Alternative theories of the location of Great Moravia

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Alternative theories of the location of Great Moravia propose that the core territory of the 9th century Slavic polity, known as "Great Moravia", was not (or was only partly) located in the region of the northern Morava River (in present-day Czech Republic). Moravia emerged after the fall of the Avar Khaganate in the early 9th century. It flourished during the reign of Svatopluk I in the second half of the century, but collapsed in the first decade of the 10th century. "Great Moravia" was regarded as an archetype of Czechoslovakia, the common state of the Czechs and Slovaks, in the 20th century, and its legacy is mentioned in the preamble to the Constitution of Slovakia.

Several aspects of its history (including its territorial extension and political status) are subject to scholarly disputes. A debate about the location of its core territory began in the second half of the 20th century.[1] Imre Boba proposed that the center of Moravia was located near the southern Morava River (in present-day Serbia). Most specialists (including Herwig Wolfram and Florin Curta) rejected Boba's theory, but it was further developed by other historians, including Charles Bowlus and Martin Eggers. In addition to the theory of a "southern Moravia", new theories proposing the existence of two Moravias, called "Greater and Lesser Moravia", or theories that place the center of Moravia at the confluence of the rivers Tisza and Mureș, were now being proposed. Archaeological evidence does not support the alternative theories, because the existence of 9th century power centers can only be documented along the northern Morava River, in accordance with the traditional view. However, scholars who accept the traditional view of a "northern Moravia" have not fully explained some of the contradictions between the written sources and archaeological evidence. For instance, written sources suggest a southward movement of the armies when mentioning the invasion of Moravia from the Duchy of Bavaria.

Great Moravia

Main article: Great Moravia
Further information: Principality of Nitra
Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and the neighboring regions of Germany, Poland and Romania presented as part of Moravia
The borders of "Great Moravia" under Svatopluk I, according to the traditional view of its location

The Moravians emerged as an individual Slavic tribe after the fall of the Avar Khaganate in the early 9th century.[2] The first reference to them was recorded for the year 822 AD in the Royal Frankish Annals.[3][4] More than a century later, the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus mentioned their realm as "Megale Moravia", or "Great Moravia".[4][5] The name, not mentioned in other primary sources, has been interpreted in various way, because the "megale" adjective may refer either to a territory which was located "further away" from Constantinople or to a former polity that had disappeared by the middle of the 10th century.[4][5]

The first known Moravian ruler, Mojmir I, assisted the rebellious subjects of Louis the German, King of East Francia several times.[6] During his reign, priests came from the Bishopric of Passau (a suffragan of the Archbishopric of Salzburg) to proselytize among the Moravians.[7] Louis the German expelled Mojmir from Moravia in 846.[6] In an attempt to diminish the influence of the German clerics, Mojmir's nephew and successor, Rastislav, requested priests from the Byzantine Empire in the early 860s.[8][7] Emperor Michael III and Patriarch Photius sent two brothers, Saints Cyril and Methodius, to Moravia.[8] The brothers started to translate liturgical texts into Old Church Slavonic in Moravia.[9] Methodius, who survived his brother, was consecrated as archbishop by Pope Hadrian II in Rome in 869.[7] According to the pope's decision, Moravia, the realm of Rastislav's nephew, Svatopluk, and the Pannonian domains of Koceľ fell within Methodius's jurisdiction, which caused conflicts with the archbishops of Salzburg.[10]

Louis the German occupied Moravia and dethroned Rastislav, and the Bavarian prelates imprisoned Methodius in 870.[8] Svatopluk united his realm with Moravia around 871 and expanded the borders of the territory under his rule during the next decades.[11][12] Methodius was set free on Pope John VIII's demand in 873.[13] However, his disciples were expelled from Moravia after he passed away in 885.[14] Svatopluk died in 894.[15] His realm disintegrated because internal conflicts emerged after his death.[15] The Magyars who settled in the Carpathian Basin around 895 destroyed Moravia in the first decade of 9th century.[15]

