Ahmed Belbachir Haskouri

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Place: Andujar, Spain. Purpose: Hunting trip. Photographed from left to right: caliph's chamberlain wearing a white hat, caliph's older brother wearing black glasses, Belbachir, caliph, Duke de Huetor y Santillan, Franco, Franco's wife

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Editorial #50522460 01 Jun 1949 Si Ahmed Bel Bashir;Fatima [RF: Misc.];Hassan B... By: Dmitri Kessel. Time & Life Pictures People: Si Ahmed Bel Bashir; Fatima [RF: Misc...

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Editorial #50522463 01 Jun 1949 Hassan Ben Mehdi [RF: Misc.];Fatima [RF: Misc.] By: Dmitri Kessel. Time & Life Pictures People: Hassan Ben Mehdi [RF: Misc.]; Fatima ...

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Belbachir supervising the most celebrated wedding in the world in 1949

Ahmed Belbachir Haskouri (b.1908 d. 1962)’s name has historically appeared in different forms. Due to certain transliterations in Roman script, Belbachir’s name has been spelled as Si Hamed Ben Baxir Escuri, Sidi Ahmed Bel Bashir Haskouri, Ahmer Ben Bazir Hasqouri, Ahamad Benbachir Scouri, Sid Ahmed Ben Bachi Scuri or Ahmad Ben Bachir El Hascori or any combination or concatenation of these strings of letters. Notwithstanding, he is more commonly known by the middle name rather than by any last or first name. Since Belbachir’s childhood, his peers were customarily calling him as such.

Ben Azouz, the first prime minister of Spanish Morocco around 1912, was the most powerful Moroccan in Spanish Morocco at the time and was also known to be a nationalist. He is believed to have initiated this appellation as a reminiscent term of endearment. Since Belbachir's father was previously a military governor in charge of royal protocol in Marrakesh during pre-colonial times, Ben Azouz, a native of Marrakesh, was able to befriend him yonder. “Ben” or “Bel”(which is the same as the first one, but a derivative of it due to articulatory laziness as defined in linguistics) means son of; therefore, Belbachir means son of Bachir. Regardless which name is used in a published document, one must understand the political situation in Morocco shortly before this politician comes into the political scene.

Spanish and French Morocco were protectorates rather than colonies. The difference between a colony and a protectorate is that a colony is a territory claimed and owned by another country as opposed to a protectorate that owns itself but is guided by a more powerful country. Therefore, it stands to reason that political dialogues in a protectorate are necessary between the insiders and the outsiders occupying the same space. Theoretically, neither side shall totally impose its will on the recalcitrant “other”.

The relationship between French and Spanish Morocco was an agglutinative one as per the Algeciras Conference. This conference that took place shortly before 1912, the year of occupation, stated that Spain and France shall divide Morocco and that the former occupier shall leave whenever the latter occupier does so. The Concise Encyclopedia of Arabic Civilization states that the sultan appointed as representative a viceroy holding, by delegation, sovereign power . Ferro's article in Le Monde newspaper states that even though the sultan was technically Morocco’s sovereign, the Spaniards, for the most part, increasingly treated the khalifa/Jalifa/caliph (viceroy), representative of the sultan in Spanish Morocco, as an independent entity . Abramovici's article in the french newspaper, L’illustre, supports Ferro’s statement about the caliph’s autonomy, but further defines the caliph’s position by stating that he had his own flag, decoration and hymn and that he was referred to by the public as “Sidna” (Sire) . The Spanish newspaper, La Offesiva, complements both Ferro and Abramovici by stating that the caliph had his own throne .

The Spaniards treated the Khalifa as a head of state in many different situations. For example, when General Petain was ambassador to Spain, he made it a point to visit the Khalifa and Belbachir. During other visits in Spain, the Khalifa would sit in the same car with General Francisco Franco as the car paraded the streets in Madrid. In sum, to make it clear to the world that the Spaniards viewed the caliph as a head of state, the Spanish government gave him the medal of Carlos Tercero, a medal that can only be given to heads of states.

Belbachir made sure that such caliphal power maintained its sovereignty by enforcing and enlivening it. For example, Belbachir chose to decorate Mustafa el-Nahhas, the first Secretary General of the Arab League, in the name of the Khalifa. Furthermore, Ductur Shuqairi, the undersecretary of the Arab League, personally visited Belbachir in Tetuan to further reinforce Spanish Morocco’s membership in the Arab League . Belbachir also gave a medal to Shuqairi in the name of the caliph. This gave Spanish Morocco (in the name of the khalifa) a great deal of credibility in the Arab world.

