Afaqi Khoja revolts

Khoja revolts
Date 1816-1857 Location Kashgar, Xinjiang Result Qing victory
Belligerents
Qing Dynasty, Qara Taghlik Khojas (Ishaqi Khojas)	Aq Taghlik Khojas (Afaqi Khojas) Supported by: Kokand Khanate
Commanders and leaders
Daoguang Emperor Chang Ling Zhang Mingtang	Khoja Zia-ud-din Akhund Jahangir Khoja  Yusuf Khoja Ehsan Khan Khoja Khoja Buzurg Khan Khoja Wali Khan Khoja Kichik Khan Khoja Tawakkul Khan Supported by: Muhammad Ali Khan
Strength
Eight Banners, Manchu bannerman Green Standard Army Han Chinese and Chinese Hui Muslim militia Qara taghlik Ishaqiyya Turkic Muslim followers	Aq taghlik Afaqiyya Turkic Muslim followers Dolan people

The Afaqi Khojas living in the Kokand Khanate, descended from Khoja Burhanuddin, tried to invade and Kashgar and reconquer Altishahr from the rule of the Qing dynasty.

History

Hui merchants fought for the Qing in Kashgar in 1826 against Turkic Muslim rebels led by the Khoja Jahangir.

The Muslim Khojas and Kokands were resisted by both the Qing army and the Hui Muslim (Tungan) merchants, who had no problems battling their coreligionists. Among those who died in the battle in 1826 against Jahangir Khoja's forces was the Hui Zhang Mingtang, who led the merchant militia of Kashgar.

During the 1826 invasion, Jahangir Khoja's forces took six Hui Muslims as slaves, Nian Dengxi, Liu Qifeng, Wu Erqi, Ma Tianxi, Tian Guan, and Li Shengzhao, and sold them off in Central Asia. They escaped and fled back to China via Russia.

When the Khojas attacked in 1830 and 1826 against Yarkand and Kashgar, Hui Muslim (Tungan) merchant militia fought them off and Hui Muslims were also part of the Qing Green Standard Army.

Ishaqi (Black Mountain) Khoja followers helped the Qing oppose Jahangir Khoja's Afaqi (White Mountain) Khoja faction.

The Black Mountain Khoja followers (Qarataghliks) supported the Qing against the White Mountain (Aqtaghlik) Khoja invasions. The Qing-Black Mountan Khoja alliance helped bring down Jahangir Khoja's White Mountain rule.

Chinese rule in Xinjiang was supported by the Black Mountain Qarataghlik Turkic Muslims and they were called "Khitai-parast" (China worshippers, or "followers of China") and were based in Artush, while the White Mountain Aqtaghlik Khojas were against China, were called "sayyid parast" (sayyid worshippers or "sayyid-followers") and were based in Kucha, were guided by "Turkic nationalism", the Qarataghliks did not say bismillah before cutting up and eating melons, while the Aqtaghliks said bismillah before eating and cutting melons, and there was no intermarriage between the two factions which were strongly opposed to each other.

Ishaqi followers mounted opposition to Jahangir Khoja's Kokandi backed forces and the Ishaqis helped Qing loyalists. Ishaqi followers started opposition to the "debauchery" and "pillage" caused by the Afaqi rule under Jahangir Khoja and allied with Qing loyalists to oppose Jahangir.

In the Kokandi invasion and Jahangir's invasion, the Qing were assisted by the "Black Hat Muslims" (the Ishaqiyya) against the Afaqiyya.

The Kokandis planted false information that the local Turkic Muslims were plotting with them in the invasion and this reached the ears of the Chinese merchants in Kashgar.

Yarkand was placed under siege by the Kokandis, and the Chinese merchants and Qing military declined to come out in open battle, instead taking cover inside fortifications and slaughtered the Kokandi troops using guns and cannons and the local Turkic Muslims of Yarkand helped the Qing capture or drive off the remaining Kokandis with some of the prisoners being executed after capture.

