Jump to content

User:CommunardFan/Com1871

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This is the current revision of this page, as edited by Timrollpickering (talk | contribs) at 23:02, 13 January 2019 (→References: remove Category:Articles created via the Article Wizard per Wikipedia:Categories for discussion/Log/2019 January 6, removed: Category:Articles created via the Article Wizard). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this version.

(diff) ← Previous revision | Latest revision (diff) | Newer revision → (diff)

The Communards were the people that actively participated in the Paris Commune of 1871. After France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian war, about 700,000 Parisians left the city of Paris after the Prussian siege had ended. About twice as many remained in the city, many of whom made up a group known as the Communards. The Communards were a group of urban workers, tradespeople, and radical bourgeoisie that included shopkeepers, clerical employees, officials, writers, teachers, and priests. Although many Parisians remained in the city, not all were pro-Commune. Many of those who were against the Commune did not emigrate out of concern for their property, lack of a safe provincial haven, and/or out of a sense of duty or curiosity; few who remained were actually active participants. Because of both pro and anti-Commune sentiments, there was a great deal of hostility and differences of opinion within the Commune. The Communards were described by Jean Jaures, a prolific writer and historian, as peoples of a patriotic and socialist character. [1]

The Franco-Prussian War

[edit]

The political climate that gave way to the birth of the Paris Commune, was due to, in part, the effects of the Franco-Prussian War and the siege of Paris.[2] Otto van Bismarck, the Chancellor of Prussia under King Wilhelm I, wanted to launch a campaign to unify the German states under Prussian leadership. Bismarck added territory to Prussia after victorious wars in Denmark in 1864, and Austria in 1866.[3] Wilhelm wanted to include the southern German states in his unification campaign, so he needed pretext for war with France.

In 1868, Queen Isabella of Spain was expelled from the throne due to her political ineptitude and blatant immorality.[4] In the spring 1869, the Spanish crown was offered to a Prussian named Leopold Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, the cousin of King Wilhelm I. Napoleon III, Emperor of France, feared that Hohenzollern's ascension to power would unite Prussia and Spain and that they would attack France on two fronts. A Crown Council was formed and Hohenzollern accepted the crown. However, due to pressure from other European powers, Leopold renounced the throne.[5]

Napoleon wanted to revive his fallen prestige and he thought his armies could win a war. He sent his ambassador to see King Wilhelm I and demanded a promise: that no Hohenzollern family would ever take the Spanish throne. Wilhelm refused, and send a telegram to Bismarck describing the incident. Bismarck doctored the telegram to make it look like Wilhelm had embarrassed Napoleon's ambassador. Bismarck later noted that the Ems telegram proved to be the "red rag to the Gallic bull."[6]

The Siege of Paris

[edit]

France declared war on Prussia, and was inevitably overwhelmed due to poor military tactics and inept leadership. The Emperor's army was defeated and surrendered on the 2nd of September. News reached Paris by September 3rd. Crowds in the streets of Paris were demanding a new Republic in the wake of the Emperor's surrender. On Sept. 4th, a crowd led by National Guardsmen broke into the Legislative Body. Republican leadership, including Jules Farre and Jules Ferry, accompanied by General Trochu led the crowd to the Town Hall. Gen. Trochu was asked to be the Chief Executive of a "Government of National Defense." A Central Committee of the National Guard was established.[7]

On September 18, Prussians arrived and laid siege to the city of Paris. Many well-to-do Parisians left for the countryside. The Prussian blockade severely restricted the supply of foodstuffs. No rationing was implemented within the city, so those with money ate, and those without went hungry. The awful conditions spurred social unrest and a myriad of failed uprisings occurred in January. An armistice was signed on January 28th to the now united German Empire.[8]

The armistice provided for new elections so of government could emerge with the authority to end the war. Adolphe Thiers became Chief of the Executive Power of the French Republic. The new National Assembly included a proviso that Thiers was elected pending "a decision on the institutions of France" --a new republic was not assured. The Assembly concluded a treaty with Prussia on Feb. 26 allowing the Prussians to march through the city, which added insult to injury for the Parisians.