To maintain solidarity in the name of the caliph with French Morocco, Belbachir saw to it that the foreign policy was always balanced by keeping the sultan of French Morocco aware. This was primarily maintained by keeping the sultan’s private secretary, Ahmed Ben Masoud, posted. For the most part the sultan had no serious grievances, given the delegated powers bestowed upon the caliph. There was only one exception to the rule when the the sultan sent Belbachir several messages insisting that the caliph should not wear an ottoman outfit, a perceived symbol of a “western” imperial power, especially when foreign dignitaries were present.

In essence, Belbachir entered this political scene after the caliph’s position was fully defined, but it was not enforced at the time that the Spanish protectorate came into existence. He entered this political scene after the occupation was already in place for almost twenty years. Belbachir's tenure was during the second caliphate, a period that starts two years after the death of the first caliph in 1923 in Spanish Morocco. During the period from 1923 to 1925, a regent was playing the role of the caliph. Upon the recommendation of a few potentates such as Ben Azouz, the second son of the first caliph seized the throne. Therefore, Belbachir was dealing with an inherited "colonial" problem.

Subject to the constraints of the inherited situation, this politician’s position and contributions fit in some of the missing pages in Moroccan and world history. In other words, some historical gaps and seemingly grey areas, needing clarification, could be rectified by means of looking at this politicians’s political biography. Such a political biography has yet to be found.

This politician’s political biography cannot be found anywhere due to the fact that Spanish/Moroccan history has not mentioned Ahmed Belbachir Haskouri enough. Consequently, the world as a whole has known less about him. This is partly due to the fact that Morocco’s curricular canon was primarily shaped by the dominant elite and secondarily shaped by the political parties. Furthermore, provincialism, coming form the city of Tetuan, the capital of Spanish Morocco and the city where he had no pre-existing roots, has also made a contribution to a greater or lesser degree along those lines insofar as official publications are concerned.

On the other hand, historians during the Spanish government under Franco were unwilling to write about a politician who was a Moroccan nationalist and who was an obstacle to Spanish interests in Northern Africa. However, his name is omni-present in the Spanish archives about Spanish Morocco that belong to Spain’s national libraries.

In contrast, some Moroccan historians and writers felt awkward about giving credit to someone who was operating in juxtaposition with the Spanish occupiers and thereby becoming a protectorate authority. This belief is erroneous; for Belbachir was born when the colonizers were already at the doorsteps of Morocco. Furthermore, someone needed to fill this position from the Moroccan side.

Other earlier, but less biased historians (Moroccan or Spanish) have erroneously thought that, by using the term caliph, the laity would interpret the achievements to be coming from Belbachir. This thinking was due to the life-time symbiotic existence between the caliph and Belbachir. Precisely, the symbiosis started under the same roof with the caliph's birth. This erroneous thinking has also facilitated matters for those who were deliberately trying to avoid giving the politician the deserved credit. Furthermore, this thinking would also be very misleading for the future generations who will only be able to understand and give credit at face value.

Finally, Belbachir’s untimely death in a distant country such as Great Britain has also equally made a similar contribution along these lines. Such an incident sped the forces at work that were trying to totally eliminate him from the curricular canon. And, the immediate family was too young to try to salvage the situation at the time.

Over-arching terms such as the makhzen (palace authorities), government, caliph and other terms have been used (intentionally or unintentionally) to circumvent giving the politician credit. By fully analysing the term caliph and the marginal role that the person holding this title can be limited to, due to circumstances, one can say that there is nothing incongruous and/or innovative about giving credit to the decision-maker rather than to the one who signs and seals the documents. In fact, Western historians had already given virtually all the credit to the Cardinal de Richelieu rather than Louis the Thirteenth who was barely a living figure. Giving all the possible credit without any preconceived notions, but with due diligence calls for a look at Belbachir’s personal and family background as well as his political ideologies.

Ahmed Belbachir Haskouri was born in Marrakesh, Morocco. He was born into an aristocratic family allied to the Alaouite dynasty of Morocco through previous marital alliances and a long standing high level service to various sheikdoms under the sultans of Morocco. He was equally a direct descendant of the Hafsid dynasty (1229-1574) that ruled most of North Western Africa and that eventually succumbed to Spanish sovereignty during the tail end of that time frame. Eventually, some of the Hafsids settled near Marrakesh in Haskoura (Scoura) and adopted the name “Haskouri” from the area that became their new home. In the course of time, the Haskoura tribe became one of the building blocks as well as one of the dominant tribes in Moroccan tribal history. Consequently, the Glaoua tribes that dominated a significant portion of Morocco had to come to terms with them through political alliances.

