Early life of Samuel Johnson

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Samuel Johnson (18 September 1709 [O.S. 7 September]– 13 December 1784) was an English author. Johnson was born in Lichfield, Staffordshire. His early years were dominated by his eagerness to learn, the various experiences with his family members, his eventual attempt at college, and finally trying to settle down into a career.

After attending Pembroke College, Oxford for a year before he was forced to leave due to lack of funds. He tried to work as a teacher, but was unable to find a long lasting position. He tried to start his own school, and when this failed, he moved to London, where he began writing essays for The Gentleman's Magazine. He began his career as a Grub Street journalist and made lasting contributions to English literature as a poet, essayist, moralist, novelist, literary critic, biographer, editor and lexicographer. His early works include the biography The Life of Richard Savage and the poem London.

Parents

Johnson's parents were Michael Johnson, a bookseller, and his wife, Sarah Ford.[1] Michael was the first bookseller of "reputation" in the community, having opened a parchment factory which produced book bindings. Little is known about Michael Johnson's past, or what his background was. Him and his brothers were apprenticed as booksellers, and his father, William Johnson, was called a "yeoman" and a "gentleman" in the Stationers' Company records, but there is little evidence to suggest that William Johnson was from nobility.[2] William Johnson was the first Johnson to move to Lichfield, Staffordshire and died shortly after the move. Michael Johnson, after leaving his apprenticeship at 24, followed his father's footsteps and became a book seller on Sadler Street, Lichfield. Three years after, Michael Johnson became warden of a charity known as the Conduit Lands Trust, and he was shortly made churchwarden of the St Mary's church.[3]

At the age of 29 Michael Johnson had planned to marry a local woman named Mary Neild, but she had broken off the engagement.[4] Twenty years later, in 1706, he married Sarah Ford, daughter of Cornelius Ford, from a middle-class milling and farming family; he was 49 and she 37. Although both families had money, Johnson often claimed that he grew up in poverty. It is uncertain what happened between Michael Johnson and Sarah's marriage and the birth of Samuel just three years later to provoke such a change in fortune, but Michael Johnson quickly became overwhelmed with debt and was unable to overcome his debt throughout his life.[5]

Childhood

Johnson's birthplace in Market Square, Lichfield

Johnson was born in Lichfield at 4:00 pm on Wednesday, 18 September 1709 at the family home above his father's bookshop, near Market Square in Lichfield, across from St Mary's Church.[1] His mother was 40 when she gave birth, a matter for sufficient concern that George Hector, a "man-midwife" and a surgeon of "great reputation", was brought in to assist during the birth.[6] The baby was named Samuel, after Sarah's brother Samuel Ford.[1] He did not cry and, with doubts surrounding the newborn's health, his aunt claimed "that she would not have picked such a poor creature up in the street".[7] As it was feared the baby might die, the vicar of St Mary's was summoned to perform a baptism.[8] Two godfathers were chosen: Samuel Swynfen, a physician and graduate of Pembroke College, and Richard Wakefield, a lawyer, coroner, and Lichfield town clerk.[9]

Johnson's health improved and he was placed in the nursing care of Joan Marklew. During this period he contracted what is believed to have been scrofula,[10] known at that time as the "King's Evil". Sir John Floyer, a former physician to Charles II, recommended that the young Johnson should receive the "royal touch",[11] which he received from Queen Anne on 30 March 1712 at St James's Palace. Johnson was given a ribbon in memory of the event, which he claimed to have worn for the rest of his life. However, the ritual was ineffective and an operation was performed that left him with permanent scarring across his face and body.[12] Sarah later gave birth to a second boy, Nathaniel, which put financial strain on the family. Michael was unable to keep on top of the debts he had accumulated over the years, and his family was no longer able to maintain the lifestyle it had previously enjoyed.[13]

