Jump to content

Paulo Francis

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by 189.102.233.166 (talk) at 02:59, 15 July 2009 (→‎The later years: right-wing pundit and pop culture phenomenon (1979–1997): passage removed for being largely uncited and by the looks of it, original work by the author of this article). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

Paulo Francis (Rio de Janeiro, September 2, 1930 – New York, February 4, 1997), was a Brazilian journalist, political pundit, novelist and critic.

A controversial personality, Francis became a highlight of modern Brazilian journalism through his multifarious intellectual references and the colloquial qualities of his writing, as well as for his biting wit and sarcasm.

Early life and career (1930–1964)

Born Franz Paul Trannin da Matta Heilborn into a middle-class family of German stock, centered around his coffee-dealer paternal grandfather, Francis received his early education in various traditional Catholic schools of Rio de Janeiro, afterward attending classes at the National School of Philosophy (at the time a general humanities course) of the University of Brazil in the 1950s. During college, he became interested in amateur theatricals, being admitted into the student troupe kept by the prominent critic Paschoal Carlos Magno, with whom he made a tour through Northeastern Brazil, during which he was avowedly shocked and disgusted by the surrounding "malnourishment, poverty, backwardness, the unawareness of welfare and civil society".[1]

Developing ambitions of following a career in the stage after that travel, Francis tried his hand as an actor in Rio de Janeiro during he early 1950s, but, although he received an award as a rising star in 1952, he failed to show talent enough to go on[citation needed]. Deciding instead on a staging career, he went to Columbia University, where he entered graduate classes in Dramatic Literature, mostly attending the classes of the Brecht scholar Eric Bentley, as well as becoming acquainted with the work of the critic George Jean Nathan. Eventually he dropped out from Columbia—or perhaps was simply unable to receive a graduate degree because he had already dropped out from his undergraduate studies in Rio, a subject about which he was always less than candid[2]—showing a trait that was to plague him to the end: the inability to perform sustained intellectual work, and a tendency to bank instead on his flashes of wit and borrowed erudition (the use of incessant quotes and bon mots), something that made him prone to "mistakes,[3][4]imprecision, garbled recollections"[5] - a trait of what was to become his personal "method": "the absence of careful research, established facts, precise information [...] becoming eventually - through excessive generalization and lack of patience [...] - downright bigotry".[6]

Nevertheless, his acquaintance with contemporary American criticism made him ready for the important role he was to play in Brazilian theater, which was at the time in a feverish process of cultural modernization in the wake of the fall of the Getúlio Vargas dictatorship—a process that was to go on until the 1964 military coup. In 1957, Paulo Francis started to write as a theater critic in the newspaper Diário Carioca. He soon earned kudos for his defence of a modern approach to staging, instead of the provincial bickering between rival troupes that had hitherto been staple at the Brazilian stage (alongside various other critics, such as the theater scholar Sabato Magaldi and the Shakespeare tanslator and expert Barbara Heliodora). In his own words, what he proposed was "to strive, on the stage, to find an equivalent for the feeling of unity and total expression one finds while reading a text".[7] However, he couldn't refrain from a compulsion to unbalanced behavior and smearing, as shown in a quarrel with an actress during 1958, in which he reacted to what he supposed to be a hint about his (supposed) homosexuality by smearing the said actress through the penning of so demeaning a piece of libel that it cost him being slapped in public by the actress' husband.[8]

The middle years: maverick radical pundit and novelist (1964–1979)

In the general climate of heady political debate that characterized the early Cold War era in Brazil, Francis styled himself a Trotskyist and it was as a maverick pundit that he was invited in 1963 to write a political column in the Left Vargoist paper Última Hora, where he became known for his radical views.[9] After the fall of Vargoist President João Goulart in 1964, he was banned from the mainstream press, writing instead in various minor papers and magazines, especially the satirical weekly O Pasquim. He wrote mostly about international affairs—and, surprisingly, without his usual vices: among other causes, he opposed the Vietnam War, flouting the official pro-American sympathies of the military government, in texts so unusually sober that they made a critic remark that "only then he became a real mentsch.[10] In the wake of the late 1968 "coup inside the coup"—the takeover of the already existing military dictatorship by diehard generals—he was arrested four times, on the slimmest of pretexts.[5]

In 1971, Paulo Francis moved to New York City as an international correspondent, on a Ford Foundation fellowship, in order to escape from political persecution. His flow of radical comment proceeded. After 1976, he began working on an exclusive basis for the major paper Folha de São Paulo, then under the editorship of the Trotskiyst cadre—and justly famed editor—Claudio Abramo.

