Allegations of French apartheid

Template:Allegations of apartheid Allegations of French apartheid draw analogies between France and apartheid-era South Africa. The term has been increasingly used in discussions of the 2005 French youth riots.

In Algeria

See also: French rule in Algeria

Following its conquest of Ottoman controlled Algeria in 1830, for well over a century France maintained colonial rule in the territory which has been described as "quasi-apartheid". Camille Bonora-Waisman writes that, "[i]n contrast with the Moroccan and Tunisian protectorates", this "colonial apartheid society" was unique to Algeria.

This "internal system of apartheid" met with considerable resistance from the Muslims affected by it, and is cited as one of the causes of the 1954 insurrection.

Transferred to France

According to Paul A. Silverstein, associate professor of anthropology at Reed College and author of Algeria in France: Transpolitics, Race, and Nation, and Chantal Tetreault, assistant professor of anthropology at University of North Carolina at Charlotte, who has researched and written extensively on language, gender, and social exclusion in French suburban housing projects, the colonial apartheid in Algeria has been re-created in the cities of France:

As such, the colonial dual cities described by North African urban theorists Janet Abu-Lughod, Zeynep Çelik, Paul Rabinow, and Gwendolyn Wright—in which native medinas were kept isolated from European settler neighborhoods out of competing concerns of historical preservation, public hygiene, and security—have been effectively re-created in the postcolonial present, with contemporary urban policy and policing maintaining suburban cités and their residents in a state of immobile apartheid, at a perpetual distance from urban, bourgeois centers.

Tariq Ramadan, a French Muslim, alleges that France is disintegrating into a "territorial and social apartheid" because "certain French citizens are treated as second-class citizens, if not the leprous members of the national community". He points to divisions between the wealthy urban areas and the poorer suburban areas in French cities, as well as an ethnic division between European French and non-European (primarily North-African, Muslim) immigrant French. Protesters of this division, who argue that the problem is exacerbated by the government, refer to it as a unique form of "urban apartheid."

According to Ralph Peters, France's apartheid has a distinctly racial aspect. In his view, France's "5 million brown and black residents" have "failed to appreciate discrimination, jobless rates of up to 50 percent, public humiliation, crime, bigotry and, of course, the glorious French culture that excluded them through an informal apartheid system."

The issue of "educational apartheid" is also of great concern to George Mason University law professor Harry Hutchison, who has warned that France's refusal to implement its 2006 First Employment Contract law will disproportionally harm poor youth, particularly immigrants; in his view, "France will continue to mirror apartheid-era South Africa".

Caused by Islam itself?

Some have argued that French apartheid is the result of Islamism among French Muslims. This argument has been made in debates about the 2005 French law on secularity and conspicuous religious symbols in schools, which was formulated primarily to prohibit girls from wearing the hijab in schools. Gilles Kepel, who co-authored this law, argued that it was not "acceptable" for members of different religions groups to primarily identify themselves as members of their faith (and secondarily as French) by wearing conspicuous religious symbols, as the end result would be "a sort of apartheid".

These debates also mirror earlier crises, particularly the "headscarf affair" of 1989, when three Muslim girls were excluded from schools for wearing headscarves. The affair triggered national debate in France, revealed previously unusual alliances between the left, feminists, and the right, and exposed differing views of and visions for the nature of French society. According to Maxim Silverman:

In the headscarf affair this 'vision', in its most extreme form, was often polarised in terms of the Republic or fundamentalism (secularism or fanaticism), the Republic or separate development (integration or apartheid). The problem for large parts of the Left was that they were often sharing the same discourse as Le Pen who used the affair to warn against 'the islamicisation of France'... in a splended example of the either/or choice facing France, in which there was is a convergence of many of the discursive elements mentioned above, the Prime Minister Michel Rocard announced on 2 December 1989, that France cannot be 'a juxtaposition of communities', must be founded on common values and must not follow the Anglo-Saxon model which allows ethnic groups to barricade themselves inside geographical and cultural ghettos leading to 'soft forms of apartheid' (quoted in Le Monde, 7 December 1989).

A 2005 article in Arab News by Amir Taheri argued that Islam was actually causing self-segregation:

As the number of immigrants and their descendants increases in a particular locality, more and more of its native French inhabitants leave for “calmer places”, thus making assimilation still more difficult. In some areas it is possible for an immigrant or his descendants to spend a whole life without ever encountering the need to speak French let alone familiarize himself with any aspect of the famous French culture.

The result is often alienation. And that, in turn, gives radical Islamists an opportunity to propagate their message of religious and cultural apartheid. Some are even calling for the areas where Muslims form a majority of the population to be re-organized on the basis of the “millet” system that was in force in the Ottoman Empire. Under that system each religious community is regarded as ”millet” and enjoys the right to organize its social, cultural and educational life in accordance with its religious beliefs.

In some parts of France a de facto “millet” system is already in place. In these areas all women are obliged to wear the standardized Islamist “hijab” while most men grow their beards to the length prescribed by the sheikhs. The radicals have managed to chase away French shopkeepers selling wine and alcohol and pork products, forced “places of sin” such as dancing halls, cinemas and theaters to close down and, seized control of much of the local administration often through permeation.

