Talk:Supervised injection site

Untitled

I believe drug injection sites are not helping, they are promoting the illegal use of drugs. If the drugs were made legal, then the SIS's would make sense, but as it is, its simply hypocritical and illegal. There is the matter of harm reduction, however, i believe that harm could be reduced by making the drug legal, so it would not be so appealing and expensive, eliminating the underground market for drugs. It would save a lot of people time, money, and their lives if drugs were made legal and therefore less appealing.—Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.69.160.165 (talk • contribs) 16:46, May 1, 2006

I agree with the above, But in the meantime people need a safe, clean environment to be in. This adds to the plan of saving people time, money, and their lives. belive me I know. Vancouver—Preceding unsigned comment added by 199.175.65.31 (talk • contribs) 07:26, May 9, 2006

Remember, Wikipedia is a neutral encyclopedia. Any opinions should be of the general public or experts (preferably with citations). Therefore, this information cannot be included in the article.—Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.68.140.39 (talk • contribs) 22:01, June 2, 2006

It would be interesting to know the total amount the site is costing tax payers.—Preceding unsigned comment added by 64.180.217.100 (talk • contribs) 07:16, September 2, 2006

I would like to propose the changing of this site from "safe-injection site" to "supervised-injection site" to make it align with the terminology used by Insite: http://www.vch.ca/sis/ There is nothing "safe" about injecting heroin and the terminology regarding harm reduction should change to match this. Just because the media refers to them as "safe injection sites" does not mean it is correct. Canadianehme 19:52, 24 November 2006 (UTC)

Dead Link

The link to the Barrish article seems to lead to a broken site when I try to call it up using Firefox in Linux. Does it work for anyone else or should it be removed? KenWalker | Talk 20:23, 24 November 2006 (UTC)

It would be interesting to know the total amount of money the site is "saving" the taxpayer. Its got to be cheaper than health care by 911.—Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.66.19.20 (talk • contribs) 02:48, February 20, 2007

I believe this does make things more safe than doing it on the street. The fact that most drug overdoses are caused by the user not knowing the quality of the product assumes this. The SIS provides a more pure form of the heroin that is found on the street. I also believe that this should cut down on street deals which people are killed over, and robbery if it is not as costly as on the street. Needles are not shared in the safe injection sites either, which cuts down on the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, e.g Endocarditis, Group A Streptococcal Infections Hepatitis, Hepatitis A, Hepatitis B, Chronic Hepatitis B, Hepatitis C, Chronic Hepatitis C, Hepatitis D, HIV, AIDS, HTLV,HTLV-1,Invasive group A Streptococcal disease, Sexually Transmitted Diseases, Streptococcal Infections, Tropical Spastic Paraparesis, Tuberculosis. From my understanding of researching of these sites they keep other things safe, not just the users of heroin, but non drug using citizens as well. A person who has never done heroin in there life can have a sexual encounter with someone who contracted disease from using invegeous needles due to cost or supply of clean sterilized needles. What i wonder is if they give different dosages to different people according to body size, weight, tolerance etc.. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.192.41.242 (talk) 04:31, 20 April 2010 (UTC)

Merge of injecting room

The article on injecting rooms needs to be merged into this one. --151.201.24.17 (talk) —Preceding comment was added at 19:47, 8 May 2008 (UTC)

Hear Hear, I agree. Done. This is a better term for the concept, it encapsulates the aim of these sites better. Hope people are happy with my re-write of the injecting room article, I tried to reword it with my own understanding and references.--rakkar (talk) 14:49, 9 May 2008 (UTC)

Evidence & validity of Harm Minimisation as public health

Moved from Talk:Harm_reduction

I've just removed a large number of edits to the page. I've included below my specific reasons for each section, but in general it harks to wider debates about Harm Reduction. Wikipedia is not a battleground for this topic, but rather it should seek to portray each side as objectively as possible. I'm happy for the article to include the perspective Minphie wants to write, however it needs to have good references (as opposed to some of the bad ones pointed out below) and should avoid weasel words.

... Where Harm Reduction is used to alleviate the harms of illegal practices or behaviours, critics () of the approach cite concerns about its strategies sending a message of sanctioned acceptance of the very behaviours which the community, through its legislators, do not accept. (References?)

...