In the late 1970s Paulo Francis published in succession, the first two parts of an intended trilogy of social novels (in a style reminiscent of James Joyce) in which Francis intended, as an alternative to the portrayal of the lower classes' typical of later Brazilian modernism—as in Jorge Amado's or Graciliano Ramos' novels—to describe instead life among the happy few in 1960s–1970s Rio ("the elite of the charming parochialism of Rio de Janeiro [fashionable boroughs], their parties and sensual pleasures"[11])—a project reminiscent not only of James Joyce, but also of Scott Fitzgerald.

The first novel, Cabeça de Papel ("Paperhead", a pun with a Brazilian nursery rhyme), was published in Brazil in 1977, and the second, Cabeça de Negro (also a pun, this time with the name of a kind of homemade firework called "negro head"), in 1979. Both novels had moderate sales success and critical failure. Brazilian scholars criticised Francis' writing for sloppiness and lack of depth in his political commentary [12] and confusion arising from Francis's attempt at melding the Joycean stream of consciousness with the plot of a spy thriller, or, in the words of a critic, "a watered-down Graham Greene, betraying the ridiculous obsession, [proper to those] who came of age at the beginning of the Cold War, to think of themselves as sophisticated [...] for seeing conspiracies and spies everywhere".[13] The same critic, however, added that, behind the patchy plot and the shallow digressions, the greatest achievement of the two novels was Francis's "stylistics of mockery" (retórica da esculhambação) - his grammatically incorrect phrasing, polyglot vocabulary and confused mix between the erudite and the outright vulgar, in short: "a rabble-wise [avacalhada], aggressive rhetorics, in itself a critique of the pompous logorrhea and mystification [proper to Brazilian ruling elites]".[14]

Eleven years after his death, a new novel, left by Francis as a draft, was to be published after being edited by his widow: Carne Viva ("Open Wound"),[15] where the author tried, again, to portray the lives of the wealthy and sophisticated in between a mythical 1960s Rio de Janeiro and an equally mythical French May— something that led a critic to state that Francis had left only a memoir about the kitsch character of his usual snobbery.[16]

The later years: right-wing pundit and pop culture phenomenon (1979–1997)

In 1980, Francis published a mostly political autobiography upon turning 50, O afeto que se encerra ("The love enclosed" - a pun again, this time with a verse from the lyrics of the Brazilian anthem to the national flag), in which he confirmed his Marxist statements of belief.[17] Shortly afterwards, however, under various and still ill-explained reasons[18]—or perhaps mostly out of a desire to to keep a finger in the political pie during a time when the Left was beginning to enter a process of headlong retreat from the political field[19] (a trait he shared with many other Brazilian intellectuals of the time[20])—Francis made a sharp turn from Trotskyism to conservative views. An attrition developed between him and the left in the Brazilian intellectual and political scene, during the demise of the military dictatorship and after, hurling traits from New York at various academics and politicians, and especially at the Workers' Party, which in the post-dictatorship mass democracy quickly became the dominant Brazilian leftist party. In the words of an academic critic, "He chose carefully his targets and used the most sordid adjectives. The choicest targets were always the leaders of popular movements, the Left, specially the WP, writers and scholars, whom he smeared by name, without subterfuge".[21] He was also widely criticised for having little understanding of the Brazilian realities, commenting on it while living abroad[22]