When he was a child in petticoats, and had learned to read, Mrs Johnson one morning put the common prayer-book into his hands, pointed to the collect for the day, and said, 'Sam, you must get this by heart.' She went up stairs, leaving him to study it: But by the time she had reached the second floor, she heard him following her. 'What's the matter?' said she. 'I can say it,' he replied; and repeated it distinctly, though he could not have read it over more than twice.[14]
– Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson

Johnson demonstrated signs of great intelligence as a child, and his parents, to his later disgust, would show off his "newly acquired accomplishments".[15] His initial education began at the age of three, and came from his mother who had him memorise and recite passages from the Book of Common Prayer.[16] When Johnson turned four, he was sent to a nearby "school" on Dam Street, where "Dame" Anne Oliver, the proprietor, gave lessons to young children in the living-room of a cottage. Johnson especially enjoyed his time with Dame Oliver, later remembering her fondly, and when he reached the age of six, he was sent to a retired shoemaker to continue his education.[17] A year later, Johnson was sent to Lichfield Grammar School, where he excelled in Latin under Humphrey Hawkins, his teacher in the lower school.[18]

During this time, Johnson started to exhibit the tics that would influence how people viewed him in his later years, and which formed the basis for his posthumous diagnosis of Tourette syndrome. Although TS caused problems in his private and public life, it lent Johnson "great verbal and vocal energy".[19] He excelled in his education and was promoted to the upper school at the age of nine,[18] to be tutored by Edward Holbrooke.[20] The school was directed by the Reverend John Hunter, a man known for his scholarship and, like Holbrooke, his brutality, which caused Johnson to become dissatisfied with his education.[21] However, he did befriended Edmund Hector, nephew of his "man-midwife" George Hector, and John Taylor, during this time and remained in contact with them throughout his life.[22]

Cornelius Ford

At the age of 16, Johnson was given the opportunity to stay with his cousins, the Fords, at Pedmore, Worcestershire.[23] There he bonded with Cornelius Ford, the son of his mother's brother,[24] and Ford employed his knowledge of the classics to tutor Johnson while he was not attending school. Johnson enjoyed his time with Ford, and Ford encouraged Johnson to pursue his studies and to become a man of letters. Johnson remembered one moment of Ford's teachings: Ford told him to "grasp the leading praecognita of all things... grasps the trunk hard only, and you will shake all the branches".[25] Ford was a successful, well-connected academic, familiar with many society figures such as Alexander Pope.[26]

Ford was also a notorious alcoholic whose excesses contributed to his death six years after Johnson's visit.[26] This event deeply affected Johnson, and he remembered Ford in his Life of Fenton, saying that Ford's abilities, "instead of furnishing convivial merriments to the voluptuous and dissolute, might have enabled him to excel among the virtuous and the wise".[27] Having spent six months with his cousins, Johnson returned to Lichfield, but Hunter, "angered by the impertinence of this long absence", refused to allow him to continue at the grammar school.[28]

Unable to return to Lichfield Grammar School, Johnson was enrolled, with the help of Ford and his half-brother Gregory Hickman, into the King Edward VI grammar school at Stourbridge. The headmaster was John Wentworth and he was took care to work with Johnson on his translation exercises.[29] Because the school was located near Pedmore, Johnson was able to spend more time with the Fords and get to know his other relatives in the area,[28] and he began writing poems and produced many verse translations.[30] However, he spent only six months at Stourbridge before returning once again to his parents' home in Lichfield. When Boswell was writing his Life of Samuel Johnson, he was told by Johnson's school friend, Edmund Hector that part of Johnson's leaving the Stourbridge school was over a fight Johnson and Wentworth had over Latin grammar.[31] For companionship, Johnson spent time with Hector and John Taylor, two of his schoolfriends, and he soon fell in love with Hector's younger sister, Ann. This first love was not to last, and Johnson later claimed to Boswell, "She was the first woman with whom I was in love. It dropped out of my head imperceptibly, but she and I shall always have a kindness for each other."[32]