Critics of this intervention cite the high costs to any community providing heroin maintenance programs. For instance, the British heroin trial initiated in 2005 costs the British government £15,000 pounds per participant per annum. (Adam Baxter's article actually supports opiate treatment as having better financial outcomes for the community and psychosocial outcomes for the client. This article appears to have been deliberately misquoted by Minphie to say that heroin treatment is costing the community money when in fact the author says that prescription heroin has huge savings in the long run.)

The trial claims that the illicit heroin use of participants is reduced from £300 to £50 per week, that is from £15,600 acquisitive crime per year to £2,600 per year. Yet for the £15,000 investment, the community is still £2,000 worse off in terms of ongoing acquisitive crime.(This simplistic maths classes as original research. Academics spend months producing research to support claims like this, it's not verifiable to make assumptions like this.)

Alternatively, Sweden’s policy of compulsory rehabilitation of drug addicts has yielded the lowest illicit drug use levels in the developed world. (Firstly, on what page of this mammoth document is this fact drawn from? Secondly, Sweden is not opposed to harm reduction at all - http://www.ihra.net/Assets/1556/1/HarmReductionPoliciesandPractiveWorldwide5.pdf ) ... Critics of this harm reduction intervention reject the harm reductionists’ (What is a harm reductionist? Another weasel word) claims of ensuing lower rates of blood-born viruses on the grounds that there has never been a weight of scientific evidence which supports the claim. See Needle Exchange Programme for discussion of the evidence. (Needs to be referenced properly.)

... Critics of this intervention point to evaluations of safe injection sites.

For example, the 2003 evaluation of the Sydney Medically Supervised Injecting Centre[13] found:

○ that there was no evidence that the injecting room reduced the number of overdose deaths in the area (p. 60)

○ no improvement in ambulance overdose attendances in the area (p. 60)

○ no improvement in ambulance overdose attendance during hours the injecting room was open (p.60)

○ no improvement in overdose presentations at hospital emergency wards (p. 60)

○ no improvement re HIV infections (p. 71)

○ no improvement in Hep B infections (p. 72)

○ either worse or no improvement (depending on the suburb studied) in new Hep C notifications (p. 80)

○ discarded syringe counts on street reduced only in line with reductions in numbers handed out due to heroin drought (p. 123)

○ drug-related loitering and drug dealing worsened at the station entrance immediately opposite the centre (p. 147) (As for this section, I don't have the time to address each one, however the general consensus regarding the matter is that the first evaluation had methodological flaws which have been corrected in later evaluations. See Dr. Van Beek's book, Eye of the Needle [[1]] around page 85 for further info. Secondly, the centre has been running for seven years since that report came out and there is more evidence of the positive outcomes the centre achieves.)

An analysis of this evaluation by an epidemiologist, addiction medicine practitioner, and social researchers and practitioners found overdose levels in the MSIC 36 times higher than on the surrounding streets of Kings Cross, with clients averaging only one in every of their 35 injections in the room, evidencing low utilization rates in light of the ever-present risk of fatal overdose to each heroin user.[14] Testimony of ex-clients of the MSIC reported to the NSW Legislative Council[15] alleged that the extremely high overdose rates were due to clients experimenting with poly-drug cocktails and higher doses of heroin in the knowledge that staff were present to ensure their safety. (Hansard is a good source for references, however the section in question was a comment made by a former client. No analysis or research was included. There are many other comments from current and former clients who strongly support the centre however they are of no more value as references than my opinion or Minphie's)

The 2003 evaluation noted that, “In this study of the Sydney injecting room there were 9.2 heroin overdoses per 1000 heroin injections in the centre. This rate of overdose is higher than amongst heroin injectors generally. The injecting room clients seem to have been a high-risk group with a higher rate of heroin injections than others not using the injection room facilities. They were more often injecting on the streets and they appear to have taken greater risks and used more heroin whilst in the injecting room.[16] (Overdose does not equal death - the MSIC reports clinical overdoses which are very precisely assessed and recorded. Overdoses on the street are not. Also, see previous comment about the 2003 report.)

It is this injecting room effect of increasing the trade for local drug dealers that has been condemned by critics .

... --rakkar (talk) 13:41, 18 January 2010 (UTC)

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I am returning text vandalized by Rakkar on the grounds that there is no substance to his rationales for removing text. It is not enough to dream up some sort of fanciful rationale, not based in fact, as reason for removing carefully cited and factual information from Wikipedia.