One of his most infamous smears was when he expressed his desire to have the WP MP-cum-unionist, the Afro-Brazilian Vicentinho, "whipped as a slave"[23]; in another of his obiter dicta, he stated that "the discovery [sic] of the clarinet by Mozart was a greater contribution than anything Africa gave us until today"[24]. As far as his confused later ramblings made some sense[25], he justified his political shift by his adhering to an extreme and shallow variety of Marxist historicism-cum-supply-side economics: in order to liberate the forces of production and develop Brazil, it is necessary "to surrender the country to people who want and know how to make money - private capital".[26]

Paulo Francis was attacked by many of his former associates, and he was involved in many controversies and acquired fame as a polemic journalist. From 1979 on, he worked as a TV commentator for Rede Globo—something that was in itself a telling proof of his political shift, as he had during the dictatorship charged the Globo boss Roberto Marinho with manipulating information in order to have him banished from Brazil, in an article entitled "a man called refuse [porcaria]"—the word "refuse" being printed out of a drawing in which the letters were sketched so as to appear as fly-decked faeces.[27] Also, after a heated dispute with the newspaper ombudsman of Folha de São Paulo Caio Túlio Costa—mostly over Francis' repeated insulting of the then WP's presidential candidate and future president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, but also about the arguably racist quality of some of his commentaries,[28] Francis left the Folha during 1991 and began writing his column for the more conservative O Estado de São Paulo.

As a TV commentator, Francis quickly became a pop culture phenomenom, playing the persona of the heartless pundit, always ready to offer stinging comment, in a basso voice, chewing words "as if drunk or stoned"—a trait so grotesque that it earned him various impersonators on Brazilian TV. This public persona—a caricature of himself—was the means he used, in the world of a critic, "to vent his aggression while making himself a success".[29] During the 1980s and 1990s, he played the role of what the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu called fast-thinker: one who has the ability to offer public opinion a ready reactionary common-place for each and every situation[30].

Last dispute and death

The last controversial act in which Paulo Francis was involved was in an attack, on cable TV, of the management of Brazilian-state-owned oil corporation Petrobras as dishonest. Francis also claimed, unfoundedly, that its directors had a US$50 million trove in a Swiss bank account. After Francis’ statements, Petrobras’ management sued him for libel before an American court, based on the fact that the show was broadcast in the US to Brazilian cable TV subscribers. The possibility of having to pay an intended compensation of some US$ 110 million, combined with his already poor health, could have caused the heart attack that resulted in his death[31]. He died in New York on February 4, 1997, and he was buried in Rio de Janeiro a few days later.

According to his personal friend, political columnist Élio Gaspari, Francis had approached at the time the then-senator José Serra, who supposedly asked President Fernando Henrique Cardoso to obtain that the directors of Petrobras would drop the lawsuit against Francis—to no avail, President Cardoso having chosen to keep mum about the affair.[32]