During this time, Johnson's future was uncertain as his father was deep in debt.[32] To earn money, Johnson began stitching books for his father, although poor eyesight—resulting from his childhood illness—made him ill-suited to the work. It is possible that Johnson spent most of his time in his father's bookshop reading various works and building his literary knowledge. During this time, Johnson met Gilbert Walmesley, the Registrar of the Ecclesiastical Court and a frequent visitor to the bookshop.[33] Walmesley took a liking to Johnson, and the two discussed various intellectual topics during the two years Johnson spent working in the shop.[34] Their relationship was soon put on hold; Sarah Johnson's cousin, Elizabeth Harriotts, died in February 1728 and left her £40, which was used to send Johnson back to school.[35]

College

Entrance of Pembroke College, Oxford

On 31 October 1728, a few weeks after he turned 19, Johnson entered Pembroke College, Oxford as a fellow-commoner.[36] The inheritance did not cover all of his expenses at Pembroke, but Andrew Corbet, a friend and student at Pembroke, offered to make up the deficit. Corbet left Pembroke soon after Johnson arrived, so this source of aid disappeared. To meet the expenses, Michael Johnson allowed his son to take a hundred books from his bookshop, at a great cost to himself, and these books were not fully returned to Michael until many years later.[37]

On the day of Johnson's entrance interview for Pembroke, his anxious father introduced him to his future tutor, William Jorden, hoping to make an impression.[38] During the interview, his father was "very full of the merits of his son, and told the company he was a good scholar, and a poet, and wrote Latin verses", which caused Johnson significant embarrassment.[39] Michael's praise was unnecessary; Johnson's interview went so well that one of the interviewers, a 26-year-old William Adams (Jorden's cousin, later Master of Pembroke), claimed that Johnson was "the best qualified for the University that he had ever known come there".[40] Throughout the interview, Johnson sat quietly while listening to his father and the interviewers, until he interrupted and quoted Macrobius.[39] The interviewers were surprised that "a School-boy should know Macrobius", and he was accepted immediately.[41]

At Pembroke, Johnson made many friends, but neglected a number of mandatory lectures, and ignored calls for poems. He did complete one poem, the first of his tutorial exercises, on which he spent comparable time, and which provoked surprise and applause.[42] He was later asked by his tutor to produce a Latin translation of Alexander Pope's Messiah as a Christmas exercise.[43] Johnson completed half of the translation in one afternoon and the rest the following morning. Although the poem brought him praise, it did not bring the material benefit he had hoped for. The poem was brought to Pope's attention; according to Sir John Hawkins, Pope claimed that he could not tell if it was the original or not. However, John Taylor, his friend, dismissed this "praise" because Johnson's father had already published the translation before Johnson sent a copy to Pope, and Pope could have been remarking about it being a duplication of the published edition.[44]

Dr Adams told me that Johnson, while he was at Pembroke College, 'was caressed and loved by all about him, was a gay and frolicksome fellow, and passed there the happiest part of his life.' But this is a striking proof of the fallacy of appearances, and how little any of us know of the real internal state even of those whom we see most frequently; for the truth is, that he was then depressed by poverty, and irritated by disease. When I mentioned to him this account as given me by Dr Adams, he said, 'Ah, Sir, I was mad and violent. It was bitterness which they mistook for frolick. I was miserably poor, and I thought to fight my way by my literature and my wit; so I disregarded all power and all authority.'[45]
– Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson

Regardless, Pope remarked that the work was very finely done, but that did not prevent Johnson from being violently angry at his father's actions in preempting his sending Pope a copy of the poem. The poem later appeared in Miscellany of Poems (1731), edited by John Husbands, a Pembroke tutor, and was the earliest surviving publication of any of Johnson's writings. Johnson spent the rest of his time studying, even over the Christmas vacation. He drafted a "plan of study" called "Adversaria", which was left unfinished, and used his time to learn French while working on his knowledge of Greek.[46]