Development of alternative theories

The Czech Socialist Republic and the Slovak Socialist Republic
The Czech and Slovak Socialist Republics within the federal Czechoslovak Socialist Republic

The systematic study of the history of Moravia began in the 19th century, influenced by the ideas of Romanticism and Pan-Slavism.[16] Scholarly discussions have also been colored by political debates for centuries.[17] After the establishment of Czechoslovakia in 1918, "Great Moravia" was regarded as an archetype of the common state of the Czechs and Slovaks.[16][18] The Czechoslovak delegates referred to it when arguing for the recognition of the new state.[19] Official celebrations on the eleventh centenary of the mission of Constantine and Methodius in Czechoslovakia emphasized the continuity between the early medieval and the modern state in 1963.[18] A reference to "Great Moravia" can be found in the preamble to both the 1948 Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic and the 1992 Constitution of Slovakia.[17]

Several aspects of the history of Moravia are subjects of scholarly debate.[1] Most modern scholars question earlier historians' descriptions of a "Great Moravian empire" with huge territories permanently integrated within it.[4][12] Studies published from the 1990s also dispute that Moravia reached the level of an early medieval state (a lasting and stable polity) during its history.[20] According to the traditional view, Moravia's core territory was located along the northern Morava River, a tributary of the Danube in present-day Czech Republic.[21] The Slovak historian, Juraj Sklenár, was the first to propose an alternative location, stating that Moravia had originally been centered around Sirmium (now Sremska Mitrovica in Serbia), from where it expanded to the north to the lands that now form the Czech Republic and Slovakia.[22] Sklenár wanted to prove that the lands inhabited by Slovaks were never conquered by the Magyars to improve the Slovaks' position in the Kingdom of Hungary.[23] Another historian, Friedrich Blumenerger placed Moravia on the borders of Pannonia and Moesia (in present-day Serbia) in the 1820s.[24] Sklenár's and Blumenerger's views remained isolated for more than a century.[24]

Imre Boba was the first historian to challenge the traditional view in the 20th century.[5] After studying the primary sources, he concluded that Moravia's core territory lay near the southern Morava River, around Sirmium.[5][21] He published his theory in a monography (Moravia's History Reconsidered: A Reinterpretation of Medieval Sources) in 1971.[5] Most Central European historians (including Herwig Wolfram, Josef Poulík and István Bóna) rejected his conjectures, but other scholars, including Charles Bowlus and Martin Eggers, further developed them in the 1990s.[8][25][26][4] According to Florin Curta, who does not support the alternative theories, Bowlus has written the "most elegant presentation" of their argumentation.[27] Scholars who reject the alternative theories underline that no archaeological evidence substantiates the existence of a 9th-century power center in the lands where the alternative theories put Moravia's core region.[6][28][29] On the other hand, excavations proved that important centers of power existed at Mikulčice, Pohansko and other settlements north of the Middle Danube in the 9th century.[6][29][30]

Michael McCornick says that Boba and his followers generated a "healthy debate".[8] Curta emphasizes that the location of Moravia "may be understandably viewed as a matter of nationalist concern", taking into account "a quite recent history of shifting political frontiers" in Central Europe.[18] He also notes that "a hostile, rather than critical, attitude towards Boba's ideas became the norm among Slovak historians" in the early 1990s.[31] The Slovak historian, Vincent Sedlák, explicitly states that Boba developed his theory "to deny the historical validity of Slovak territory", which is not a baseless statement, according to Curta.[32] Most arguments of Boba and his followers have been "effectively countered", but the "interpretation of the written evidence provided by the Frankish sources continues to be debated", according to the book of the history of Central Europe in the High Middle Ages, which was published in 2013 by Cambridge University Press.[4] An other opponent to the alternative theories, Jiří Macháček, also underlines that "The serious problems of geographical orientation raised by analysis of the written sources, which ultimately led Imre Boba and his followers to question the traditional location of Great Moravia, will have to be explained in some other way."[33] According to Roger Collins, the dispute about Moravia's location "remains to be resolved" and archaeological evidence should not be overemphasized against written sources.[34]