On March 11 and 12th, the Assembly adopted bills that infuriated the Parisians including measures that 1) ended pay to National Guardsmen, leaving them penniless, 2) made overdue bills payable with interest, and 3) allowed the Assembly to move from Paris to Versailles. The Assembly then sent the bourgeois National Guardsmen to take control of the cannons hidden by the Parisian Guardsmen in the War against Prussia. The bourgeois Guardsmen declared that they would not engage the Parisian Guardsmen defending their cannon. When the bourgeois Guardsmen, sent by the Assembly, approached the Parisian Guardsmen, the latter captured General Leconte; the revolt had begun. The Central Commitee of the National Guardsmen decided to hold elections to the "Commune of Paris" --the state had collapsed.[9]

Commune

[edit]

The Commune provided workers with their own revolution as opposed to the "bourgeoisie" French revolutions of 1789, 1830, and 1848. [10] It lasted a total of 54 days. The Paris Commune was a revolution of ordinary people, striving for a working-class government. .[11]

The Paris Communne unleashed extensive popular debate. [12] Newspapers flourished and clubs sprang up in every neighborhood. Thoerist Karl Marx thought the true secret of the Commune was that it was a “working-class government,…the political form … under which to work out the economic emancipation of labor.” Engels call this the “dictatorship of the proletariat.”

Women debated in clubs and other organizations, about topics like education, anti-clericalism and social justice.[13]They were organizing cooperatives. They struck for equal wages. Men joined unions and cooperatives as well, many of which joined the International. Both men and women shared the sense that “a government of their own would by its neutrality guarantee a fair deal to workers, or, as the International’s Manifesto of March 23 put it, ‘the independence of the Commune will mean a freely discussed contract which will put an end to class conflict and bring about social equality’”[14] The Commune’s official ‘Declaration to the French People’: “The Commune meant ‘the end of the old governmental world, of militarism, of bureaucracy, of exploitation, of priveledges, to which the proletariat owes its slavery and the country its misfortunes and disasters…the aim is to universalise power and property.”[15]

The Commune responded favorably to the needs of workers, especially by seeking to "facilitate associations and cooperatives in which workers could earn a decent wage and retain some control of their work." [16] The Commune sought to extend education and make it entirely secular. It wanted to reduce the influence of the Church. The New Education Society called for the Commune to guarantee free, non-clerical, secular education for both men and women. Free music concerts were in full swing in Paris. On the 21st of May, during a concert, the Versailles troops entered the city.[17]

The Communards

[edit]

After the defeat by Prussia in the Franco-Prussian war, about 700,000 Parisians left the city of Paris after the Prussian siege had ended. About twice as many remained in the city, making up a group known as the Communards. [18] The Communards were a group of urban workers, tradespeople, and radical bourgeois and included shopkeepers, clerical employees, officials, writers, teachers, and priests. [19] Although many Parisians remained in the city, not all were pro-Commune. Those who were anti-Commune failed to emigrate out of concern for their property, lack of a safe provincial haven, and/or out of a sense of duty or curiosity; few who remained were actually active participants. Because of both pro and anti-Commune sentiments, there was a great deal of hostility and differences of opinion within the Commune. [20]

The rise of the Commune was a working class movement with Communards aiming at economic reforms and seeking the separation of church and state. [21] At the end of the war with Prussia, many Parisians opposed the national government, headed by Adolphe Thiers, and the National Assembly at Versailles; they believed the Assembly to be "too conservative, too royalist, and too ready to accept a peace agreement with Prussia." [22] The Communards believed themselves to be acting in defense of the “true” Republic and against the defeatism of the national government at Versailles. [23] They believed that the bourgeois should bear the burden for the national humiliation after the defeat by Prussia. [24] Through the Commune, the Communards called for revolution and class solidarity by bringing down the bourgeois state and replacing it with a "self-governing, mass workers’ organization." [25] The Commune led to a rise in trade unions, made the idea of the “general strike” possible, and increased working class political parties.[26] Speeches, revolutionary songs, a police presence, and crowds were common occurrences within the Commune.