Although he later praised Jorden, Johnson came to odds with him over what he considered to be Jorden's "meanness" of abilities.[47] He discouraged his friend Taylor, who came to Pembroke in March, from having Jorden as his tutor, and Taylor was soon encouraged to go to Christ Church to be taught by Edmund Bateman. Johnson appreciated Bateman's skill as a lecturer, and he would often travel to meet Taylor to discuss the lectures.[48] However, Johnson lacked the funds to even replace his shoes, and so he started to make the journey barefoot. In response, those of Christ Church began to mock Johnson, and he soon kept to his own room for the rest of his time at Pembroke, with Taylor visiting him instead.[49]

After thirteen months, poverty forced Johnson to leave Oxford without taking a degree, and he returned to Lichfield.[50] During his last weeks at Oxford, Jorden left Pembroke, and Johnson was given William Adams as a tutor in his place. He enjoyed Adams as a tutor, but by December, Johnson was already a quarter behind in his student fees, and he was forced to return home. He left behind many of the books that his father had previously lent him because he could not afford the expense of transporting all of them and as a symbolic gesture that he hoped to return to the school soon.[51]

Early career

There is little record of Johnson's life between the end of 1729 and 1731; he most likely lived with his parents while experiencing bouts of mental anguish.[52] Although it is not known when Johnson first displayed the signs of Tourette syndrome, many accounts from that time detail many examples of times that he exhibited the various tics and gesticulations associated with the disorder.[53] To further complicate Johnson's life, his father was deeply in debt by 1731 and had lost much of his standing in Lichfield. An usher's position became available at Stourbridge Grammar School, but Johnson's lack of a degree saw him passed over, on 6 September 1731.[52] Instead, he stayed at the home of Gregory Hickman, Cornelius Ford's half brother, writing poetry. It was there that he heard the devastating news that Cornelius had died in London, on 22 August 1731; later, in his personal "Annales", he pointed to that moment as one of the most important of his life.[54]

At about the same time, Johnson's father became ill; he developed an "inflammatory fever" by the end of the year.[55] He died in December 1731 and was buried at St. Michael's Church on 7 December 1731. He left no will, and Johnson received only £20 from Michael's estate of £60.[55] In an act "almost like religious penance", Johnson honoured his father's memory 50 years later by returning to his father's bookstall in Uttoxeter to make amends for his refusal to work the stall while his father lay dying.[56] Richard Warner kept Johnson's account of the scene:

... a postchaise to Uttoxeter, and going into the market at the time of high business, uncovered my head, and stood with it bare an hour before the stall which my father had formerly used, exposed to the sneers of the standers-by and the inclemency of the weather.[57]

Johnson eventually found employment as undermaster at a school in Market Bosworth, Leicestershire. He was paid £20 a year, enough to support himself. The school was run by Sir Wolstan Dixie, who allowed Johnson to teach even though he did not have a degree. The unconventional Dixie allowed Johnson to live at his own mansion, Bosworth Hall.[58] Although the arrangement may seem congenial, Johnson was treated as "a kind of domestick chaplain, so far, at least, as to say grace at table, but was treated with what he represented as intolerable harshness; and, after suffering for a few months such complicated misery, he relinquished a situation which all his life afterwards he recollected with the strongest aversion, and even a degree of horrour."[59] Still, Johnson found pleasure in teaching even though he thought it boring. By June 1732, he had returned home, and, after a fight with Dixie, quit the school.[60]

Johnson spent the rest of his time at Lichfield looking for a position at the other local schools, and, after being turned down for a position in Ashbourne, he spent his time with his friend, Hector.[61] Hector lived in the home of Thomas Warren, on High Street Birmingham, and Johnson was invited to stay there as a guest in the autumn of 1732. Warren was at that time starting his Birmingham Journal, and he enlisted Johnson's help, though no copies of the essays he wrote for the paper now survive.[62] His stay with Hector and Warren was not to last, and Johnson moved into the house of a man named Jarvis on 1 June 1733.[63] During this time, Johnson started to slip into a "state of 'absence'" and he began to treat his friends with "abuse".[64]