The Kokandi supported Jahangir Khoja of the White Mountain faction first launched his attack on the Qing in 1825 and slaughtered Chinese civilians and the tiny Chinese military force as he attacked Kashgar, in addition to killing the Turki Muslim pro-Chinese Governor of Kashgar, he took Kashgar in 1826. In Ili the Chinese responded by calling up a massive army of northern and eastern steppe nomads and Hui Muslims (Dongans) numbering 80,000 to fight Jahangir. Jahangir brought his 50,000 strong army to fight them at Maralbashi, the two armies began the fight by challenging other to a duel in "single combat" between two champions in their armies. A Khokandi (Kokandi) who used a rifle and sword was the champion of Jahangir while a Calmac (Kalmyk) archer was the champion of the Chinese, the Calmac killed the Khokandi with an arrow and the two armies then confronted each other in battle, the Chinese army butchering Jahangir's army which tried to flee from the scene. Jahangir scrammed and hid out but was turned over to the Chinese by the Kyrgyz and he was tortured and put to death, Yusuf, Jahangir's brother, invaded the Qing in 1830 and besieged Kashgar. The Qing and Kokand negotiated and end to the conflict. The Aksakal was the representative of Kokand posted in Kashgar after China and Kokand signed the treaty ending the conflict. The Kokandis pulled back and retreated from the siege while Turkis were massacred in the city. The Chinese used 3,000 criminals to help crush the "Revolt of the Seven Khojas" broke out in 1846, and the local Turki Muslims refused to help the khojas because the Chinese supporting Muslims had their daughters and wives abducted by the Khojas. Wali Khan, who was reputed for his brutality and tyranny, let a rebellion in 1855 and began by attacking Kashgar. Chinese were massacred and the daughters and wives of the suboordinates of the loyalist Turki governor were seized. Adolphe Schlagintweit, a German, was executed by beheading by Wali Khan and his head put on display. Wali Khan was infamous for his cruelty and if courtiers "raised their eyes" to him he would murder them, when the call to prayer was made by a muezzin and his voice was too loud the muezzin was murdered by Wali Khan. A 12,000 strong Chinese army crushed and defeated the 20,000 strong army of Wali Khan in 77 days of combat. Wali Khan was abandoned by his "allies" due to his cruelty. The Chinese inflicted harsh reprisals upon Wali Khan's forces and had his son and father in law executed in harsh manners.

The local Uyghurs of Altishahr grew to hate and despite Wali Khan for his forcible introduction of Kokandi culture and suppression of Kashgari culture and for his brutality.

History of the khojas (OLD PUBLIC DOMAIN MATERIAL) (NOT COPYRIGHTED)

The disagreement with Bukhara, which broke out soon after the accession of Madali, ended peaceably in 1825, and in the following year he joined Jihangyr Hodja, one of the Appak family, in his efforts to recover Kashgar, from the throne of which his ancestors had been driven by the Chinese, in 1756. Some slight, but bloody, skirmishes with the Chinese seemed to Madali sufficient to warrant the title of ' Ghazi,' or ' Conqueror of the Infidels ;' and after a twelve days campaign he returned home, leaving a part of his troops to help Jihangyr Hodja, who succeeded in taking Kashgar, and making himself temporary master of the country. But soon a Chinese army of 70,000 men arrived and turned the tables. The Khokandians withdrew in time with their booty, but Jihangyr was captured, it is said, by the treacherous consent of Madali, and was sent to Pekin, where he was executed. This was in 1827.

In 1828-29 there was another attempt made on Kashgar by Yusnf Hodja, the elder brother of Jihangyr. Madali Khan again lent the services of his army and of his best generals. Again Kashgar, Yangy-Hissar and Yarkand were taken, and again the Khokandians withdrew with their booty on the approach of a Chinese army. Yusuf Hodja escaped to Khokand, where he died HISTORY OF KHOKAND. 843

Eve years afterwards. Many thousands of Kashgarians were massacred by the Chinese, and 70,000 took refuge in Khokand, where they were colonised in the city of Shahri-Khana, built by Omar Khan, and on the Syr Darya below Hodjent.