Having been raised and primarily educated in the palace, Belbachir was partly influenced by the “makhzen”, the ultimate political power historically and primarily incarnated by the sultan. By extension, this incarnation includes those who are historically close to the sultan and continue to unconditionally support him. This power overrides the governmental power and is geographically headquartered in the central palace. Similarly, having received his secondary education in the Spanish School, El Pilar, administered by Spaniards and located in Tetuan, coupled with his higher education in banking and in protocol in Spain, he was partly influenced by Spain’s educational system.

Later, he married Lalla Zoubeida Raissouni (Raisuli/Raisuni/Raissouli) in 1950. She was a direct grand-daughter of Muley Sadiq Raissouni, a religious scholar and winner of La Gran Cruz Isabela La Catolica, a medal obtained under Alfonso XIII. Sadiq was also ex-finance minister of the first caliphal government and both cousin and previous “interlocuteur” (political broker) of Mulai Ahmed er Raisuni. Mulai Ahmed was the most adamant rebel against both domestic and foreign powers during pre-colonial and colonial times and was later portrayed as the hero in the American movie called The Wind and the Lion. This alliance politically upgraded Belbachir in Northern Morocco . Consequently, it made the public more receptive to the position of the caliph, a caliph who pre-eminently accepted Belbachir’s socio-political ideologies.

Belbachir was anti-Nazi, anti-communist and pro-monarchist with progressive views. These political ideologies can be understood in a nutshell via those leaders whom he admired and those leaders who made comments about him. His political ideologies are partly reflected by his great admiration for General De Gaulle, especially when the latter freed France from the Nazis and went back to his home without asking for anything until he was called upon to continue serving the country. Belbachir was equally a great admirer of President John F. Kennedy for his anti-communism and for his support of the civil rights. He always felt that Kennedy would reform America for the better. Moreover, when Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia was in Gibraltar on his way to exile, Belbachir went out of his way to visit him on a boat to wish him the best. Even though there were no political ties with Ethiopia at the time, Belbachir’s monarchical background coerced him to pay the due respect to the deposed monarch.

Belbachir’s political ideologies can be further understood through future encounters with the Spanish leaders. When Belbachir’s oldest son, Bachir, met Infante Juan, Count of Barcelona, son of Alfonso XIII of Spain, in 1979 in the UAE, the count reported that Belbachir was an unsurpassed monarchist. This historical tie was further reinforced and extended when Juan Carlos Borbon, the current king of Spain, met Bachir again in May 2008 in the UAE and requested that a picture be taken immediately together to highlight the shared monarchical history. The king remembered that Belbachir politically protected him at the local level by dint of his “makhzen” power during his hospitalisation due to a sudden appendicitis attack that required an immediate operation in Tangier. At that time, the future Spanish king was around ten years old. Such recent and meaningful encounters could have only been made possible by Belbachir’s importance and reputation during the occupation.

Belbachir was destined to be one of the most prominent political figures in Spanish Morocco and was often alluded to as the “eminence grise” of the caliph of Spanish Morocco . In 1994, Benjelloun further supported the term “eminence grise” in the Moroccan newpaper, Al Bayan. This was the last Moroccan newspaper up to that point, in the passage of time, that mentioned Belbachir .

First and foremost, he is historically known to be the only intermediary between the sultan, Mohammed the Fifth of French Morocco and the caliph of Spanish Morocco as well as the only negotiator between Franco and the caliph. For example, given that Franco’s body guards were virtually all Moroccans, it was incumbent upon Belbachir to pre-screen (to check any criminal background) the potential body guards for the Spanish head of state. Furthermore, Belbachir, at times, intervened to obtain a promotion for some of Franco’s bodyguards.

Additionally, he was the only politician from Spanish Morocco who could socially and politically communicate, especially during times of crises, with nineteenth century politicians and warriors who were still around in the 1950’s. Thami El Glaoui, the Pasha of Marrakesh and the supreme head of the Glaoua tribes at the time, had to pay top-secret visits to Belbachir to maintain balance and unity between the two protectorates. Furthermore, Belbachir was the only politician from Spanish Morocco who could socially bond with Muhammad al-Muqri (Mokri), the Grand Vizier of French Morocco at the time. Al Muqri served seven consecutive sultans and was the longest lasting and the oldest public servant in world history according to the Guinness Book of Records.