His connection with Warren continued to grow, and Johnson proposed to translate Jeronimo Lobo's account of the Abyssinians.[65] Johnson read Abbe Joachim Le Grand's French translations, and he thought that a shorter version might be "useful and profitable".[66] He began work on the edition and a finished section was taken to be printed during the winter of 1733–1734. Johnson's nerves got the best of him, and after a breakdown he was unable to continue working, but felt obligated to meet his contract.[67] To finish the rest, Johnson dictated directly to Hector, who then took the copy to the printer and made any corrections. It amounted to a month's work, and, a year later, his A Voyage to Abyssinia was finally published.[66]

Johnson returned to Lichfield in February 1734, where he began an annotated edition of Poliziano's Latin poems, along with a history of Latin poetry from Petrarch to Poliziano. The work was designed to fill 480 pages and provide a detailed commentary and corresponding notes.; by completing such a work as this, Johnson hoped to be known as a scholar-poet similar to Julius Caesar Scaliger, Daniel and Nikolaes Heinsius, Desiderius Erasmus, and Poliziano, all who Johnson admired.[67] Johnson began on 15 June 1743 and printed a Proposal for the work on 5 August 1734. However, the project did not receive enough funds and it was soon brought to an end.[68] Although the project failed, it shows that Johnson identified himself with neo-Latin humanism.[69]

Marriage

Elizabeth "Tetty" Porter, Johnson's wife

Johnson identified himself as a poet and, in November 1734, applied to Edward Cave to work on the poetry reviews for The Gentleman's Magazine.[69] In a letterwritten under the name S. Smith, Johnson said, "As You appear no less sensible than Your Readers of the defects of your Poetical Article, You will not be displeased, if, in order to the improvement of it, I communicate to You the sentiments of a person, who will undertake on reasonable terms sometimes to fill a column".[70] In particular, Johnson suggested removing the magazine's "low Jests" and "awkward Buffoonery" and then replace them with poems, inscriptions, and "short literary Dissertations in Latin or English" written by himself.[70] Cave didn't accept Johnson's proposal to write a column, but he did employee Johnson occasionally to work on minor aspects of the periodical.[69]

Around this time, Johnson became close to a man named Harry Porter, and remained with him during his terminal illness.[71] Porter died on 3 September 1734, leaving his wife, Elizabeth Jervis Porter (otherwise known as "Tetty"), widowed at the age of 41, with three children.[72] Months later, Johnson began to court the widow; Reverend William Shaw claims that "the first advances probably proceeded from her, as her attachment to Johnson was in opposition to the advice and desire of all her relations".[73] Johnson and Elizabeth become close and they quickly fell in love with each other. She admired Johnson greatly, and claimed that he was "the most sensible man that I ever saw in my life".[69]

Johnson was inexperienced in terms of relationships, but the well-to-do widow encouraged him and provided for him with her substantial savings.[74] Johnson married Elizabeth on 9 July 1735, at St. Werburgh's Church in Derby.[75] The Porter family did not approve of the match, partly because Johnson was 25 and Elizabeth was 21 years his elder. His mother's marriage to Johnson so disgusted her son Jervis that he stopped talking to her.[76] However, her other son, Joseph, later accepted the marriage, and her daughter, Lucy, accepted Johnson from the start.[77]

Edial Hall

During the previous June, Johnson, while working as a tutor for Thomas Whitby's children, applied for the position of headmaster at Solihull School.[78] Walmesley lent his support to Johnson's application, but Johnson was passed over because the school's directors thought he was "a very haughty, ill-natured gent., and that he has such a way of distorting his face (which though he can't help) the gent[s] think it may affect some lads".[79] He was also rejected for a position at a school in Brewood for similar reasons.[80] Johnson did not give up his desires to teach, and, with the encouragement of Walmesley, Johnson decided that he could be a successful teacher if he ran his own school.[81]