Southern Moravia

According to Boba's theory, Moravia was not an independent state north of the Middle Danube, but a principality, located in Pannonia, within a larger state, "Sclavonia".[35] Sclavonia developed between the Adriatic Sea and the Drava River after the fall of the Avar Khaganate.[36] Most Latin and Slavic names of the Principality of Moravia[note 1] and its inhabitants[note 2] show that it was named after a town, called "Margus" or "Marava".[36] The Late Roman scholar, Priscus, mentioned a city, named "Margus", on the southern Morava (a river, also called "Margus" in Antiquity).[37][38]

Boba says, the realm of Liudewit, a rebellious Slavic prince in Pannonia, obviously included Moravia.[36] The first reference to the Moravians (their homage to Louis the German in Frankfurt)[39] was recorded for the year of Liudewit's expulsion from his seat by the Franks (822).[36] The rulers of the Sclavonian principalities made several attempts to achieve an independent position.[36] Svatopluk closely cooperated with the Holy See to increase his autonomy.[36] He conquered the region of the northern Morava river and expanded his authority over Bohemia in 890.[40]

Frankish sources

An old codex on a table
11th-century Carolingian minuscule copy of the Annals of Fulda, an important source of the history of Moravia, kept in the Humanist Library of Sélestat

Geographical references in the Annals of Fulda also show that Moravia was located to the south of the Danube, according to Boba.[41] For instance, the annals recorded that Louis the German's army moved ultra Danuvium ("across the Danube" or "over the Danube") when he invaded Moravia in 864, suggesting a southward movement across the Danube towards Moravia from the perspective of the Fulda Abbey (which stood in a land to the north of the river).[42] The same source also mentioned that the retainers of Arn, Bishop of Würzburg, ambushed a group of Moravian Slavs on their way back to Moravia from Bohemia, implying that the Moravians moved to the south or southeast (instead of moving towards the northern Morava River) when returning from Bohemia.[43][44] Florin Curta, who does not accept Boba's analysis, says that the Annals of Fulda, written in a distant monastery can hardly be regarded as a reliable source of information about the geography of Central Europe.[41]

Boba also says that the comparison of different records of the same historical event concerning Moravia also suggests that Moravia was located in Pannonia.[45] For instance, the Magyars destroyed Pannonia (according to the Annals of Fulda) or Moravia (according to Regino of Prüm) in 894, implying that Pannonia and Moravia were one and the same territory.[45]

Table: Comparison of the texts of the Annals of Fulda and Regino of Prüm's Chronicle about the events following the death of Svatopluk I of Moravia in 894[45]
Annals of Fulda Regino of Prüm
Zwentibald, the dux of the Moravians and the source of all treachery, who had disturbed all the lands around him with tricks and cunning and circled around thirsting for human blood, made an unhappy end, exhorting his men at the last that they should not be lovers of peace but rather continue in enmity with their neighbors.

The Avars, who are called Hungarians, penetrated across the Danube at this time, and did many terrible things. They killed men and old women outright, and carried off the young women alone with them like cattle to satisfy their lusts, and reduced the whole Pannonia to a desert.

In the autumn peace was made between the Bavarians and the Moravians.[46] 		Also around this time Zwentibald king of the Moravian Slavs, a man most prudent among his people and very cunning by nature, ended his final day. His sons held his kingdom for a short and unhappy time, because


the Hungarians


utterly destroyed everything in it.[47]




Byzantine texts

A coin depicting a bearded man wearing a crown
Gold solidus of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus: his work (De administrando imperio) is the only primary source containing the expression "great Moravia"

Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus mentioned "great Moravia" four times in his De administrando imperio.[48] According to his catalogue of the peoples that were the neighbors of the Hungarians, "great Moravia, the country of Sphendoplokos"[49] was located to the south the Principality of Hungary.[50][48] When listing the "landmarks and names along the Danube river", Porphyrogenitus stated that "great Moravia, the unbaptized ... over which in former days Sphendoplokus used to rule."[51] lay beyond Trajan's Bridge, Sirmium and Belgrade.[52] According to Boba, all descriptions show that Porphyrogenitus thought that Moravia had been situated in the wider region of Trajan's Bridge (in present-day Drobeta-Turnu Severin in Romania), Belgrade and Sirmium.[52] The Hungarian historian Sándor László Tóth says that Porphyrogenitus, who knew that the Hungarians had occupied Moravia, most probably described Moravia based on his information of the Hungarians' land around 950, instead of using earlier sources of Moravia.[53]

Florin Curta says that primary sources show that Moravia could not be located in the region of Sirmium.[54] The Life of Methodius recorded that the "koroljъ ugrъrъsk came to the lands of the Danube"[55] and Methodius went to see him.[54][56] According to Curta, the episode refers to a meeting between a "Magyar king" and Methodius during Methodius's journey to or from the Byzantine Empire in 881 or 882, excluding the southern localization of Moravia, because Methodius would not have approached the region of the Lower Danube (dominated by the Magyars in the 880s) if he had travelled between Sirmium and Constantinople.[54] Many scholars (including Marvin Kantor, the translator of the Life of Methodius) say that the koroljъ ugrъrъsk was actually Emperor Charles the Fat; if their interpretation is valid, Methodius met the emperor in East Francia.[56] According to Curta, the Life of St. Clement of Ohrid, a hagiography attributed to Theophylact of Ohrid who died in 1126, suggests that Methodius's three disciplines, Clement, Naum and Angelarius, advanced the Danube from the north before crossing the river at Belgrade during their flight from Moravia to the Byzantine Empire after Methodius's death.[54]

Methodius's see

Further information: Archbishopric of Moravia
Two bearded men, one holding a book with Slavic letters, the other bearing a bishop's hat and a double-cross
Bronze sculpture of Saints Cyril and Methodius in Bratislava, Slovakia

Pope John VIII's letters identify Methodius's ecclesiastic province as diocesis Pannonica.[57][58] The Life of Methodius also state that Methodius was "consecrated to the bishopric of Pannonia, to the seat of Saint Andronicus, an Apostle of the seventy".[59][60][61] If Methodius was ordained bishop in accordance with the canons adopted at previous synods, he must have been consecrated to a cathedral in a town and could not be moved from his episcopal see, according to Boba.[62] For instance, the Council of Chalcedon decreed in 451 that "No one ... who belongs to the ecclesiastical order, is to be ordained without title, unless the one ordained is specially assigned to a city or village church or to a martyr's shrine or a monastery".[62]

Maddalena Betti says that Boba's argumentation, which is based on canons from the 4th and 5th centuries, is "problematic".[63] Methodius's career followed the pattern set up for earlier medieval missionaries, including Willibrord-Clement and Wynfrith-Boniface.[64] Wynfrith-Boniface started his missions as a simple priest; then, he was ordained a missionary bishop for the "people of Germany and to those east of the river Rhine", but his see was not specified; and finally, he received a pallium in token of his right to organize a new ecclesiastic province.[65] Similarly, Methodius returned from Rome to the domains of Koceľ as a simple monk; then he was consecrated a missionary bishop; and finally, he received a pallium.[66]

According to Boba, Latin and Old Church Slavonic records of Methodius's title[note 3] show that he was ordained archbishop of the see in a town called Maraba or Morava.[67] Boba associated Maraba or Morava with Sirmium, because Sirmium was the capital of the Roman province of Pannonia Secunda.[67] To prove that Methodius had a fixed see, Boba suggested that a medieval church, excavated in Mačvanska Mitrovica in 1966, was identical with Methodius's cathedral.[68] Archaeologist V. Popović soon refuted the identification, emphasizing that the church was built in the 11th century.[68]

The Forgeries of Lorch (a collection of papal documents forged for Piligrim, who was Bishop of Passau between 971 and 991) also contain references to Moravia.[69] The documents show that late-10th-century clerics in Passau thought that Moravia had been located in Upper Pannonia and Moesia a century earlier.[69][70] According to the Romanian historian, Alexandru Madgearu, Piligrim's forgeries prove that by the time they were completed the location of the former Roman province of Moesia had been forgotten and the clerics who completed the forgeries applied its name to Moravia.[71]