References

  1. ^ Francis, "O afeto que se encerra", memoir, quoted by Kucinski, op.cit., pg.92
  2. ^ Cf. Alexandre Torres Fonseca, "Paulo Francis, do Teatro à Política: 'Perdoa-me por me traíres'", M.Sc. dissertation, History Department, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, 2001, available for download at www.dominiopublico.gov.br as Adobe Acrobat document,[1]pg.41; Francis later used to say that he had "refused" to write a thesis under Bentley's sponsorship, as well as receiving a Ph. D in Political Science at Indiana State University during the 1970s, out of "tedium and a lack of respect" for academic life - apud Torres Fonseca, ibid, loc.cit.
  3. ^ To offer only one example: in an article purporting to offer a list of masterworks of world literature, available at [2], Francis lists Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War and then goes on to describe the Athenian demagogue Cleon as a Spartan leader - or Führer, to be precise...
  4. ^ In another famous mistake, Francis wrote, in a critique of the film Tora! Tora! Tora!, that Japanese Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto had been present at the preview of the film - a mistake so gross that "Yamamoto" became for a time a slang for silly journalistic mistake: cf. [3]
  5. ^ Kucinski, op.cit., pg.85
  6. ^ Kucinski, ibid., loc.cit.
  7. ^ "A arte de dirigir 1", Diário Carioca, July 29, 1961, as quoted by George Moura, Paulo Francis: o Soldado fanfarrão, Rio de Janeiro, Objetiva, 2nd. edition, 1996, ISBN 85-7302-089-X, pg.62
  8. ^ Cf. Kucinski, op.cit., pg.84
  9. ^ On Francis Última Hora column, see Alexandre Torres Fonseca, op.cit, passim
  10. ^ Kucinski, op.cit., pg. 91 – in Yiddish in the original
  11. ^ Vinicius Torres Freire, "Super-homens nos botecos do Leblon", Folha de São Paulo, 2/4/2007
  12. ^ Kucinski, op.cit., pg.87
  13. ^ Torres Freire, op.cit.
  14. ^ Torres Freire, ibid.
  15. ^ Paulo Francis, Carne Viva, ed. by Sonia Nolasco Heilborn, Rio de Janeiro, Editora Francis, 2008, ISBN 978-85-89362-79-5
  16. ^ Vinicius Torres Freire, "Memórias de um esnobismo kitsch e clichê", Folha de São Paulo, 6 March 2008
  17. ^ Cf. Kucinski, op.cit., pgs.87/88
  18. ^ Kucinski maintains that the reason for Francis' ideological shfit should be sought in the 1978 South Lebanon conflict, as only Francis' shock before the leniency of liberal American media towards oppression of the Palestinians could explain his self destruction as a journalist - cf. Kucinski, op.cit., pg. 91; others, however, propose less lofty reasons: the journalist José Carlos de Assis, famous for his investigative reporting of corruption cases, simply points to Francis' deals with members of the Brazilian business community, in a 1980s text available at [4]
  19. ^ A characteristic of the ex-communist described by Isaac Deutscher, Heretics and Renegades, London, Hamish Hamilton, 1955, pg.20
  20. ^ Kucinski compares Francis to Glauber Rocha and the composer Geraldo Vandré, in that all three had to flee Brazil during the repression bout of the 1970s, suffering then a process "of intellectual uprooting [...] that led them to various degrees of mental confusion" (Kucinski, op.cit., pg. 89
  21. ^ Kucinski, op.cit., pg.86
  22. ^ Moreira Alves, apud O Globo, 5 February 1997
  23. ^ Kucinski, op.cit., pg. 87
  24. ^ Quoted by Kucinski, op.cit., pg. 92
  25. ^ In a Francis obituary, one of his late political friends, the former Minister of Planning of the Castelo Branco dictatorial government Roberto Campos, would comment that Francis' columns were intellectually worthless, but made nevertheless good propaganda: "[They were] a weird bouquet of [...] economic guesswork...[But then] there are many writers but few able to box for ideas" - O Globo, 9 February 1997
  26. ^ O Estado de São Paulo, April 25, 1991
  27. ^ Paulo Francis "Um homem chamado porcaria", O Pasquim, 14 January 1971. In the article, Francis denounced the fact of his having been listed, during one of his prisions, in Marinho's paper O Globo, as one of the political prisoners that should be freed abroad in exchange for the release of the German ambassador to Brazil, who had been kidnapped and held hostage by underground leftist guerrillas - such "ransomed" prisoners being mandatorily deprived of their Brazilian citizenship.
  28. ^ In one of his columns at the time, Costa wrote that "if [Francis'] prejudices were taken to the letter, and punished according to statute-book, he would now be serving more than a hundred-year-term in jail" - Caio Túlio Costa, Folha de S. Paulo, February 18, 1990
  29. ^ Kucinski, op.cit, pg. 93
  30. ^ Cf. Pierre Bourdieu, Sobre a Televisão, Portuguese trans. of Sur la télévision, Rio de Janeiro, Jorge Zahar Editor, ISBN 85-7110-411-5 , pgs.38/41
  31. ^ Kucinski, op.cit., pg. 94
  32. ^ Cf. Élio Gaspari, "Parabéns, Dr. Joel Rennó, o Sr. matou Paulo Francis" - syndicated column published in Folha de S.Paulo, 5 February 1997