The Expulsion of the Communards from Paris and "Bloody Week"

[edit]

From May 21-28, 1871, a week-long reconquest for Paris occurred after the troops from Versailles invaded the city. This week came to be known as la semaine sanglante, or "Bloody Week".[27] It was the bloodiest fighting in Paris' history. The Communards were organizing and fighting for liberty, while the Versailles government was "organizing repression".[28] The troops advanced through the city and shot anyone who resisted, or was thought to be associated with the Commune. This included workers, and especially the working-class women. Adolphe Thiers sent his shells throughout Paris, setting much of the city on fire. The Communards set fires to buildings to cover their retreat. As the fighting continued there were increasingly more atrocities committed. Communards were rounded up and made to stand in a line at the Pere Lachaise cemetery and were subsequently shot dead. In one week, between 10,000 to 30,000 Parisians were murdered.[29]

In several areas, women were reportedly "stripped, raped and massacred."[30]Around 45,000 Parisians were arrested. Some served prison sentences, while others were exiled to places like New Caledonia[31] When the Commune was over, Paris found itself at the whims of the new Republican leadership, with Adolphe Thiers as the executive, and the Monarchists with the majority in the National Assembly.

Women's Role in the Commune

[edit]

Women in the Commune had a right to the same education, work, and salary as men and shared equal social responsibility, especially in regards to education. [32]The majority of women in the Commune were in manual trades, especially in clothing industries; those in non-manual trades were mostly teachers. [33] Women were able to share their ideas and beliefs in women’s clubs, discussion groups, and through newspapers. Motherhood and marriage were still important roles for women in the Commune, but women sought political roles as well. [34] Women in the Commune believed that the rise and practice of socialism would bring about equality among the sexes and that it was their own duty and right to defend the revolution with the aim to secure ultimate equality for women. [35] The Commune appointed women to administer welfare institutions, sent them on missions to provincial cities, and included them on commissions to reform education and open new schools for girls.[36] Communards sought to enroll more women in trade unions, called for equal schooling among boys and girls, and decreed giving equal pay to women. [37] In the Commune, women sought and expected the destruction of the Church to protect and strengthen the family bond. [38] The Commune offered women with the chance to remove the clerical influence from their lives and replace it with a system that gave them more control over their lives and the lives of their children;[39] this was made possible as the Commune offered official status and material aid to women’s organizations and gave responsibilities to individual women. [40] Women played an extremely active role in the Commune and it was this role that separated them from the passive role that women had in the bourgeois class. One of the most important and prominent organizations for women was the Union of Women for the Defence of Paris. Elizabeth Dmietrieff, a Russian exile, was its founder and spokesperson. [41].

Louise Michel

[edit]