According to Maddalena Betti, Alfred the Great's translation of Orosius's History of the World, which was completed in the late 9th century, prove that Moravia was located to the north of the Danube.[72] Alfred the Great listed the "Thyringas", "Behemas", the "half of the Begware" and the "land of the Vistula" among the neighbors of the "Maroara".[72] Betti also notes that the Byzantine missionaries, Constantine and Methodius, crossed the Pannonian domains of Koceľ while travelling from Moravia to Venice, according to the Life of Constantine, which also shows that Moravia most plausibly lay north of Koceľ's domains.[73]

Medieval chronicles

The Supetar Cartulary, which was complied in the 12th century, contains a list of the predecessors of Zvonimir, King of Croatia, which begins with "Sventopolk".[74][75] The late 12th-century Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja wrote of Sventopelk, the son of a certain Svetimir, who was descended from one Ratimir.[76][77] According to the same source, "Constantine the Philosopher" crossed Sventopelk's realm when travelling from Bulgaria to Rome.[76][77] The source also recorded that Sventopelk was crowned king "on the field of Dalma".[76][77] The Chronica Ragusina Junii Restii (a chronicle written in the Republic of Ragusa) stated that Svetopelek's father, Svetimir had been the King of Bosnia.[74][78] Two later annals from Ragusa (now Dubrovnik in Croatia) referred to a king from a Moravian-Croatian dynasty.[74][78] Boba and Bowlus associated Sventopelk's forefather, Ratimir with Ratimir, Duke of Lower Pannonia, and Sventopelk with Svatopluk I of Moravia.[76][77] According to Boba and Bowlus, these sources clearly assisciates Moravia with Dalmatia and Bosnia.[78] Historian Markus Osterrieder says, Boba "shockingly uncritical" when accepts Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja as a reliable source.[79] The late sources did not describe the political situation of the 9th-century Balkan Peninsula, because they were written to "support the political needs of subsequent centuries".[80]

Two Moravias

Senga Toru and Péter Püspöki Nagy were convinced that two Moravias existed simultaneously, one situated in the territory of modern Moravia, the other in present-day Serbia.[1]

Moravia east of the Tisza

Similarly to Toru's and Püspöki Nagy's view, Eggers also backs up the hypothesis of two Moravias, however he places both entities in the Southeast.[1] Martin Eggers says that the centre of Moravia must have been located near the confluence of the rivers Tisza and Mureș (at present-day Cenad in Romania).[81]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ For instance, regnum Marahensium (Latin), and Moravskaia oblast (Old Church Slavonic).
  2. ^ Including, Sclavi Marahenses (Latin), and Moravliene (Old Church Slavonic).
  3. ^ Pope John VIII referred to Methodius as archiepiscopus sanctae ecclesiae Marabensis in 880. The Life of Methodius mentioned him as arkhiepiskoup Moravska.
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References