Similarly, Belbachir is historically known to be in the higher social circles the only politician from Spanish Morocco who negotiated, to the satisfaction of all domestic and foreign powers, the last phase of Abd el-Krim Khattabi's exile. Abd el-Krim was the most distinguished armed rebel against the Franco-Spanish forces prior to and during the occupation and the future militia model for Che Guevara, Mao Zedong and Ho Chi Minh. Given that Abdelkrim was a militant republican, fears of republicanism and secession on the part of the Rif, Abdekrim’s native province, subsided at that point.

Belbachir was the only known politician from Spanish Morocco who could communicate and financially support all the political parties in “colonial times” . He was continuously touching base with the Independance (Istiqlal Party), Reformist (Islah), Unionist (Wahda) and Council (Shura) parties. Belbachir sustained and controlled the Unity party both politically and economically. Ideologically, he empathized with the Council party due to its progressive views. Abdelhadi Boutaleb, an ex-member of the council party in “colonial” times as well as an ex-politician and an ex-professor in post-colonial Morocco, openly testifies in writing today that Belbachir was constantly politically and financially supporting these parties.

Similarly, Belbachir was the only politician from Spanish Morocco who financially supported the Army of Liberation. He was constantly in touch with all the major rebel militia leaders/coordinators from both the Spanish and French zones. The resistance (armed or unarmed) depended on Belbachir due to the position he held and due to the fact that he was one of the few "millionnaires" who were around in the latter part of the occupation. In other words, poverty was ubiquitous and rich people were readily countable.

Moreover, in the higher social circles, Belbachir is historically known to be the supervisor and architect of the caliph’s wedding, the most celebrated wedding in the world in 1949 . This wedding is also known to be the most celebrated wedding in Moroccan history after the wedding of Sultan Abdulrahman . Pictures of this wedding were in the front cover and first pages of most magazines and newspapers in the West and in the Arab world.

To reveal more information about this wedding, it should be noted that Belbachir was the only negotiator for this nuptial union. He successfully negotiated this union from 1943 to 1947 to the satisfaction of the caliph, the bride who was daughter of the Sultan Abdelaziz of Morocco and who was born and raised in Tangier and Sultan Mohammed V who was initially adamant about the union. In fact, this union brought more solidarity between two main branches of the Alaouite dynasty as well as between the protectorates including Tangier, an international city occupied by several European powers.

Belbachir is also known to be the only politician who overhauled the inherited government and palace under the first caliph who passed away around 1923. Together with the Spaniards, Belbachir established a system of financial and work accountability for the palace and government employees. As time went by, he also chose many new employees that the Spaniards did not hesitate to approve of. Miguel Marin stated that, by 1955, a new caliphal government emerged that included nationalists such as Abdullah Guennoun. However, the missing fact in Marin’s account is that Belbachir caused the emergence of that new government. And, he was the only politician who had a foot in the palace and a foot in the government and thereby creating a solid link between those two institutions.

Belbachir is also known to be the only politician in the entire history of Spanish Morocco who politically dealt with fifteen consecutive High Commissioners (who were generals) representing the Spanish government. Some of these Commissioners were from the pre-republic, republic and Franco’s time. What is noteworthy herein is that General Franco was one of these commissioners at one point.

Belbachir is also known to be the first politician who sent a cultural representative from Spanish Morocco to the Arab League of Nations. This contrasts with French Morocco; for this zone had no representation in the Arab League. As a matter of fact, French Morocco counted on Spanish Morocco’s ability to maintain and cultivate such ties.

At the request of the Muslim community in Ceuta, a Spanish enclave in Northern Morocco occupied by Portugal in the early fifteenth century and given to Spain in the late sixteenth century in a peace treaty, Belbachir built the first mosque yonder. He came up with a budget drawn from the palace for that mosque and supervised its construction.

Belbachir was also popularly known to be the only long-term and gainfully employed politician from Spanish Morocco who helped link the two protectorates after independence. The country’s perception was such that the country could not do without him until such a matter is settled. After the matter was settled, the nation was able to move to "base one".