1. Rakkar removes text because specific critics have not been named for a very general criticism of harm reduction. I point out that if a critique of a particular intervention is typed into Wikipedia that there is ipso facto 'critics' of the view. Thus the term 'critics' is accurate, not requiring further elucidation, where a valid criticism is entered into the text. Valid criticism is judged, of course, by the logic or evidence adduced. Therefore the paragraph "Where harm reduction . . . " is correct and needs no further citation. I could of course add some of the organisations, such as the many involved in the International Taskforce on Strategic Drug Policy, or the UN International Narcotics Control Board, that do make this critique, but it would be entirely superfluous to the argument.

2. Rakkar again appeals to unspecified 'critics', but because there is a criticism entered into the text 'critics' are in fact already validly implied.

Further Rakkar appeals to the private perspectives of a staff member in the program, Adam Baxter, wishing to promote his private views of cost effectiveness over the very clear mathematics that are related in newspaper articles elsewhere quoting John Strang, the leader of the project. It should be noted that until there is a peer-reviewed journal article on the outcomes (psycho-social or whatever else) on this project, we cannot take the private views of a staff member as guidance for Wikipedia. Presently, there is no journal article on outcomes, only Strang's financial comparisons in a media release.

3. It is not enough to remove a properly cited fact ie Sweden having the lowest drug use levels in the OECD, as found in the comparison figures of the UN World Drug Report (pages are given in the citiation). To remove this text, the onus is on Rakkar to disprove the UN World Drug Report data. And of course my statement is correct, so cannot be removed by whim or unfounded contentiousness.

4. See above on the use of word 'critics'. Again a clear and valid criticism is outlined, so there are ipso facto critics.

5. The term harm reductionist is an accurate title, used by the movement itself. Just as those who advance prohibition are called prohibitionists, with no concern about the labeling by its proponents, Rakkar's criticism of the term is unfounded. Of course, Rakkar is welcome to change the term to 'proponents of harm reduction' if he wishes, but to remove a whole paragraph is clearly vandalism.

6. Rakkar removes a section on needle exchange, in which the linked article on Wikipedia is very tightly and carefully referenced (at least for the critique part of the article). If Rakkar removes this section again I will take the right to reproduce ALL the needle exchange references on that other WIKIPEDIA page, making it a much more cumbersome article, but all the more damning of the intervention.

7. Critics of the safe injecting sites are many, but again who they are is not germane to the critiques. The critiques speak for themselves. Drug Free Australia's website carries a comprehensive critique, of course. Rakkar has removed the entire added text on suppositions simply not supported by fact. This is clear vandalism.

a. Stating that the first evaluation had 'methodological flaws' is no reason to remove the facts. In fact, every one of the cited facts from the evaluation, where each can be checked according to the page number listed, has not been contested by anybody. Dr van Beek has taken issue with the estimate of users in Kings Cross on a daily basis, from which overdose statistics are extrapolated, but has not taken issue with any of the data that Rakkar lists above his fanciful criticism (above).

b. If Rakkar wants to take issue with the overdose statistical comparisons he is welcome to add, in brackets, that Dr van Beek, Medical Director of the MSIC, has questioned whether the evaluation estimated too high a number of users in Kings Cross on a daily basis, but there is absolutely no justification for removing something which is entirely factual, as per the 2003 evaluation. Even when van Beek's concerns are taken into account the number of overdoses inside the room remain many times higher than on the streets. This discussion can be found on Australia's Update listserver.

c. Rakkar quite evidently has no idea whatsoever as to what is in later evaluations on the MSIC, guessing at their contents for the sake of contentiousness. There is only one, Evaluation 4, which has data which contradicts anything in the 2003 first evaluation. This is the statement that ambulance callouts have dropped by 80%, (but which is clearly the result of the heroin drought - heroin deaths AUSTRALIA-WIDE dropped by 75% in the same period, so we would expect ambulance callouts to drop similarly whether there is an injecting room or not in Kings Cross). Also there is data in Evaluation 4 that quite intriguingly conflicts with the first evaluation, whereby no. 4 states that the Kings Cross area had a greater drop in callouts than other adjacent suburbs. The 2003 evaluation said there was NO DIFFERENCE between Kings Cross and adjacent suburbs, while Evaluation 4 has a graph showing differences. Who are we to believe? This is not for Wikipedia to resolve. And there is no case for removal of a factual statement by Minphie.