A similar point of view is taken by Minette Marrin of The Sunday Times:

However, we might at least recognise the problem. As usual a great many people are deliberately avoiding it, in particular by editing the word Muslim out of their debates, as if Islam had nothing to do with the dangerous mood sweeping Europe. Poverty and rejection have played a significant part, but there is an unmistakable sense in which the riots are Muslim, consciously so.

Muslims vary and their beliefs vary. But the response of some Muslims to frustration — whether or not the fault of westerners — has been to retreat into more extreme forms of Islam and into the arms of fundamentalists. Yet although we know this, and despite the Salman Rushdie affair, despite the bombs and assassinations that led up to 9/11, despite the recent atrocities, we seem unwilling to recognise that what this can mean is deliberate separatism — apartheid.

File:Kepel3.jpg

Gilles Kepel speaking at United States Institute of Peace, March 16, 2006.

French Muslim women also see the "apartheid" as being internally imposed by the French Muslim community, and the issue as not one about religious freedom, but rather "about saving schoolgirls from a kind of apartheid that was increasingly imposed by men in their community".

The French periodical Le Monde Diplomatique, however, disagrees with this assessment, and devoted two entire articles to the discussion of "urban apartheid" and "educational apartheid" in France, citing them as the two main factors in the the explosive 2005 French youth riots. Le Monde Diplomatique argues that attributing French apartheid to Islamism is merely a smokescreen meant to ignore core socioeconomic and ethnic issues:

A few villains or a handful of Muslim “brothers” can hardly be held responsible for the ghettoization of more than 700 zones urbaines sensibles (ZUS, government-designated problem areas) and their 5 million inhabitants. As Laurent Bonelli points out (see page 2), it makes more sense to attribute the recent violence to a process of urban apartheid - a stark contradiction of the French integrationist model - and to the discrimination and racism that afflict young Arabs and blacks. The smokescreen generated by the controversy over Islamic headscarves has blown away, revealing a brutal reality.

Writing in The Weekly Standard, Robert S. Leiken actually credits French apartheid with reducing Islamist sentiment. In his view:

The modernist housing experiments of the sixties have produced apartheid du Corbusier. Together with government monitoring and stiff hate crime punishments, that French apartheid helps explain why its Muslim slums are less Islamist than the British. Walled off by cavernous superhighways, the quartiers in a supreme irony have turned into homelands, the source of a sort of stunted nationalism aroused once in places like Belfast.

Criticism

Montpellier's socialist mayor, Hélène Mandroux objects to the term "apartheid" in relation to France's treatment of African minorities, arguing that "Terms like urban apartheid are over-dramatic We recognize the problem and we are trying to deal with it, but this is not Johannesburg in the 1980s."

References

• "France Will Continue to Mirror Apartheid-Era South Africa", DiverseEducation.com, May 4,2006.
• Bell, David Scott. Presidential Power in Fifth Republic France, Berg Publishers, 2000. ISBN 185973376X
• Bonora-Waisman, Camille. France and the Algerian Conflict: Issues in Democracy and Political Stability, 1988-1995, Ashgate Publishing, 2003. ISBN 1840147512
• Felouzis, Georges and Perroton, Joëlle. "The trouble with the schools", Le Monde diplomatique, December, 2005.
• Follath, Erich. Tariq "Ramadan on the crisis in France", Salon.com, November 16, 2005.
• Gentleman, Amelia. "France wakes up to plight of its forgotten cities", The Guardian, August 6, 2004.
• Leiken, Robert S. "Revolting in France; The labor-law protests pitted the privileged young against disaffected immigrants", The Weekly Standard, 5/1/2006.
• Maceda, Jim. "France divided by headscarf debate", NBC News, February 9, 2004.
• Marrin, Minette. "Muslim apartheid burns bright in France", The Sunday Times, November 13, 2005.
• McGoldrick, Dominic. Human Rights and Religion: The Islamic Headscarf Debate in Europe, Hart Publishing, 2006, ISBN 1841136522
• Peters, Ralph. "France's Intifada", The New York Post, November 8, 2005.
• Silverman, Maxim. Deconstructing the Nation: Immigration, Racism, and Citizenship in Modern France, Routledge, 1992. ISBN 0415044839
• Silverstein, Paul A. & Tetreault, Chantal. "Postcolonial Urban Apartheid", Civil Unrest in the French Suburbs, November 2005, Social Science Research Council, June 11, 2006. Retrieved July 15, 2007.
• Taheri, Amir. "France’s Ticking Time Bomb", Arab News, November 5, 2005.
• Vidal, Dominique. "The fight against urban apartheid", Le Monde diplomatique, December, 2005.
• Wall, Irwin M. France, the United States, and the Algerian War, University of California Press, 2001. ISBN 0520225341

See also

• Crime of apartheid

External links

• Racism and Social Apartheid. French Suburbs: 10 Questions
• "Vive la revolution … new rallying cry to France"
• Reader comments on the article "Muslim Apartheid Burns Bright in France"