Louise Michel was one of the most influential people during the Paris Commune. She made a huge impact on the Communards' cause as well as people around her and became a legend. Michel, like most Communards, was not a native Parisian. She was born in the small village of Vroncourt in 1830 and migrated to the city later on her life. She was the illegitimate daughter of a housemaid named Marianne Michel. Her father, who was the son of Marianne's employer, was Laurent Demahis. Michel's grandparents were very progressive-thinkers and raised her in their Chateau as their own child. Michel took music lessons, wrote poetry, and was educated as a school teacher. While her upbringing and aspirations to have her poetry published put Michel close to the bourgeoisie class, her social status as the illigetimate daughter of housemaid created a social barrier. Also, Michel's aspirations to become published was seen as an "anti-feminine" dream and not fit for the bourgeoisie class. Michel's poetry always related to social issues as well as her support for the working classes. The focus of her compositions were on the grounds of the Paris Commune in the years 1870-1871. [42] Michel is described by Gay Gullickson, a journalist during the revolution, as "one of the unruly women of Paris". Michel had intense empathy for the poor and for animals. Her main asset was the passion she brought to the cause of the Revolution. She was given the nickname "The Red Virgin", red referring to the color of socialism, and virgin obviously referring to her womanhood. [43] The Commune held a special significane to Michel in that it was a liberating opportunity for women as well as a bridge between art and life. As an aspiring women poet, Michel had many personal ties invested with the Commune. [44] Louise Michel defended oppressed people and she identified with preindustrial people who communicated through the spoken word versus print. She was a strong advocate for the oral tradition which was instilled in her from her native culture Haute-Marne. She took on the role of a great orator who touched many through her speeches. With her radical ideas and her incredible speaking talents, she was an well-known ambassador for the Communards. Michel faces criticism that she wasn't in touch with the realities of the industrial age which is a possible theory to the failure of the Commune. The Communards, including Michel, were rooted in the pre-industrial world of artisans, shopkeepers, and peasants. The revolution lacked appeal to its increasingly industrialized audience. [45] The famous anarchist distinguished herself at the trial of the Communards when she faced her judges and demanded the death sentence. Rather than condemn her to death, the court exciled her to New Caledonia. It is possible that the court's decision was influenced by Michel's "mesmerizing appearance and fascinating gaze". [46] During her exile in New Caledonia, Michel remained politically active. She created a Kanak- inspired theater, started a school for locals, and then supported the Kanak revolt against the French in 1878. Michel felt so strongly for these Kanak locals because she drew a parallel between the Kanak struggle against French colonists to the struggle of working class Parisians that had culminated during the Commune. Throughout her exile she continued her role as a great orator and told stories as well as spoke her views to the Kanak peoples. While Michel was imprisoned at Saint-Lazare for leading an anarchist march across Paris in 1883, she wrote memoirs as a way of "speaking" to the oppressed masses even though she was physically apart from them. [47] Louise Michel died in January of 1905 and was buried in Paris. She was not buried at Pere-lachaise cemetery which was connected to the Commune but, at Levallois-Perret cemetery next to her mother's grave. The newspapers described Michel as "a noble and curious figure...an ardent revolutionary [and] tireless propagandist." Her funeral was held on January 22, 1905, Bloody Sunday, in St. Petersburg. Over 100,000 people attended including 200 Russian revolutionaries. It is interesting to note that on the day of Michel's funeral, the Russian Revolution started. Michel was always fascinated by Russia and the Russian revolutionares that attended her funeral were in an agitated state throughout the ceremony because the Revolution was beginning at that same moment. [48]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Harison, Casey. "The Paris Commune of 1871, the Russion Revolution of 1905, and the Shifting of the Revolutionary Tradition." Historical Abstracts Fall 2007. Vol 19. Issue 2. p 5-42.
  2. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001.
  3. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 12-13.
  4. ^ Smith, William H. C.. "Foreign Policy 1848-1870." In Second Empire and Commune: France 1848-1871. 2nd ed. White Plains, NY: Longman Publishing Group, 1996. 54.
  5. ^ Smith, William H. C.. "Foreign Policy 1848-1870." In Second Empire and Commune: France 1848-1871. 2nd ed. White Plains, NY: Longman Publishing Group, 1996. 56
  6. ^ Smith, William H. C.. "Foreign Policy 1848-1870." In Second Empire and Commune: France 1848-1871. 2nd ed. White Plains, NY: Longman Publishing Group, 1996. 56
