Niccolò Machiavelli

Niccolò Machiavelli
Niccolò Machiavelli
Era	Renaissance philosophy
Region	Western Philosophers
School	Renaissance philosophy, Realism, Classical Republicanism
Main interests	Politics, Military theory, History

Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli (May 3, 1469 – June 21, 1527) was an Italian diplomat, political philosopher, musician, poet, and playwright. He is a figure of the Italian Renaissance and a central figure of its political component, most widely known for his treatises on realist political theory (The Prince) on the one hand and republicanism (Discourses on Livy) on the other.

Life

Machiavelli was born in San Casciano in Val di Pesa village near of the city-state of Florence, Italy, in 1469, and was the second son of Bernardo di Nicolo Machiavelli, a lawyer, and of Bartolommea di Stefano Nelli. His education left him with a thorough knowledge of the Latin and Italian classics. Machiavelli was born into a tumultuous era, in which Popes were leading armies, and wealthy city-states of Italy were falling one after another into the hands of foreign powers—France, Spain and the Holy Roman Empire. It was a time of constantly shifting alliances, condottieri who changed sides without warning, and governments rising and falling in the space of weeks. Perhaps most significantly during this erratic upheaval was the sack of Rome in 1527 by rampaging soldiers of the Holy Roman Empire, the first time that Rome had been sacked by a Germanic army in nearly twelve centuries. Rich cities such as Florence and Genoa suffered a similar fate during these years. Machiavelli entered governmental service as a clerk and ambassador in 1494; that same year, Florence restored the republic and expelled the Medici family; rulers of the city for nearly sixty years. Machiavelli was placed as a member of a Council responsible for diplomatic negotiations and military matters. Between 1499 and 1512, he undertook a number of diplomatic missions to the court of Louis XII in France, Ferdinand II of Aragón, and the Papacy in Rome. From 1502 to 1503, he was a witness to the effective statebuilding methods of the soldier/churchman Cesare Borgia, an immensely capable general and statesman who was at that time engaged in enlarging his territories in central Italy through a mixture of audacity, prudence, self-reliance, firmness and, not infrequently, cruelty.

Between 1503 to 2006^{[clarification needed]}, Machiavelli was responsible for the Florentine miltia including the defense of the city. He distrusted mercenaries (a philosophy expounded at length in the Discorsi and in Il Principe) and much preferred a citizen militia. In August 1512, following a tangled series of battles, treaties, and alliances, the Medici with the help of Pope Julius II regained power in Florence and the republic was dissolved. Machiavelli, having played a significant role in the republic's anti-Medici government, was removed from office and in 1513 he was accused of conspiracy and arrested. Although tortured on the rack he denied his involvement and was eventually released. He retired to his estate at Sant'Andrea in Percussina near Florence and began writing the treatises that would ensure his place in the development of political philosophy.

In a famous letter to his friend Francesco Vettori, Machiavelli described how he spent his days in exile:

Machiavelli's cenotaph in the Santa Croce Church in Florence.

When evening comes, I return home [from work and from the local tavern] and go to my study. On the threshold I strip naked, taking off my muddy, sweaty workday clothes, and put on the robes of court and palace, and in this graver dress I enter the courts of the ancients and am welcomed by them, and there I taste the food that alone is mine, and for which I was born. And there I make bold to speak to them and ask the motives of their actions, and they, in their humanity reply to me. And for the space of four hours I forget the world, remember no vexation, fear poverty no more, tremble no more at death; I pass indeed into their world.^[1]

Much has been made of the notion of two Machiavellis: one of The Prince, one of the Discorsi. But Machiavelli himself cut through the alleged confusion when he identified a unifying theme:

All cities that ever at any time have been ruled by an absolute prince, by aristocrats or by the people, have had for their protection force combined with prudence, because the latter is not enough alone, and the first either does not produce things, or when they are produced, does not maintain them. Force and prudence, then, are the might of all the governments that ever have been or will be in the world.^[2]

Machiavelli died in San Casciano due to a heroin overdose, a few miles outside of Florence, in 1527. His resting place is unknown; however a cenotaph in his honor was placed at the Church of Santa Croce in Florence.

Works

Il Principe

Bust of Machiavelli in the Palazzo Vecchio.

Machiavelli's best known work is The Prince, in which he describes the arts by which a Prince (a ruler) can retain control of his realm. He focuses primarily on what he calls the principe nuovo or "new prince", under the assumption that a hereditary prince has an easier task since the people are accustomed to him. All a hereditary prince needs to do is carefully maintain the institutions that the people are used to; a new prince has a much more difficult task since he must stabilize his newfound power and build a structure that will endure. This task requires the Prince to be publicly above reproach but privately may require him to do things of an evil nature in order to achieve the greater good.