d. The testimony of ex-users is extremely important. These are ex-clients who have gone to rehab, and who are more likely to speak with honesty and candour. The debate in NSW Parliament is as good a reference as is required for this kind of evidence, and Rakkar cannot remove the sentence simply because he doesn't like the reality.

e. Rakkar's intended rebuttal of overdoses inside and outside the room shows no basic understanding whatsoever of statistical comparisons. These comparisons were checked by one of Australia's most internationally renowned epidemiologists, Dr D'arcy Holman of WA Uni, and his e-mail to Drug Free Australia can be found on the Drug Free Australia full analysis website documentation.

Minphie —Preceding unsigned comment added by Minphie (talk •contribs) 11:30, 1 March 2010 (UTC)

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I've changed the article somewhat. Minphie has reverted the article again, so rather than start a revert war, I've tagged some of the weasel words in the article as well as some of the unverified claims. It's been good actually, I've tagged a few other unverified claims already in the article. I don't want to spend hours arguing every point above, and I don't want this to turn into an edit war. Minphie's edits have a place in this article, hopefully we can all turn this into a better article. --rakkar (talk) 02:21, 3 March 2010 (UTC)

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I have removed the spurious 'refuted' from the text re criticisms of SIFs because the cited evidence most certainly does not refute the statement that was previously written. I have also removed any reference to reduced hospital presentations because there was no data comparison available to make any such judgment.

Rakkar has cited an unpublished Addiction article which relies on the 4th Evaluation of the MSIC dated June 2007. This evaluation does claim that there were reduced ambulance attendances in the immediate area of the MSIC, a reduction of 80%, according to their figures, which also coincided with Australia's heroin drought during the period studied. It is noted that heroin deaths Australia-wide reduced by 67% over the period studied by the 4th evaluation due top the heroin drought. However it should be noted that Evaluation 4 contradicts Evaluation 1 despite purportedly using the exact same dataset. Whereas Evaluation 4 found a greater reduction in ambulance attendances in postcode 2011, which surrounds the MSIC, than in the 2010 postcode adjacent, the 2003 conclusion from exactly the same data contradicted the 2007 evaluation. The 2003 evaluation clearly says on p 49, commenting on Table 3.1 which compares ambulance attendances AFTER the MSIC opening against the heroin drought effects between January 2001 and May 2001 that "Analysis of the postcode areas 2010 and 2011 separately showed no different pattern of results" and yet the graph in Evaluation 4 shows a recognizable difference. This contradiction has yet to be explained.

Also Evaluation 4 was not able to compare Kings Cross hospital presentations with the rest of NSW and clearly says that no conclusions can be made in light of the heroin drought. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Minphie (talk • contribs) 11:51, 24 March 2010 (UTC) Signed ---minphie

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Hi Minphie, I have removed your new headings and combined each reply into a single discussion. Helps other editors know this is an ongoing conversation. You obviously fundamentally object to Harm reduction on principle, but it would be helpful if you could acknowledge that it does have it's strengths as well as weaknesses. It would be good to work together on this, I certainly acknowledge that it has failings. You're obviously fairly well up on the debate here in Australia, do you work in a related field?

1. I have removed the sentence "See Needle Exchange Programme for discussion of the evidence." again because it is not in keeping with [[[wikipedia:Summary style#References,_citations_and_external_links|http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Summary_style#References.2C_citations_and_external_links]] Summary style]. We don't reproduce all information on a topic whenever it is mentioned, we direct readers to the main article to read further. As you noted, reproducing it would make the article cumbersome and unreadable.

1 - I have removed the sentence "(but it is also noted that data from this later study uses the data for the same ambulance services as the 2003 evaluation, but with obviously conflicting data for the years 2001 and 2002)". It obviously references something from the Salmon, van Beek et al article, but I don't know what. As noted on the edit summary, its possible to analyse the same data with different methodology and get valid results. Plus, it's probably a bit long to be in brackets.

2 - In regards to ambulance call outs, I changed the word balanced to corrected, as the conflict was not in opinion but in statistical analysis. It didn't balance the old analysis, it replaced it.