The technical terms in the text require a little explanation. Among the Musulmans of Eastern Turkistan, who follow chiefly the rale of the Naqshbandi order, the head of the hierarchy is the mursAid or pir, generally a descendant of the Prophet. The spiritual succession "nisbat-i-ma'nd" is handed clown usually in the family of the Founder or Missionary Apostle, but sometimes is vested in one or more of his chief disciples, especially at what may be called "out-stations." He has a congregation or body of disciples (murid), consisting of the lay ohief and population descended from those who were originally converted or recruited by his ancestor's preaching. These are considered hereditarily subject (in religious matters) to the murshid's descendants or representatives. He has also a special band of more closely united disciples or apostles called "khalifa." i.e., vicegerents (vicars) who may be considered the clergy of this ohuroh, although their speciality merely extends to preaching and expounding and not to any priestly ministrations, for Islam recognises no priesthood. These form a sort of court around the spiritual superior and his family ; and from them are chosen his representatives and successors when his own progeny fail.

The waqf, or church lands, given by devout laymen, are vested in this hierarchy. When such a church or order is formed, whether out of the general body of Mnsulmans or by the conversion of tribes of a different religion, the initiatory process is called "inabat," i.e., conversion or religious submission, or "iradat," i.e., devotion. The commission, or ordination, by which the J£hattfas are inducted into this office, is called "rttkhfat" (permission) or "irskad" (direction). Hence "murshid" a spiritnal director. These churches or orders or guilds do not, I believe, differ doctrinal/y from one another among the orthodox Musulmfins. They even belong to the same one out of the four so-called sects of the Sunnis. But they profess a particular method of exoiting devotion among their members. This is called their "tariq" (road or path). Some of them, especially the Naqshbandi (to which the Kh^ojas of Kashgharia belonged), have particular signs by which they can recognise their brethren in the faith among strange Musulmftns. There may be many such churches or congregations belonging to the same order or guild, but tracing their spiritual descent through a different line. The members ore sometimes scattered in different countries. In such cases the superior will often send a JQialifa or will travel himself into the places inhabited by them, to confirm them in the faith and to raise contributions. Thus Ghafur shah Naqshbandi, belonging to a family originally of TSshkand, but now established in Kashmir, several times visited his flocks in TurkisUn, and often wrote to the chief members. In return these people and other TurkistAnis when they visit Kashmir are entertained by his sons (he is uow dead) in quarters, specially devoted to this purpose at the ziarat or shrine of which he is guardian. So also Aghfi Khan of Bombay (a Shiar seotarj) has many adherents in the valleja of the Hindu Kusli. Of course in some cases such an organisation is used for political purposes.

These campaigns, though a heavy burden on the Manchus, both in men and money, seem scarcely to have afiected the power or influence of the Zunghar Chief, for, during the time they lasted, we find him not only holding his own against the Russians, but also retaining his suzerainty over the ]L16ja rulers of Eastern Turkistzin and intervening eifectively in their affairs. Since the death of Galdan these factions priests appear, as will be seen in the course of our author’s narrative, to have seldom been in want of a cause for quarrel among themselves; yet, as far as their external relations were concerned, we only hear of two occasions when they came into conflict with Tse-Wang-Rabtan. The first of these is not mentioned in any account based on Chinese chronicles, as far as I am aware, nor does our Turki author refer to it, but Sir H. Howorth cites a German authority 1 on Russian history, who states that on Tse~Wang-Rabtan‘s accession, the IQ6jas attempted to withhold their tribute, with the result that he led an expedition against Yarqand, and carried off the Khan together with other chiefs to the valley of the lli.ii The second occasion was about the year 1713 when the Qalmaqs were seized with a desire to revenge themselves on the lflfijas for the perfidy of Hagrat Afziq in attacking his benefactor, Galdan, some twenty and odd years previously. The invasion of Kashgar and Yarqand which followed was brought to a favourable conclusion : the reigning K116 ja, Danyal, and several other members of the Black llhoja family were led captive to Ili, while all Qalmziq prisoners found in their hands were released and restored to their homes. Some seven years later, however, or about 1720, an opportunity was taken to re-instate D5-nyzil as Governor over four of the cities of Turlristim, for which favour a tribute was levied from him of the same amount as that originally fixed by Galdan to be paid by Afaq, viz., one tanga 3 a head of the population.