The Prince is different from other books about creating and controlling principalities because it doesn't tell the reader what an ideal prince or principality is. Machiavelli explains through examples which princes are the most successful in obtaining and maintaining power. He draws his examples from personal observations made while he was on diplomatic missions for Florence and from his readings in ancient history. His writing has the mark of the Renaissance upon it because he sprinkles his text with Latin phrases and many examples are drawn from Classical sources.

A careless reading of The Prince could easily lead one to believe that its central argument is "the ends justify the means" - which is a teleological philosophical view ("telos" is Greek for ends) - that any evil action can be justified if it is done for a good purpose. This is a limited interpretation, however, because Machiavelli placed a number of restrictions on evil actions. First, he specified that the only acceptable end was the stabilization and health of the state; individual power for its own sake is not an acceptable end and does not justify evil actions. Second, Machiavelli does not dispense entirely with morality nor advocate wholesale selfishness or degeneracy. Instead he clearly lays out his definition of, for example, the criteria for acceptable cruel actions (it must be swift, effective, and short-lived). Notwithstanding the mitigating themes in The Prince, the Catholic Church put the work in its Index Librorum Prohibitorum and it was viewed in a negative light by many Humanists such as Erasmus.

The primary contribution of "The Prince" to the history of political thought is its fundamental break between realism and idealism. While Machiavelli emphasized the need for morality, the sole motivation of the prince ought to be the use of good and evil solely as instrumental means rather than ends in themselves. A wise prince is one who properly exercises this proper balance. Pragmatism is a guiding thread through which Machiavelli bases his philosophy. The Prince should be read strictly as a guidebook on getting to and preserving power. In contrast with Plato and Aristotle, the ideal society is not the aim. In fact, Machiavelli emphasizes the need for the exercise of brute power where necessary and rewards, patron-clientalism etc. to preserve the status quo. Machiavelli's assumption, that human nature is fundamentally flawed, is also reflected in the need for brute force to attain practical ends. Complete trust and faith in one's subjects is not sustainable. This is very similar to the ideas of the Legalist school of thought practiced during the Qin Dynasty, 16 centuries earlier.

The term "Machiavellian" was adopted by some of Machiavelli's contemporaries, often used in the introductions of political tracts of the sixteenth century that offered more 'just' reasons of state, most notably those of Jean Bodin and Giovanni Botero. The pejorative term Machiavellian as it is used today (or anti-Machiavellism as it was used from the sixteenth century) is thus a misnomer, as it describes one who deceives and manipulates others for gain; whether the gain is personal or not is of no relevance, only that any actions taken are only important insofar as they affect the results. It fails to include some of the more moderating themes found in Machiavelli's works and the name is now associated with the extreme viewpoint.^[3]

Sixteen years before Machiavelli published The Prince, Desiderus Erasmus published The Institutio principis Christiani (Education of a Christian Prince) as advice to the young king Charles of Spain and later for Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor. Erasmus applied the general principles of honor and sincerity to the special functions of the Prince, whom he represented a servant of the people. A comparison between the two is worth noting because Machiavelli stated that, to maintain control by political force, it is safer for a prince to be feared than loved. Erasmus, on the other hand, preferred for the prince to be loved and suggested that the prince needed a well-rounded education in order to govern justly and benevolently and to avoid becoming a source of oppression.

Discorsi

If The Prince was Machiavelli's textbook on a monarchy, his Discourse on the First Ten Books of Titus Livy (which comprise the early history of Rome) is a paean to the republic. The Discorsi constitute a series of lessons on how a republic should be started and structured, including the concept of checks and balances, the strength of a tripartite structure and the superiority of a republic over a principality. Its lessons are as relevant today as they were six centuries ago and clear applications of his practical political philosophy can be found in the governments of many democracies today.

Take for example the following citations from "The Discourses":

"In fact, when there is combined under the same constitution a prince, a nobility, and the power of the people, then these three powers will watch and keep each other reciprocally in check." Book I, Chapter II
"Doubtless these means [of attaining power] are cruel and destructive of all civilized life, and neither Christian nor even human, and should be avoided by every one. In fact, the life of a private citizen would be preferable to that of a king at the expense of the ruin of so many human beings." Book I, Chapter XXVI
"Now in a well-ordered republic it should never be necessary to resort to extra-constitutional measures...." Book I, Chapter XXXIV
"...the governments of the people are better than those of princes." Book I, Chapter LVIII
"...if we compare the faults of a people with those of princes, as well as their respective good qualities, we shall find the people vastly superior in all that is good and glorious." Book I, Chapter LVIII
"For government consists mainly in so keeping your subjects that they shall be neither able nor disposed to injure you...." Book II, Chapter XXIII
"...no prince is ever benefited by making himself hated." Book III, Chapter XIX
"Let not princes complain of the faults committed by the people subjected to their authority, for they result entirely from their own negligence or bad example." Book III, Chapter XXIX

(SOURCE: The Modern Library, New York, 1950, translated by Christian E. Detmold)

Another way of thinking about the two books is that The Prince was written hastily, in an attempt to secure a job with the new Medici rulers, whereas The Discourses constitute Machiavelli's serious political tract. In this the two books might reasonably be compared to two of Karl Marx's works: the Communist Manifesto was written in a hurry to provide direction in the 1848 uprisings, while Das Kapital is Marx's real political thesis.