Finally, Belbachir is socially known to be the leading pioneer of the first Moroccan Embassy at Great Britain. He chose most of that staff that went to Great Britain. He was also in charge of promotions, demotions and terminations of all the staff. He was the only diplomat from that group who went with a Moroccan princess to visit Queen Elizabeth upon his arrival to Great Britain.

In order for Belbachir to be known to a greater or lesser degree in the above-mentioned ways, certain positions must have provided him with the platform. Most of these positions were given to him during the protectorate. The last positions were sequels to the period of occupation.

Belbachir held various key and powerful positions during the Spanish occupation such as Chief of the Civil Household, Director General of the Secretariat of the caliph, Secretary General of the Privy Council of the caliph and Secretary General of the "makhzen". Other positions were not officially granted, but implied or perceived such as the “advisor to the caliph” . Similarly, on November 1949, the Spanish newspaper, Ofensiva, alluded to him as the chamberlain, receiving top officials of Franco’s government in celebration of the Jalifa’s throne day

The accumulation of said positions together with his “makhzen” background, Spanish education, symbiotic existence throughout his life with the caliph, progressively acquired political savvy and innate ability opened the doors for a unique role. This, eventually allowed him to dominate the political scene (from the Moroccan side) in this rather fleeting but crucial “colony”. Such a “colony” was politically, socially and economically linked to the rest of North Africa, Europe and the Middle East.

In brief, the acid test of this politician’s significance comes from the various writers from different walks of life. In June 1949, Life Magazine highlighted his highly effective, but unusual managerial skills where he was observed as the hovering reference point for everyone in the center of very complex activity . In Abdelmajid Benjelloun’s doctoral dissertation, based on two hundred interviews, he summed up Belbachir as the major architect and the pillar of the vice-regal system, the caliphal government that communicated with the Spanish authorities. In the field of poetry, Mohammed Ben Brahim , poet of Al Hamra, described Belbachir as the politician who can skilfully and benevolently run the nation while the head of state is peacefully resting in his palace. By synthesizing these three testimonies coming from a journalist / photographer, a historian and a poet respectively, one understands that Belbachir was the leading figure and the driving force of the vice-regal system.

Given such an unquestioned power, Belbachir positively tried to upgrade Morocco by enhancing and creating social programs and by making this country fit with the Greater World. He managed to maintain and improve socio-political ties with Europe and the Arab World, despite difficult times. Of particular importance was his role during WW2 when he used the Spanish government as a filter to help hamstring Nazi intentions in North Africa.

References

Medals:

The domestic medals were the following: 1) Mohammed the Fifth gave him the Youssoufia in 1947 in Azilah. 2) The caliph gave him two Mehdaouias after the caliphal wedding in 1949. 3) The caliph also gave him a medal of the vice-regal palace. There were only four people in the protectorate that obtained it.

The foreign medals were the following: 1) In 1934, The Spanish government under the republic gave him La Gran Cruz Isabella La Catolica (Orden de Isabel la Católica), the most outstanding medal given to an outsider, especially to someone at the age of 26. The title of “comendador” (knight/gentleman) was also attained in 1934. 2) Franco’s government gave him La Gran Cruz Merito Civil in 1940. 3) Franco’s government again gave him Merito de Africa for twenty consecutive years of dialogue in 1951.

See also

History of Morocco

Western Sahara

Allal al-Fassi

Abdelkhalek Torres

Mohammed V of Morocco

Shakib Arslan

Rafael Garcia Valino

Muhammad al-Muqri

National Liberation Front (Algeria)

Spanish Morocco

Mohammed Ben Brahim

Istiqlal Party

Abdessadeq Cheqara

Morocco

Mohammed Amin al-Husayni

Abdelaziz of Morocco

Abd el-Krim

Tetouan

Josephine Baker

Thami El Glaoui

Descendants

• Amina Haskouri: Interpreter/Translator for a private company linked to the Organization of African States in Tangier, Morocco

• Bachir Haskouri: Economist/Advisor in the Arab Monetary Fund, Abu Dhabi UAE

• Sakina Haskouri: Deceased in Paris, France in 1979

• Mohammed Said Haskouri: Self-employed businessman in London, Canada

• Saleh Haskouri: Mathematics Lecturer in Dubai, UAE

External Links / Notes

Belbachir writes to General Franco via the latter’s deputy (Munoz Grande) to request a promotion for one of Franco’s body guards.

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Belbachir was part of General Franco's hunting trips:

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Belbachir was given the title of commendador/knight under the Spanish republic. Copy of the document is online:

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