  7. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 14.
  8. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 15.
  9. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 16.
  10. ^ Harison, Casey. "The Paris Commune of 1871, the Russion Revolution of 1905, and the Shifting of the Revolutionary Tradition." Historical Abstracts Fall 2007. Vol 19. Issue 2. p 5-42.
  11. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 15.
  12. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 21
  13. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 22
  14. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 22
  15. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 22
  16. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 23
  17. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 24
  18. ^ "The Anti-Commune, Paris 1871." Gordon Wright French Historical Studies. Vol. 10, No. 1 (Spring, 1977), Duke University Press. 150
  19. ^ "The Anti-Commune, Paris 1871." Gordon Wright French Historical Studies. Vol. 10, No. 1 (Spring, 1977), Duke University Press. 151
  20. ^ "The Anti-Commune, Paris 1871." Gordon Wright French Historical Studies. Vol. 10, No. 1 (Spring, 1977), Duke University Press. 151
  21. ^ Harison, Casey. "The Paris Commune of 1871, the Russian Revolution of 1905, and the Shifting of the Revolutionary Tradition." History & Memory 19.2 (2007). 6-7
  22. ^ "Commune of Paris." Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th Edition (2009): 1.
  23. ^ Harison, Casey. "The Paris Commune of 1871, the Russian Revolution of 1905, and the Shifting of the Revolutionary Tradition." History & Memory 19.2 (2007). 11.
  24. ^ Harison, Casey. "The Paris Commune of 1871, the Russian Revolution of 1905, and the Shifting of the Revolutionary Tradition." History & Memory 19.2 (2007). 28
  25. ^ Harison, Casey. "The Paris Commune of 1871, the Russian Revolution of 1905, and the Shifting of the Revolutionary Tradition." History & Memory 19.2 (2007). 28
  26. ^ Harison, Casey. "The Paris Commune of 1871, the Russian Revolution of 1905, and the Shifting of the Revolutionary Tradition." History & Memory 19.2 (2007). 11
  27. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 24
  28. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 24
  29. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 25
  30. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 25
  31. ^ Sowerwine, Charles. "The Franco-Prussian War and The Paris Commune, 1870-1." In France Since 1870: Culture, Politics and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001. 25
  32. ^ “Feminism and Anti-Clericalism under the Commune” Persis Hunt. The Massachusetts Review, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Summer, 1971), 420
  33. ^ "Socialist Women during the 1871 Paris Commune" Eugene Schulkind. Past & Present, No. 106 (Feb., 1985), 156
  34. ^ “Feminism and Anti-Clericalism under the Commune” Persis Hunt. The Massachusetts Review, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Summer, 1971), 429
  35. ^ "Socialist Women during the 1871 Paris Commune" Eugene Schulkind. Past & Present, No. 106 (Feb., 1985), 139
  36. ^ "Socialist Women during the 1871" Paris Commune Eugene Schulkind. Past & Present, No. 106 (Feb., 1985), 136
  37. ^ "Socialist Women during the 1871 Paris Commune" Eugene Schulkind. Past & Present, No. 106 (Feb., 1985), 137
  38. ^ “Feminism and Anti-Clericalism under the Commune” Persis Hunt. The Massachusetts Review, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Summer, 1971), 418
  39. ^ “Feminism and Anti-Clericalism under the Commune” Persis Hunt. The Massachusetts Review, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Summer, 1971), 420
  40. ^ “Socialist Women during the 1871 Paris Commune” Eugene Schulkind. Past & Present, No. 106 (Feb., 1985), 162
  41. ^ Sowerwine, Charles
  42. ^ Hart, Kathleen. "Oral Culture and Anticolonialism in Louise Michel's Memoires (1886) and Legendes et chantes de gestes canaques (1885)." Nineteenth-century French Studies. Fall 2001. 107.
  43. ^ Harison, Casey. "The Paris Commune of 1871, the Russion Revolution of 1905, and the Shifting of the Revolutionary Tradition." Historical Abstracts Fall 2007. Vol 19. Issue 2. p 5-42.
  44. ^ Hart, Kathleen. "Oral Culture and Anticolonialism in Louise Michel's Memoires (1886) and Legendes et chantes de gestes canaques (1885)." Nineteenth-century French Studies. Fall 2001. 107.
  45. ^ Hart, Kathleen. "Oral Culture and Anticolonialism in Louise Michel's Memoires (1886) and Legendes et chantes de gestes canaques (1885)." Nineteenth-century French Studies. Fall 2001. 107.
  46. ^ Hart, Kathleen. "Oral Culture and Anticolonialism in Louise Michel's Memoires (1886) and Legendes et chantes de gestes canaques (1885)." Nineteenth-century French Studies. Fall 2001. 107.
  47. ^ Hart, Kathleen. "Oral Culture and Anticolonialism in Louise Michel's Memoires (1886) and Legendes et chantes de gestes canaques (1885)." Nineteenth-century French Studies. Fall 2001. 107.
  48. ^ Harison, Casey. "The Paris Commune of 1871, the Russion Revolution of 1905, and the Shifting of the Revolutionary Tradition." Historical Abstracts Fall 2007. Vol 19. Issue 2. p 5-42.


Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:CommunardFan/Com1871&oldid=878260079"