The Emperor Yung Ching, who succeeded to the Chinese throne in 1722, being of a more pacific disposition than Kang-Hi, began his reign by reversing his father's policy in the matter of the Qalmziq wars. He saw no advantage in attempting to subdue the Qalmaqs or in protecting the Mongols from them. The tribes of the steppes were to be allowed to settle their own difierences, and as long as the Empire was not disturbed, Yung Ching believed that he would have peace. For 5 time this was the case, and during the five following years, which comprised the remainder of Tse-Wang-Rabtan’ life, the western war was practically in abeyance. His death occurred in 1727, as we know from Chinese sources, while our Turki author 138118 ‘[18 that it W88 caused by poison administered by hifl Wife-'

Madali, who was irritated at the treatment the Mussulmans had received, also marched an army there, and surprised and cut up the Chinese. The Khoja secured possession of Kashgar, and the Khan's cavalry overran the whole of Chinese Tartary, and got possession of Yarkand, Aksu, and Khoten, which victories secured for Madali the title of Ghazi. Presently the Khoja grew jealous of Madali, and drew off his people, and, as the Chinese advanced in force, the latter withdrew. Yehanghir himself was captured, and was sent to Peking to be executed. The Chinese now sent an envoy to Khokand to negotiate for peace, which was agreed upon on condition of the Khan retaining a deputy at Kashgar to superintend the religion of the Muhammedans there. He was granted a share in the transit dues, and Madali agreed to restrain the Kirghises, and to assist the Chinese in maintaining order in Chinese Tartary.* In 1828-9, while Murza Shems was living at Khokand, Yusuf Khoja, the brother of Yehanghir, who was also living there, asked permission from Madali to reconquer his fatherland. The Khan gave him some royal robes, and a contingent of twenty-five thousand men, which he accompanied himself as far as Ush. Twenty days after leaving Ush they reached one of the Chinese frontier stations, garrisoned by about one hundred and fifty men, which they assaulted for some time, when the garrison blew the place up. Murza Shems tells us how when they despaired of success and thus committed "the happy despatch" wholesale the Chinese dressed themselves in their best clothes, drank much wine, and then fired the powder magazine. When the Khokandians entered the fort they found the bodies of fifty or sixty Chinamen charred and swollen, and others who had shot themselves. Fourteen were found alive in a well, and were sent back as trophies to Madali Khan. The Khokandians then went on about fifteen versts further, and came to another fort, with a garrison of about five hundred Chinese, where the neighbouring heights were covered with a larger force. One report making it seven thousand eight hundred and another thirteen thousand strong. After a terrible struggle the Khokandians won the day, and most of the Chinese were either killed or committed suicide. Leaving the fort to be invested they continued their advance by way of Mushi and Liangar, about ten versts from Kashgar. There the feud was still in progress between the Black and White Khojas, of whom the latter were the partisans of Yusuf, while the Black Khojas were the partisans of the Chinese. The former now came out with great joy to welcome their champion, who entered Kashgar to the sound of trumpets and drums. Meanwhile, Ishak beg, who belonged to the other faction, withdrew with his supporters to another Chinese fort, apparently called Gul bagh, with a garrison of some thirteen hundred men. This was beleaguered by the Khokandians, while Yusuf himself went to Yanghi Hissar, one hundred and fifty versts off, and thence to Yarkand, leaving his son at Kashgar in charge of the Murza Shems. Four months after Yusuf had left the capital, news arrived that a large Chinese army one hundred thousand strong was marching to the rescue, and had already reached Faizabad. Murza Shems at once packed up the valuables he had charge of in sixty boxes, and prepared to depart, but this baggage was plundered by the Black Khojas. The Khokandians retired in all haste, and were accompanied by a great crowd of Kashgarians of the White Khoja faction; one account says twelve thousand, and another from fifty to sixty thousand. It was a regular migration of men, women, and children on foot, on horses and donkeys, and the weather being very cold many of them perished on the way. Yusuf himself died at Khokand, about five months later.* The fugitives from Kashgar were settled in the city of Shehri Khana, built by Omar Khan, and on the Sir Daria, below Khojend.

Kashgar was lost, but later on reconquered, and the leader executed....In 1846 there were fresh disturbances in Kashgar.

