963), pp. 53-89.
  28. ^ Margaret Tudor came to Dunfermline from Stirling Castle on 26 September, Accounts of the Treasurer, 2, p. 459.
  29. ^ James Balfour Paul, Accounts of the Treasurer of Scotland: 1500-1504, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1900), pp. 462-3, James IV had travelled north with four Italian minstrels and an African drummer.
  30. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer of Scotland, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1900), pp. 465, 468: 'Turs, v. 3', Dictionary of the Scots Language: Dictionar o the Scots Leid.
  31. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer of Scotland, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1900), p. 468.
  32. ^ Samuel Bentley, Excerpta Historica: Or, Illustrations of English History (London, 1831), p. 133.
  33. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer of Scotland, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1900), p. 468.
  34. ^ W. J. MacLennan, 'The Eleven Plagues of Edinburgh', Proceedings of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, 31:3 (2001), p. 257, summary of the 1505 plague regulations for Edinburgh
  35. ^ J. F. D. Shrewsbury, A History of Bubonic Plague in the British Isles (Cambridge, 1970), p. 165.
  36. ^ Richard Oram, '"It cannot he decernit quha are clean and quha are foulle.": Responses to Epidemic Disease in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Scotland', Renaissance and Reformation, 30:4 (Fall / Automne 2006 / 2007), pp. 13-39, p. 16.
  37. ^ George Burnett, Exchequer Rolls of Scotland: 1502-1507, vol. 12 (Edinburgh, 1889), pp. 374-5 The phrase "extra domicilium" frequently occurs in this context in the unpublished royal household accounts, see Henry Ellis, 'Household Book of James V', Archaeologia, 22 (1829), p. 6.
  38. ^ Marguerite Wood, Protocal Book of John Foular, 1503-1513, 1:2 (Scottish Records Society, 1941), nos. 370, 682, 736.
  39. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1900), p. 409.
  40. ^ Paul Edwards & James Walvin, Black Personalities in the Era of the Slave Trade (Macmillan, 1983), p. 5: Accounts of the Treasurer: 1506-1507, vol. 3 (Edinburgh, 1901), p. 148, this payment is usually interpreted as payment for bringing the animals and African people from Portugal.
  41. ^ Imtiaz Habib, Black Lives in the English Archives, 1500-1677: Imprints of the Invisible (Ashgate, 2008), pp. 30-1.
  42. ^ Mairi Cowan & Laura Walkling, 'Growing up with the court of James IV', Janay Nugent & Elizabeth Ewan, Children and Youth in Premodern Scotland (Boydell, 2015), p. 25: As a Leith property owner, Wod appears in the Protocol Book of James Young.
  43. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer: 1506-1507, vol. 3 (Edinburgh, 1901), p. 169.
  44. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1900), pp. cx, 469: Accounts of the Treasurer, vol. 3 (Edinburgh, 1901), p. 148: Exchequer Rolls, vol. 12 (Edinburgh, 1889), pp. 374-5.
  45. ^ Imtiaz Habib, Black Lives, pp. 31, 36-7: Bernadette Andrea, 'The Presences of Women from the Islamic World', Merry Wiesner-Hanks (ed), Mapping Gendered Routes and Spaces in the Early Modern World (Routledge, 2016), p. 300.
  46. ^ Alma Calderwood, Buik of the Kirk of the Canagait, 1564-1567 (SRS: Edinburgh, 1961), pp. 76-102.
  47. ^ Bernadette Andrea, 'Black Skin, The Queen's Masques: Africanist Ambivalence and Feminine Author(ity) in the Masques of "Blackness" and "Beauty"', English Literary Renaissance, 29:2 (Spring 1999), pp. 246-281: Bernadette Andrea, The Lives of Girls and Women from the Islamic World in Early Modern British (Toronto, 2017), pp. 23-4.
  48. ^ 'Las', Dictionary of the Older Scottish tongue
  49. ^ Laura E. Walkling & Mairi Cowan, 'A 'gret cradil of stait': Growing Up with the Court of James IV', Janay Nugent & Elizabeth Ewan, Children and Youth in Premodern Scotland (Boydell, 2015), pp. 15-30.
  50. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer of Scotland: 1506-1507, vol. 3 (Edinburgh, 1901), pp. xc, 116, 155: Mairi Cowan & Laura Walkling, 'Growing up with the court of James IV', Janay Nugent & Elizabeth Ewan, Children and Youth in Premodern Scotland (Boydell, 2015), pp. 23-4.
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  59. ^ Sue Niebrzydowski, 'The Sultana and her Sisters: Black Women in the British Isles before 1530', Women's History Review, 10:2 (2001), pp. 187-210.
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  90. ^ Charles Whibley, Henry VIII by Edward Hall, vol. 1 (London, 1904), p. 153
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  92. ^ Accounts of the Treasurer, vol. 4 (Edinburgh, 1902), pp. 64, 121, 129, they were buckled and grathed, in harness, the scene may evoke the abduction of Psyche by Cupid.
  93. ^ Frank Shuffelton, 'An Imperial Flower: Dunbar's "The Goldyn Targe" and the Court Life of James IV of Scotland', Studies in Philology, 72:2 (April 1975), pp. 193-207, p. 202.
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  98. ^ Bernadette Andrea, The Lives of Girls and Women from the Islamic World in Early Modern British Literature and Culture (Toronto, 2017), pp. 106-12.
  99. ^ Bernadette Andrea, 'Black Skin, The Queen's Masques: Africanist Ambivalence and Feminine Author(ity) in the Masques of "Blackness" and "Beauty"', English Literary Renaissance, 29:2 (Spring 1999), pp. 246-281.
  100. ^ Clare McManus, Women on the Renaissance stage: Anna of Denmark and Female Masquing in the Stuart Court, 1590-1619 (Manchester, 2002), pp. 84-5.
  101. ^ DOST/DSL, plesance
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  103. ^ Ian Smith, 'White Skin, Black Masks: Racial Cross-Dressing on the Early Modern Stage', Renaissance Drama, 32 (2003), p. 44: Charles Whibley, Henry VIII by Edward Hall, vol. 1 (London, 1904), p. 17
  104. ^ Virginia Mason Vaughan, Performing Blackness on English Stages, 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 27-8: Alfred John Kempe, Loseley Manuscripts (London, 1836), p. 79-80
  105. ^ Ian Smith, 'White Skin, Black Masks', Jeffrey Masten & Wendy Wall, Renaissance Drama, 32 (Evanson, 2003), p. 44: Albert Feuillerat, Documents relating to the revels of Edward VI and Mary (Louvain, 1914), p. 31: David Starkey, Inventory of Henry VIII (London, 1998), p. 168 no. 8663.
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  114. ^ Kim F. Hall, Things of Darkness: Economies of Race and Gender in Early Modern England (Cornell University Press, 1996), p. 129.
  115. ^ IMDb: The Tournament of the African Lady (2003)
  116. ^ The Tournament of the African Lady: British Council Film
  117. ^ IMDb: Jason Young
  118. ^ 60 seconds with Danielle Jam: Capital Theatres
  119. ^ Megan McEachern, 'James IV: New Rona Munro play to give black people their rightful but forgotten place in history of Scotland', Sunday Post, 20 June 2022
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