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Peruvian Amazon Company
FormerlyPeruvian Amazon Rubber Company Ltd.
Company typeFirm
IndustryExportation of natural rubber
Founded6 September 1907; 117 years ago (1907-09-06)[1]
FounderJulio César Arana
FateLiquidated in 1913
Headquarters
Peru Edit this on Wikidata
Total equity£1,000,000[2] (1907)
Natives imprisoned by the Peruvian Amazon Company, photograph first published in 1912

The Peruvian Amazon Company, also called the Anglo-Peruvian Amazon Rubber Co,[3] was a rubber boom company that operated in Peru in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Based in Iquitos, it became notorious for the ill treatment of its Indigenous workers in the Amazon Basin, whom its field forces treated as slaves. The company's practices were exposed in 1912 by the investigative report of British consul-general Roger Casement and an article and book by journalist W. E. Hardenburg.

The Arana Brothers company, who had sought capital in London, were fused with the PAC in 1907.[3] Peruvian rubber baron Julio César Arana ran the company in Peru.[4] British members of the board of directors included Sir John Lister-Kaye, 3rd Baronet.[5]

The company operated in the area of the Putumayo River,[4] a river that flows from the Andes to join the Amazon River deep in the tropical jungle. This area was contested at the time among Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, and it was inhabited by numerous Indigenous people.[3] Some of the Indigenous populations that were effected by the Peruvian Amazon Company during the Putumayo genocide include the Huitoto, Bora, Ocaina, and Andoque tribes.[6]

Origins of the company

The Cinchona boom and the start of the rubber boom incentivized exploration as well as settlement of previously uncolonized land in the Amazon. One of the first prominent expeditions into the Putumayo during the 19th century started as a business venture by future Colombian president Rafael Reyes in 1874. The group found the region richly inhabited by rubber trees: and an abundant potential work force to collect that rubber. Members of that original expedition like Benjamin Larrañaga, Crisóstomo Hernández, the Calderón brothers, and other Colombians established themselves along the Putumayo.[7] By 1896, Julio Arana entered the region, interested in expanding his small peddling business in Iquitos. Shortly after, a business partnership was arranged between Arana and Larrañaga who at the time owned La Chorrera along the Igara-paraná river.[8] Arana adopted the common practices of the local Colombians in the region at the time, who made it their business to enslave and exploit the natives as a work force to extract rubber. Often, if a weight quota imposed by the caucheros was short the resulting punishment was execution, dismemberment, starvation:[9] or potentially flagellation where the victim is left to die from their festering wounds.[10] The Huitotos, the Andokes, the Boras, and other tribes were forced to work for Arana and other rubber companies he associated with in the region.[11]

A group of Huitoto natives, forced to work on a plantation belonging to Julio César Arana

Before the rubber boom reached the Putumayo: the main city exporting rubber from the Amazon was Pará on the coast of Brazil. Under the influence of Arana, Iquitos claimed that title. In 1898 a commercial house was established in Iquitos by Julio, and at the time the city was already a major center of export for Amazonian rubber. The following year, the Booth Steamship Co. of Liverpool established a monthly connection from Iquitos to Liverpool and New York.[12] In a few years Arana would be shipping a third of the total rubber exports in Iquitos to Liverpool, Le Havre, Hamburg, and New York.[1] In 1900, Arana was exporting 35,000 pounds of rubber a year. By 1906 he was exporting 1.4 million pounds of rubber.[13] Sometime in 1900, the Larrañaga, Arana y compañia was formed from the partnership with the Larrañagas.[8] Shortly after Benjamin Larrañaga's death in December 1903, Arana bought out Rafael Larrañaga's share from the company: "taking advantage of their ignorance and stupidity to rob them scandalously".[8] Arana used manipulation, deceit and force to obtain the property of other entrepreneurs in the area. The Calderón brothers at El Encanto and Hipólito Perez who owned Argelia, lost their property to Arana, who robbed them according to the law of the region.[8] Afterwards, the owner of Nueva Granada on the Caraparaná River, José Cabrera, was coerced into selling his estate at a disadvantageous price to himself. He was intimidated "by threats of killing him, by shooting at him from ambush, by forcibly taking away his Indians, and by the other methods for which this company is known".[8]

Employees of Julio César Arana stand in front of their enslaved indigenous workers. Photograph circa 1912