3 - Removed mention of claim in DFA pamphlet that on average users only visit MSIC for 1 in 35 injections. The maths underlying the statement is BAD, and has not been reproduced by anyone else. It assumes that EVERY client of the centre uses 3 times a day, every day. Some would use more, some would use less.

4 - Removed sentence - "and drug-related loitering and drug dealing worsened at the station entrance immediately opposite the centre (p. 147). This claim has been disproved - "[The] results suggest that setting up an MSIC does not necessarily lead to an increase in drug-related problems of crime and public loitering" from From "Freeman K., Jones C. G. A., Weatherburn D. J., Rutter S., Spooner C. J., Donnelly N. The impact of the Sydney Medically Supervised Injecting Centre (MSIC) on crime. Drug Alcohol Rev 2005; 24: 173–84. Here's the whole abstract "The current study aimed to model the effect of Australia’s first Medically Supervised Injecting Centre (MSIC) on acquisitive crime and loitering by drug users and dealers. The effect of the MSIC on drug-related property and violent crime was examined by conducting time series analysis of police-recorded trends in theft and robbery incidents, respectively. The effect of the MSIC on drug use and dealing was examined by (a) time series analysis of a special proxy measure of drug-related loitering; (b) interviewing key informants; and (c) examining trends in the proportion of Sydney drug offences that were recorded in Kings Cross. There was no evidence that the MSIC trial led to either an increase or decrease in theft or robbery incidents. There was also no evidence that the MSIC led to an increase in ‘drug-related’ loitering at the front of the MSIC after it opened, although there was a small increase in ‘total’ loitering (by 1.2 persons per occasion of observation). Trends in both ‘drug-related’ and ‘total’ loitering at the front of the MSIC steadily declined to baseline levels, or below, after it opened. There was a very small but sustained increase in ‘drug-related’ (0.09 persons per count) and ‘total’ loitering (0.37 persons per count) at the back of the MSIC after it opened. Key informant interviews noted an increase in loitering across the road from the MSIC but this was not attributed to an influx of new users and dealers to the area. There was no increase in the proportion of drug use or drug supply offences committed in Kings Cross that could be attributed to the opening of the MSIC. These results suggest that setting up an MSIC does not necessarily lead to an increase in drug-related problems of crime and public loitering."

--rakkar (talk) 06:32, 25 March 2010 (UTC)

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In light of not being able to find the Wikipedia convention that would point readers in the Harm Reduction page to the evidence against the effectiveness of needle exchanges on the Needle-exchange programme page, I have reproduced the relevant evidence in the Harm Reduction page.

If Rakkar wants to provide a correct link to the Needle-exchange programme page he could help readers to find the information they need there rather than be reproduced on the Harm reduction page. But the removal of the link that was there serves to remove any reference to evidence whatsoever when the evidence is indeed against any claims of proven effectiveness. --- Minphie —Preceding unsigned comment added by Minphie (talk • contribs) 11:53, 26 March 2010 (UTC)

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Rakkar has removed, again, sections which are factual and cited, and I have reinstated these for the following reasons.

1. Rakkar's statement, "Later research corrected these initial findings, noting that "the Sydney MSIC reduced the demand for ambulance services, freeing them to attend other medical emergencies within the community" immediately follows my paragraph citing 4 conclusions in the 2003 MSIC evaluation which showed no evidence of change after the commencement of the MSIC.

It is a distortion to say that Evaluation 4, in 2007, corrected all of these four findings because Evaluation 4 studied only two of the 2003 conclusions, failing once again to demonstrate an effect on overdose deaths in the area, and secondly stating that there was a 20% drop in ambulance attendances which applied to the postcode surrounding the MSIC. Note that they did not make conclusions in the 2007 evaluation on ambulance attendances over every 24 hour period, and did not have comparative data to judge hospital presentations. Curiously the 2007 evaluation used the same dataset as the 2003 evaluation, and the 2003 evaluators had compared postcodes at that date without seeing any comparable differences in postcode attendances (p 49) as per the 2007 evaluation. So I have changed the wording to reflect the reality of the two evaluations.

2. Rakkar removed, in an act of vandalism, the Drug Free Australia analysis conclusion that injecting room clients had only one of every 35 injections in the room. His rationale is that Drug Free Australia worked on a multiplier of 3 injections per day to get that figure. He also stated that some users have less injections per day and some more. Drug Free Australia has surveyed users and find use of between 1 and 6 injections per day are quite normal.