There have been some disturbances from time to time, but no master spirit has arisen who has been able to unite the tribes against the Chinese. In 1825, there was an attempt made from Kokand by Jehangir, grandson of the kojeh or prince of Kashgar, to regain possession of Turkestan; the khan of Kokand assisted him with a small army, and such was their dislike of the Chinese, that as soon as Jehangir appeared, the Mohammedans arose and drove the Chinese troops away or put them to death, opening the gates to the invader. He took possession of Yarkand and Kashgar, and advanced to Oksu, where the winter put a stop to the campaign. In the next year, the khan of Kokand, seeing the disposition of the people, thought he would embark himself in the same cause, and made an incursion as far as Oksu and Khoten, reducing more than half the Southern Circuit to himself, but ostensibly in aid of Jehangir. The kojeh, beginning to fear his aid, withdrew; and the khan, having suffered some reverses from the Chinese troops, made his peace on very favorable terms, and returned to his own country. Jehangir went to Khoten from Yarkand, but his conduct there displeasing the people, the Chinese troops, about 60,000 in number, had no difficulty in dispersing his force, and resuming their sway. The adherents of the kojeh fled towards Badakshan, while he himself repaired to Isaac, the newly appointed kojeh of Kashgar, by whom he was delivered up to the Chinese with his family, and all of them most barbarously destroyed.

the rest were unanimous he at length acquiesced. This opposition rankled in Iltazar's mind, but he postponed his vengeance and distributed robes of honour among the grandees, the ulemas, and aksakals or elders of the tribes. His name was duly recited in the Khutbeh, and he was congratulated by the Uzbegs, Karakalpaks, and Turkomans, except the Yomuds, whose rdle in the history of the Khanate recalls that of the janissaries in Turkey. Iltazar busied himself in preparing his army. Every day a grand band played before his palace, and he had a tugh or standard made which cost 1,000 gold miskals. When he rode out on horseback he was preceded by twenty couriers, and he was surrounded by his praetorians and body guards. He now prepared a campaign against the Yomuds, who lived on the road towards Asterabad and Gurgan. He had one of these robbers, who had plundered an Uzbeg, led round the market place by a rope through the nose j and he told them plainly if they would abandon their life of brigandage, live at peace, and pay the dues on their camels, sheep, and crops paid by the other tribes, they might have peace, if not they must take their departure. Robbers by instinct and profession, they would not submit to this order, and Iltazar marched against them. They were attacked, 500 of them killed, 500 made prisoners, and the rest driven into the recesses of the desert. Iltazar then prepared an expedition against Tureh Sufi, whose people occupied the so-called island of Aral, but he was unsuccessful, and returned to Khiva. He then wished to march against Bukhara, but Bek Pulad urged that it would be very imprudent to do so. This aggravated Iltazar's feeling towards him, and one day when the various amirs came one after another to the palace Bek Pulad was seized and cut down as he left the audience. His family and tribe, the Urghurs, rose in revolt. There were two encounters, and eventually Bek Pulad's sons fled to Bukhara and several of their chief supporters perished. The rest, in the graphic language of Abdul Kerim, "secured the kind of peace imposed by the wolf."* In order to secure his power for his descendants, Iltazar now united himself with the daughter of Akhteh Khoja, a seyid of illustrious lineage who lived at Urgenj, and whom he seized and married forcibly against her father's wish. He then determined to attack Bukhara, and first sent an envoy with proposals of peace to the Yomuds, inviting them to return home again, and couched in very friendly terms, and offered them further an opportunity of pillage in his new venture. This readily won them over. They accordingly returned, were granted lands at Urgenj, and largely increased Iltazar's power, who oppressed the people even more harshly than before.t In 1805 he marched against Bukhara. At this time Abdul Kerim was at Urgenj, on his way from Bukhara to St. Petersburg as the envoy of the Bukharian.