Edial Hall School

In the autumn of 1735, Johnson opened a private academy at Edial, near Lichfield. The building, Edial Hall, was a large house with a pyramid-shaped roof and a unique design; a back room served as the schoolroom while the rest housed Johnson's family. He had only three pupils, David Garrick, George Garrick and Lawrence Offley; David Garrick—18 at the time—went on to become one of the most famous actors of his day.[79] Johnson designed a curriculum that would focus on reading classical literature starting with what he considered easier works, such as those by Corderius and Erasmus, then slowly progress to Cornelius Nepos and finally onto Ovid, Vergil, and Horace. In the June and July (1736) editions of The Gentleman's Magazine, Johnson advertised the school: "At Edial, near Litchfield, in Staffordshire, Young Gentlemen are Boarded, and Taught the Latin and Greek Languages, by Samuel Johnson".[82]

In February 1737, the school failed after being open for only a year and Johnson gained a reputation as a failed schoolmaster.[82] He slowly abandoned his desire to education in order to focus more on writing his first major work, the historical tragedy Irene. The play did not earn him the money he had hoped for though, until Garrick produced it in 1749.[83]

From Mr Garrick's account he did not appear to have been profoundly reverenced by his pupils. His oddities of manner, and uncouth gesticulations, could not but be the subject of merriment to them; and in particular, the young rogues used to listen at the door of his bed-chamber, and peep through the key-hole that they might turn into ridicule his tumultuous and awkward fondness for Mrs Johnson, whom he used to name by the familiar appellation of Tetty or Tetsey.[84]
– Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson

On 2 March 1737, penniless, Johnson left for London with his former pupil David Garrick. To make things worse, Johnson received word that his brother had died on the day they left. However, their prospects were not completely hopeless, as Garrick was set to inherit a large sum the next year. Also, Garrick had connections in London, and the two would stay with his distant relative, Richard Norris, who lived on Exeter Street.[85] Johnson did not stay there long, and set out for Greenwich near the Golden Hart Tavern to finish Irene.[86] During that time, he wrote to Cave on 12 July 1737 and proposed a translation for Paolo Sarpi's The History of the Council of Trent (1619), which Cave did not accept until months later.[87]

Johnson started working on the translation of Sarpi before Cave approved, and returned home to his wife during this time. In all, he managed to write between four hundred and eight hundred pages of text with corresponding commentary before he stopped working on it in April 1739.[88] In October 1737, Johnson brought his wife to London; they first lived at Woodstock Street and then moved to 6 Castle Street. Soon, Johnson found employment with Cave, and wrote for his The Gentleman's Magazine.[89] His work for the magazine and other publishers during this time "is almost unparalleled in range and variety", and "so numerous, so varied and scattered" that "Johnson himself could not make a complete list".[90]

Title page of London second edition

In May 1738, his first major work, a poem called London, was published anonymously.[91] The work was based on Juvenal's Satire III and describes the character Thales's leaving for Wales to escape the problems of London.[92] In particular, the poem describes how London is a place of crime, corruption, and the neglect of the poor. Johnson could not bring himself to regard the poem as granting him any merit as a poet;[93] however, Alexander Pope claimed that the author "will soon be déterré" (brought to light, become well known), although it did not immediately happen.[91]

In August, Johnson was denied a position as master of the Appleby Grammar School because a Masters degree from Oxford or Cambridge was required. To ensure that he would not suffer rejection again, Pope asked John Gower, a man with influence in the Appleby community, to have a degree awarded to Johnson.[7] Gower attempted to have a degree awarded to Johnson from Oxford, but he was told that it was "too much to be asked."[94] Gower then wrote to a friend of Jonathan Swift to persuade him to use his influence at the University of Dublin to have a masters awarded to Johnson, which could then be used to justify a masters awarded to Johnson from Oxford.[94] However, Swift refused to act on Johnson's behalf.[95] Regardless of Swift's motivation in not acting on Johnson's behalf, or how Johnson reacted to Swift's actions, it is known that Johnson then after refused to appreciate Swift as a poet, writer, or a satirist, with one exception: Swift's Tale of a Tub, to which Johnson doubted Swift's authorship.[96]