What Rakkar needed to do was read the full Drug Free Australia documentation before hitting the delete key. The Drug Free Australia detailed documentation clearly states (and reproduces in screen copy from the evaluation document) that the MSIC's own 2003 evaluators used three injections per day as the realistic daily injections multiplier in their calculations. As now stated in the text, Drug Free Australia used precisely the same methodologies and data as did the 2003 evaluators. The Drug Free Australia analysis was conducted by an epidemiologist, an addiction medicine practitioner with one of the largest practices in Australia, a medical doctor/social researcher, another senior social researcher and a welfare industry senior manager.

Furthermore, the Drug Free Australia analysis was verified by one of Australia's best known epidemiologists internationally, Dr D'Arcy Holman of WA University. D'Arcy is reportedly sympathetic to Drug Law Reform, so his verification is notable. His e-mail confirming the same is reproduced in the very reference which is given for Drug Free Australia's conclusions. There really is no excuse for Rakkar to unilaterally assume what he thinks is correct without being able to soundly refute Drug Free Australia's analysis. Rakkar, read the evidence before you swing into print.

3. Rakkar further claimed that "Numerous health professionals working in the addiction medicine field have pointed out the errors in the various calculations and extrapolations in the Drug Free Australia report." There is absolutely no truth to this statement. Of course professionals in support of injecting rooms will say anything - what counts is whether they can falsify the Drug Free Australia analysis or not, verified as it is by a very eminent Australian epidemiologist. This has never been done.

The only issue of note is that Dr van Beek has taken issue with the EVALUATOR'S assumptions regarding the number of heroin users in Kings Cross on a daily basis. Drug Free Australia uses the evaluator's assumptions and data, and so Dr van Beek has claimed that the Drug Free Australia conclusions (which are absolutely and correctly deducted from the evaluation data) are based on evaluator's assumptions which may distort the picture somewhat. Even using Dr van Beeks's own revised estimates, the injecting room still has 9 times the street rate of overdoses, still hugely greater than on the street.

4. In a clear act of vandalism, Rakkar has removed a conclusion he may not like, but which is a clear deduction from the quote immediately above which comes from the 2003 MSIC evaluation itself. If the evaluation says that injecting room clients are injecting higher doses of heroin, and drug dealers are at the station opposite (as per p 147) then the clear deduction is that the drug dealers opposite the injecting room, or elsewhere for that matter, are being paid more money for the extra heroin sold which is consumed in greater quantities in the injecting room. Please leave the statement where it is - it is an absolutely correctly-deducted statement.

5. The removal of the statement about the station opposite the MSIC being a site for drug dealers and loitering is unconscionable and is an act of vandalism once again. Rakkar, please desist.

Here is the evidence with quotes directly from the 2003 evaluation.

“We’ve got problems at the entrance [of the train station] with people just hanging around. We’ve got members of the public complaining about drug users, homeless and drunks hanging around the entrance on Darlinghurst Road.” (City Rail worker, 12 months interview – p 146)”

“The police who participated in the twelve-month discussion group commented that they had received complaints from the public and the City Rail staff about the increase in the number of people loitering at the train station. They noted that, while other factors, such as police operations, would have contributed to the increase in loitering outside the train station, there was a notable correlation between the loitering and the MSIC opening times.” (MSIC Evaluation p 146)

“The increase in loitering was considered to be a displacement of existing users AND DEALERS (my emphasis) from other locations.” (MSIC Evaluation p 146)

“The train station never featured as a meeting place before. It used to be Springfield Mall and Roslyn Street.” (Police 12 month interview – p 147)

Rakkar, if you make changes like this again I am going to take this further. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Minphie (talk • contribs) 11:32, 27 March 2010 (UTC)

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Minphie, First, please be civil to me and assume that my edits are in good faith, as per wikipedia policies, WP:AGF & WP:CIV. Threatening to "take this further" doesn't make it sound like you're trying to reach a consensus here. I also moved the opening sentence that had just been written into the safer injection sites as it pertained only to SIFs. I'll have a look at the rest later.--rakkar (talk) 09:02, 30 March 2010 (UTC)