the Khanate. Meanwhile, the Turkomans seem to have held possession of the remainder, and to have had custody of Izfendiar's two sons, Yushan Sultan and Ashraf Sultan. These they refused to surrender and they also had the Khutbeh proclaimed in the name of Nadir Muhammed the Khan of Bukhara, to whom they sent Ashraf. Abulghazi thereupon declared war against them, and twice pillaged the environs of Khiva. Nadir Muhammed nominated governors to Khiva and Hazarasp, and sent the widow, son, and daughter of Izfendiar to live at Karshi. His deputies were only military governors, and the civil administration was retained in the hands of the amalats or civil functionaries appointed by Izfendiar, who were Turkomans. Presently the Bukharian Khan sent his grandson Kassim, the son of Khosru Sultan to superintend matters, but he did not meddle with the Turkoman deputies. When Abulghazi heard of his arrival he collected the greater portion of his people and again marched upon Khiva. His force was much inferior to that of the Bukharians who had ranged their men in the form of a flight of geese, while he broke his up into several sections. The Khivans were 1,000 strong, and 800 of them were dressed in cuirasses, helmets, dobulghas, &c., so that only their eyes were visible. Abulghazi had but five men, who were mailed. These numbers prove how small and petty the importance of the Khanate was at this timeAbulghazi describes the struggle which ensued, which he won chiefly through the skilful disposition of his men. At this point his own narrative of events ends and is continued by his son [and successor Anusha Muhammed.* After the battle Kassim was recalled to Bukhara and replaced by Yakub Tupit, but soon Nadir himself was driven from the throne by'.his beks, who proclaimed his son Abdul Azis, whereupon the garrison he had placed at Khiva fled, and Abulghazi set out from Aral and occupied Khiva and the land of his fathers. This was in 1644. He issued a general pardon to all the Turkomans who had fled and invited them to return. Three of their chiefs named Ghulam Behadur, Din Muhammed Un Un Begui, and Urus Begui, with a number of their followers had escaped to the deserts near Hazarasp, and now sent some of their aksakals or greybeards with their submission. Abulghazi promised them pardon, and summoned them to meet him at Hazarasp, and ordered them to bring with them their airan or clotted milk and kalik or cheese, but he had made up his mind to destroy them, and his son does not scruple to confess it, and as soon as they had fairly arrived, and were beginning their meal, a general massacre commenced, in which a great number of them were killed, their goods were pillaged and their wives and children reduced to slavery.* He then returned to Khiva, and shortly after attacked and plundered another body of Turkoman fugitives at T6y6n. The fugitives from this place as well as others * Op. cit.,342.343

These Officials Became The Center Of Intrigue Against The Chinese Authorities, And Whenever The Khan Of Khokand Determined To Take Up The Cause Of The Khojas He Found The Ground Prepared For Him By These Emissaries.

In 1842 Mahomed Ali, Khan of Khokand, a chief of considerable ability and character, died, and his authority passed, after some confusion, to his kinsman, Khudayar, who was a man of little capacity and indisposed to meddle with the affairs of his neighbors.

But the Khokandian chiefs were loth to forego the turbulent adventures to which they were addicted for the personal feelings of their nominal head, and they thought that a descent upon Kashgar offered the best chance of glory and booty. Therefore, they went to the seven sons of Jehangir and, inciting them by the memory of their father's death as well as the hope of a profitable adventure, to make another attempt to drive the Chinese out of Central Asia, succeeded in inducing them to unfurl once more the standard of the Khojas. The seven Khojas - Haft Khojagan - issued their proclamation in the winter of 1845-46, rallied all their adherents to their side, and made allies of the Kirghiz tribes.

When the Mohammedan forces left the hills they advanced with extreme rapidity on Kashgar, to which they laid siege. After a siege of a fortnight they obtained possession of the town through the treachery of some of the inhabitants; but the citadel or yangyshahr continued to hold out, and their excesses in the town so alienated the sympathy of the Kashgarians, that no popular rising took place, and the Chinese were able to collect all their garrisons to expel the invaders.

See also

• Dzungar conquest of Altishahr

References

Bibliography

• Bellér-Hann, Ildikó (2008). Community Matters in Xinjiang, 1880-1949: Towards a Historical Anthropology of the Uyghur. BRILL. ISBN 90-04-16675-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Howorth, Sir Henry Hoyle (1880). History of the Mongols (Part II: The Mongols proper and the Kalmuks). Longmans, Green, and Company. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

• Howorth, Sir Henry Hoyle (2008). History of the Mongols (Part II: The Mongols proper and the Kalmuks). New York: Cosimo. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

• Millward, James (1998). Beyond the Pass: Economy, Ethnicity, and Empire in Qing Central Asia, 1759-1864. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-2933-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Tyler, Christian (2003). Wild West China: The Taming of Xinjiang. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-3533-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Liu, Tao Tao; Faure, David (1996). Unity and Diversity: Local Cultures and Identities in China. Hong Kong University Press. ISBN 978-962-209-402-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)