Between 1737 and 1739, Johnson became close to Richard Savage.[97] Feeling guilty for his own poverty, Johnson stopped living with his wife and spent time with Savage.[98] Together, they would roam the streets at night without enough money to stay in taverns or sleep in "night-cellars".[99] Savage was both a poet and a playwright, and Johnson was reported to enjoy spending time and discussing various topics with him, along with drinking and other merriment.[99] However, poverty eventually caught up with Savage, and Pope, along with Savage's other friends, gave him an "annual pension" in return for him agreeing to move to Wales. Savage ended up in Bristol however, and once again fell into debt by reliving his former London lifestyle. He was soon in debtor's prison and died in 1743.[100] A year later, Johnson wrote Life of Mr Richard Savage (1744) at Edward Cave's prompting. It was a "moving" work that, according to Walter Jackson Bate, "remains one of the innovative works in the history of biography".[101]

Early works

Title page of Life of Mr Richard Savage

Johnson's early works and early life are neglected because James Boswell, in his Life of Samuel Johnson, did not meet him until the last third of his life, so Boswell was never able to write a full account of Johnson's early years. In particular, Boswell ignored Johnson's early politics and political writings. During the 1730's, Johnson was concerned with Sir Robert Walpole's political administration.[102]

His poem London , is an early version of Johnson's ethics and morality combined his political attacks on Walpole and London life.[103] Johnson compares London to the Roman Empire in its decline and blames moral and political corruption for its fall.[104] Although Johnson did not start his literary criticism career until later, London is an example of what Johnson thought poetry should be: it is youthful and joyous, but it also relies on simple language and easy to understand imagery.[105]

His Life of Savage was not Johnson's first biography. Instead, Savage was the topic of his fourth biography and followed biographies of Jean-Philippe Baratier, Robert Blake, and Francis Drake.[106] It was also not the only biography on Savage that appeared immediately following his death. However, the Life of Savage was Johnson's first widely known biography, it was the most popular biography on Savage, and it contained Johnson's ideas on what a biography should be.[107]

The book did contain some factual inaccuracies, particularly those surrounding Savage's claiming that he was the illegitimate child of a nobleman. However, it was successful in its partial analysis of Savage's poetry and portraying insights into Savage's personality. This is not to say that it brought immediate fame or income to Johnson or to Cave, which, for all of its literary achievements, it did not.[108] It did provide Johnson with a small income which was vital to him at this time. More importantly, the work helped to mold Johnson into a biographical career and the work was later included in his Lives of the Most Eminent English Poets series.[106]