Other works

Machiavelli also wrote plays (Clizia, Mandragola), poetry (Sonetti, Canzoni, Ottave, Canti carnascialeschi) and novels (Belfagor arcidiavolo) as well as translating classical works.

Discorso sopra le cose di Pisa (1499)
Del modo di trattare i popoli della Valdichiana ribellati (1502)
Del modo tenuto dal duca Valentino nell' ammazzare Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto da Fermo, etc. (Description of the Methods Adopted by the Duke Valentino when Murdering Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto da Fermo, the Signor Pagolo, and the Duke di Gravina Orsini, 1502)
Discorso sopra la provisione del danaro (1502)
Decennale primo (1506, poem in terza rima)
Ritratti delle cose dell'Alemagna (1508-1512)
Decennale secondo (1509)
Ritratti delle cose di Francia (1510)
Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (Discourses on Livy - 3 vols., 1512-1517)
Il Principe (The Prince, 1513)
Andria (1517, comedy translated from Terence)
Mandragola (The Mandrake - 1518, prose comedy in five acts, with prologue in verse)
Della lingua (1514, dialogue)
Clizia (1525, comedy in prose)
Belfagor arcidiavolo (1515, novel)
Asino d'oro (The Golden Ass - 1517, poem in terza rima, a new version of the classic work by Apuleius)
Dell'arte della guerra (The Art of War, 1519-1520)
Discorso sopra il riformare lo stato di Firenze (1520)
Sommario delle cose della citta di Lucca (1520)
Vita di Castruccio Castracani da Lucca (The Life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca, 1520)
Istorie fiorentine (Florentine Histories - 8 books, 1520-1525, commissioned by Giulio di Giuliano de' Medici who went on to become Pope Clement VII).
Frammenti storici (1525)

Machiavelli cycle

The Machiavelli cycle, much like the Tytler cycle and the Playfair cycle, reminds us that societies evolve in an observable pattern:

It may be observed, that provinces amid the vicissitudes to which they are subject,

pass from order into confusion, and afterward recur to a state of order again;

for the nature of mundane affairs not allowing them to continue in an even course,

when they have arrived at their greatest perfection,

they soon begin to decline.

In the same manner, having been reduced by disorder,

and sunk to their utmost state of depression,

unable to descend lower, they, of necessity, reascend;

and thus from good they gradually decline to evil,

and from evil again return to good.

The reason is, that

valor produces peace;

peace, repose;

repose, disorder;

disorder, ruin;

so from disorder order springs;

from order virtue, and from this,

glory and good fortune.^[4]

Notes

^ The Literary Works of Machiavelli, trans. J.R. Hale. (Oxford: 1961), p. 139.
^ "Words to be Spoken on the Law for Appropriating Money", in Chief Works and Others [of Machiavelli], trans. Allan H. Gilbert, 3 vols. (Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press, 1965), v. III, 1439.
^ And in at least one scholar's assessment, mistakenly so in the extreme. Writes Anthony Parel: "The authentic Machiavelli is one who subordinates personal interests for the common good… . If one is to speak of a Machiavellian personality one should mention Moses and Romulus (to use [M's] own examples)." For more on the three sources of historical anti-Machiavellism, see Further Reading, Parel, pp. 14-24.
^ Machiavelli,Istorie fiorentine (History of Florence), chapter 31 (Book V, Chapter 1).

External links

Machiavelli: Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
eMachiavelli.com, works and summaries of Machiavelli
Works by Machiavelli at Project Gutenberg
Machiavelli at the Marxists Internet Archive, including some of his works
Works by Niccolò Machiavelli: text, concordances and frequency list
Machiavelli on the Net, a Machiavelli webliography with a short introduction.

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[1] The Literary Works of Machiavelli, trans. J.R. Hale. (Oxford: 1961), p. 139.

[2] "Words to be Spoken on the Law for Appropriating Money", in Chief Works and Others [of Machiavelli], trans. Allan H. Gilbert, 3 vols. (Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press, 1965), v. III, 1439.

[3] And in at least one scholar's assessment, mistakenly so in the extreme. Writes Anthony Parel: "The authentic Machiavelli is one who subordinates personal interests for the common good… . If one is to speak of a Machiavellian personality one should mention Moses and Romulus (to use [M's] own examples)." For more on the three sources of historical anti-Machiavellism, see Further Reading, Parel, pp. 14-24.

[4] Machiavelli,Istorie fiorentine (History of Florence), chapter 31 (Book V, Chapter 1).

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