  1. ^ a b c d Szymczak 2010, p. 293.
  2. ^ Štih 2010, pp. 99, 131.
  3. ^ Štih 2010, p. 131.
  4. ^ a b c d e f Berend, Urbańczyk & Wiszewski 2013, p. 57.
  5. ^ a b c d e Macháček 2009, p. 261.
  6. ^ a b c d Berend, Urbańczyk & Wiszewski 2013, p. 58.
  7. ^ a b c Berend, Urbańczyk & Wiszewski 2013, p. 60.
  8. ^ a b c d e McCornick 2001, p. 189.
  9. ^ Curta 2006, p. 125.
  10. ^ Berend, Urbańczyk & Wiszewski 2013, p. 61.
  11. ^ Berend, Urbańczyk & Wiszewski 2013, p. 59.
  12. ^ a b Barford 2001, p. 110.
  13. ^ McCornick 2001, p. 193.
  14. ^ McCornick 2001, pp. 195–196.
  15. ^ a b c Barford 2001, p. 111.
  16. ^ a b Macháček 2012, p. 7.
  17. ^ a b Macháček 2012, p. 6.
  18. ^ a b c Curta 2009, p. 239.
  19. ^ Macháček 2012, p. 5.
  20. ^ Macháček 2012, pp. 9–11.
  21. ^ a b Curta 2006, pp. 127–128.
  22. ^ Marsina 2000, p. 156.
  23. ^ Meřínský 2006, p. 743.
  24. ^ a b Marsina 2000, p. 157.
  25. ^ Macháček 2009, pp. 261–262.
  26. ^ Tóth 1999, p. 25.
  27. ^ Curta 2006, p. 128 (note 40).
  28. ^ Curta 2009, pp. 132–133.
  29. ^ a b Macháček 2009, p. 264.
  30. ^ Curta 2009, pp. 130–131.
  31. ^ Curta 2009, p. 244.
  32. ^ Curta 2009, p. 240.
  33. ^ Macháček 2009, p. 265.
  34. ^ Collins 2010, p. 402.
  35. ^ Boba 1971, p. 26.
  36. ^ a b c d e f Boba 1971, p. 6.
  37. ^ Boba 1971, p. 35.
  38. ^ Bowlus 1994, p. 183.
  39. ^ Bowlus 1994, p. 92.
  40. ^ Boba 1971, p. 62.
  41. ^ a b Curta 2006, p. 128.
  42. ^ Boba 1971, pp. 42–43.
  43. ^ Boba 1971, p. 49.
  44. ^ Bowlus 1994, pp. 176–177.
  45. ^ a b c Boba 1971, p. 66.
  46. ^ The Annals of Fulda (year 894), p. 129.
  47. ^ The Chronicle of Regino of Prüm (year 894), p. 418.
  48. ^ a b Tóth 1999, p. 26.
  49. ^ Constantine Porphyrogenitus: De Administrando Imperio (ch. 13), p. 65.
  50. ^ Boba 1971, p. 76.
  51. ^ Constantine Porphyrogenitus: De Administrando Imperio (ch. 40), p. 177.
  52. ^ a b Boba 1971, p. 79.
  53. ^ Tóth 1999, pp. 26–27.
  54. ^ a b c d Curta 2006, p. 129.
  55. ^ The Life of Methodius (ch. 16.), p. 125.
  56. ^ a b Bowlus 1994, pp. 214–215.
  57. ^ Boba 1971, p. 88.
  58. ^ Betti 2013, p. 149.
  59. ^ The Life of Methodius (ch. 8.), p. 117.
  60. ^ Boba 1971, p. 92.
  61. ^ Betti 2013, p. 69.
  62. ^ a b Boba 1971, p. 87.
  63. ^ Betti 2013, p. 30.
  64. ^ Betti 2013, pp. 172–173.
  65. ^ Betti 2013, pp. 153, 174–175, 178–179.
  66. ^ Betti 2013, pp. 171–173.
  67. ^ a b Boba 1971, pp. 91–92, 95.
  68. ^ a b Betti 2013, p. 32.
  69. ^ a b Boba 1971, p. 10.
  70. ^ Bowlus 1994, p. 8.
  71. ^ Madgearu 2013, p. 98.
  72. ^ a b Betti 2013, p. 145.
  73. ^ Betti 2013, pp. 144–145.
  74. ^ a b c Boba 1971, p. 107.
  75. ^ Bowlus 1994, pp. 189–190.
  76. ^ a b c d Bowlus 1994, p. 189.
  77. ^ a b c d Boba 1971, p. 105.
  78. ^ a b c Bowlus 1994, p. 190.
  79. ^ Osterrieder 1997, p. 117.
  80. ^ Betti 2013, p. 29.
  81. ^ Macháček 2009, p. 262.