Notes

  1. ^ a b c Bate 1977, p. 5
  2. ^ Lane 1975, pp. 10–11
  3. ^ Lane 1975, p. 12
  4. ^ Bate 1977, p. 12
  5. ^ Lane 1975, pp. 13–14
  6. ^ Lane 1975, pp. 15–16
  7. ^ a b Watkins 1960, p. 25
  8. ^ Lane 1975, p. 16
  9. ^ Bate 1977, pp. 5–6
  10. ^ Lane 1975, pp. 16–17
  11. ^ Lane 1975, p. 18
  12. ^ Lane 1975, pp. 19–20
  13. ^ Lane 1975, pp. 20–21
  14. ^ Boswell 1986, p. 38
  15. ^ Bate 1977, pp. 18–19
  16. ^ Bate 1977, p. 21
  17. ^ Lane 1975, pp. 25–26
  18. ^ a b Lane 1975, p.  26
  19. ^ Demaria 1994, pp. 5–6
  20. ^ Bate 1977, p. 29
  21. ^ Bate 1977, p. 31; Lane 1975, p. 27
  22. ^ Bate 1977, p. 23, 31
  23. ^ Lane 1975, p.  29
  24. ^ Bate 1977, p. 43
  25. ^ Wain 1974, p. 32
  26. ^ a b Lane 1975, p.  30
  27. ^ Wain 1974, p. 350
  28. ^ a b Lane 1975, p.  33
  29. ^ Wain 1974, pp. 32–33
  30. ^ Bate 1977, p. 61
  31. ^ Wain 1974, p. 34
  32. ^ a b Lane 1975, p. 34
  33. ^ Lane 1975, pp. 34–36
  34. ^ Lane 1975, p.  38
  35. ^ Bate 1977, p. 87
  36. ^ Lane 1975, p. 39
  37. ^ Bate 1977, p. 88
  38. ^ Bate 1977, p. 89
  39. ^ a b Boswell 1986, p. 44
  40. ^ Boswell 1986, p. 43
  41. ^ Boswell 1969, p. 23
  42. ^ Bate 1977, pp. 90–91
  43. ^ Boswell 1986, pp. 91–92
  44. ^ Bate 1977, p. 92
  45. ^ Boswell 1986, p. 47
  46. ^ Bate 1977, pp. 93–94
  47. ^ Bate 1977, p. 95
  48. ^ Bate 1977, p. 96
  49. ^ Boswell 1986, pp. 104–105
  50. ^ Bate 1977, p. 87
  51. ^ Bate 1977, pp. 106–107
  52. ^ a b Bate 1977, p. 127
  53. ^ Wiltshire 1991, p. 24
  54. ^ Bate 1977, p. 128
  55. ^ a b Bate 1977, p. 129
  56. ^ Watkins 1960, p. 56
  57. ^ Warner 1802, p. 105
  58. ^ Boswell 1986, pp. 130–131
  59. ^ Hopewell 1950, p. 53
  60. ^ Bate 1977, pp. 131–132
  61. ^ Boswell 1986, pp. 132–134
  62. ^ Bate 1977, p. 134
  63. ^ Bate 1977, p. 136
  64. ^ Bate 1977, p. 137
  65. ^ Boswell 1986, pp. 137–138
  66. ^ a b Bate 1977, p. 138
  67. ^ a b Demaria 1994, p. 32
  68. ^ Boswell 1986, pp. 140–141
  69. ^ a b c d Demaria 1994, p. 33
  70. ^ a b Johnson 1992, p. 6
  71. ^ Bate 1977, p. 144
  72. ^ Bate 1977, p. 143
  73. ^ Boswell 1969, p. 88
  74. ^ Bate 1977, p. 145
  75. ^ Bate 1977, p. 147
  76. ^ Wain 1974, p. 65
  77. ^ Bate 1977, p. 146
  78. ^ Bate 1977, pp. 153–154
  79. ^ a b Bate 1977, p. 154
  80. ^ Demaria 1994, p. 34
  81. ^ Bate 1977, p. 153
  82. ^ a b Demaria 1994, p. 35
  83. ^ Bate 1977, p. 156
  84. ^ Boswell 1986, p. 52
  85. ^ Bate 1977, p. 164–165
  86. ^ Boswell 1986, pp. 168–169
  87. ^ Wain 1974, p. 81; Bate 1977, p. 169
  88. ^ Demaria 1994, pp. 45–46
  89. ^ Boswell 1986, pp. 169–170
  90. ^ Bate 1955, p. 14
  91. ^ a b Lynch 2003, p. 5
  92. ^ Bate 1977, p. 172
  93. ^ Bate 1955, p. 18
  94. ^ a b Bate 1977, p. 182
  95. ^ Watkins 1960, pp. 25–26
  96. ^ Watkins 1960, pp. 26–27
  97. ^ Watkins 1960, p. 51
  98. ^ Bate 1977, p. 178
  99. ^ a b Bate 1977, p. 179
  100. ^ Bate 1977, p. 181
  101. ^ Bate 1977, p. 180
  102. ^ Greene 2000, p. xxi
  103. ^ Folkenflik 1997, p. 106
  104. ^ Weinbrot 1997, p. 46
  105. ^ Greene 1989, pp. 28, 35
  106. ^ a b Clingham p. 161
  107. ^ Lane 1975, p. 39
  108. ^ Lane 1975, p. 100

References

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