Sources

Primary sources

  • Constantine Porphyrogenitus: De Administrando Imperio (Greek text edited by Gyula Moravcsik, English translation by Romillyi J. H. Jenkins) (1967). Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies. ISBN 0-88402-021-5.
  • The Annals of Fulda (Ninth-Century Histories, Volume II) (Translated and annotated by Timothy Reuter) (1992). Manchaster University Press. ISBN 0-7190-3458-2.
  • The Chronicle of Regino of Prüm (2009). In: History and Politics in Late Carolingian and Ottonian Europe: The Chronicle of Regino of Prüm and Adalbert of Magdeburg (Translated and annotated by Simon MacLean); Manchester University Press; ISBN 978-0-7190-7135-5.
  • "The Life of Methodius" (1983). In Medieval Slavic Lives of Saints and Princes (Marvin Kantor) [Michigan Slavic Translation 5]. University of Michigan. pp. 97–138. ISBN 0-930042-44-1.

Secondary sources

  • Barford, P. M. (2001). The Early Slavs: Culture and Society in Early Medieval Eastern Europe. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-3977-9. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Berend, Nora; Urbańczyk, Przemysław; Wiszewski, Przemysław (2013). Central Europe in the High Middle Ages: Bohemia, Hungary and Poland, c. 900-c. 1300. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-78156-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Betti, Maddalena (2013). The Making of Christian Moravia (858-882): Papal Power and Political Reality. Brill. pp. 27–34. ISBN 978-9-004-26008-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Boba, Imre (1971). Moravia's History Reconsidered: A Reinterpretation of Medieval Sources. Martinus Nijhoff. ISBN 978-90-247-5041-2. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Bowlus, Charles R. (1994). Franks, Moravians and Magyars: The Struggle for the Middle Danube, 788–907. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0-8122-3276-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Collins, Roger (2010). Early Medieval Europe, 300-1000. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-113-7014-28-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Curta, Florin (2006). Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 500-1250. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-89452-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Curta, Florin (2009). "The history and archaeology of Great Moravia: an introduction". Early Medieval Europe. 17 (3). Blackwell Publishing Ltd: 248–267. Retrieved 2015-09-08. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Macháček, Jiří (2009). "Disputes over Great Moravia: chiefdom or state? the Morava or the Tisza River?". Early Medieval Europe. 17 (3). Blackwell Publishing Ltd: 248–267. Retrieved 2013-08-30. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Macháček, Jiří (2012). ""Great Moravian state"–a controversy in Central European medieval studies". Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana. 11 (1). Publishing House of the History Department of the Saint-Petersburg State University: 5–26. Retrieved 2015-09-08. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Madgearu, Alexandru (2013). Byzantine Military Organization on the Danube, 10th–12th Centuries. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-21243-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Marsina, Richard (2000). "Where was Great Moravia?". In Kováč, Dušan (ed.). Slovak Contributions to 19th International Congress of Historical Sciences. VEDA, Vydavateľstvo Slovenskej akadémie vied. ISBN 80-224-0665-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Meřínský, Zdeněk (2006). České země od příchodu Slovanů po Velkou Moravu II [The Czech Lands since the arrival of the Slavs to Great Moravia] (in Czech). Libry. ISBN 80-7277-105-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • McCornick, Michael (2001). Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce, AD 300-900. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-66102-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Osterrieder, Markus (1997). "Das Grossmährische Reich: Zwei Neue Studien". Bohemia. 37: 112–119. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Štih, Peter (2010). The Middle Ages between the Eastern Alps and the Northern Adriatic: Select Papers on Slovene Historiography and Medieval History. BRILL. ISBN 978-90-04-18591-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Szymczak, Jan (2010). "Slavic Lands: Historiography (500-1000)". In Rogers, Clifford J. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military Technology, Volume 3: Mercenaries-Zürich, Siege of. Oxford University Press. pp. 293–295. ISBN 978-0-19-533403-6. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Tóth, Sándor László (1999). "The territories of the Hungarian Tribal Federation". In Prinzing, Günter; Salamon, Maciej (eds.). Byzanz und Ostmitteleuropa 950-1453: Beiträge zu einer table-ronde des XIX. International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Copenhagen 1996. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. pp. 22–33. ISBN 978-344-7041-46-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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