In 1905, Arana travelled to London with the interests of attracting investment. Then on September 6, 1907, with a capital of £1,000,000, the Peruvian Amazon Rubber Company, Ltd. is formed with the help of English investors.[14] This new company acquired the assets of Arana's previous firm, J.C. Arana y Hermanos. The following year "rubber" was dropped from the name, making it the Peruvian Amazon Company, Ltd. At the time, the company had headquarter branches in Iquitos, managed by Julio's brother-in-law Pablo Zumaeta. Zumaeta was responsible for the operations in the Putumayo and outflow of rubber. There was another branch in Manaus managed by Julio's brother Lizardo Arana.[15]

Harvesting of rubber

Within the Putumayo region there were two distinct types of rubber produced and exploited. Castilla elastica made caucho negro, or black rubber and was produced in a tall tree that had to be cut down to harvest.[16] The method of extracting rubber from this tree was often wasteful, and included cutting deeply into the trunk, releasing all of the rubber in one session. The second type of rubber comes from Hevea brasiliensis, whose product is referred to as jebe or shiringa and can be tapped long term.[16] The Castilloa tree practically disappeared from the Putumayo region in the span of twenty years.[17]

"Spiral tapping of Hevea Brasiliensis". One of the methods for harvesting this rubber tree.

The rubber collected by the Peruvian Amazon Company was extracted by the forced use of indigenous labor. The company used multiple approaches to entrap the natives of the region into gathering rubber for them. Barbadian overseers and the 'muchachos de confianza' watched over the native population and made sure they did not run away. The 'muchachos de confianza' were indigenous males recruited from a young age to act as enforcers for the company.[a] The Barbadians and their native counterpart often acted as the executioners of the plantation managers, and were used to terrorize the workforce into compliance.

These Indians were not station hands or laborers engaged by the company: they were forest Indian, members of the various tribes dwelling in the districts. They are not asked if they want to work rubber; they are forced to do it, just like slaves. If they do not bring in rubber they are flogged, or put in chains, or in the 'cepo' or stocks.

— Roger Casement, Slavery in Peru[19]

A stock device known as the cepo was also used to punish the natives who did not meet quota. The device laid its victim on their backs and had their legs spread apart, sometimes with their faces pointed to the ground. According to Roger Casement the victims would stay in this device for "hours, sometimes for days, often weeks, and sometimes for months in this painful confinement".[20]

Managers at Matanzas, Abisinia, La Sabana and other plantations demanded five arrobas of rubber every three months. One arroba was equal to 15 kilos or 30 pounds. At times this was an unobtainable quota. Conditions in the Putumayo region allowed for two to three fabricos a year. A fabrico represented a harvesting period, usually consisting of 75 days. A fabrico was further divided into five periods referred to as puestas, occurring every 10-15 days when the Natives delivered the rubber to a nearby company station.[21] At the end of the fabrico, all five puestas are carried and transported from the station to either the La Chorrera or El Encanto headquarters, where the rubber then shipped to Iquitos.

Hooking by debts

The company practiced the enganche por deudas system, or "hooking by debts". Enganche entailed getting a person that is working for a company in debt, and keeping them in a perpetual state of indebtedness.[22] In this way the employee becomes dependent on the company, and is unable to leave the region until they can pay off this debt. This system affected not only the Native work force but also the company employees. Even a few of the station chiefs like Abelardo Agüero were in debt to the company. Many of the Barbadian employees were in debt to the company and under a contract that would not allow them to leave the region until the debt was paid. In Roger Casement's own words, "There is little doubt the men have been robbed."[23][b] Some of the Barbadian men were swindled out of a portion of their pay. Their contract stipulated that they would receive the equivalent of £5 a month, and at the time £1 equaled 10 Peruvian soles and 50 cents. However, they were only paid 10 Peruvian soles per pound and not the remaining 50 cents per pound.[25]

Multiple depositions that were given to Walter Ernest Hardenburg and Roger Casement stated that the company violated many of the promises on their contract. Food, medicine and other important items that could be found in a store were sold by the company at extortionate rates.[c] Roger Casement believed that some of these goods were sold fully beyond 1,000 percent their worth.[26] Originally, the company stipulated it would provide these necessities however employees found this was often not the case.[24] The contract also stated that the company would provide a free trip home. However any debts owed to the company would have to be paid off first, and even then it was possible for an administrator of the company to withhold this trip home.

Unrestricted gambling, which the company allowed, was also another factor that affected debts. In place of physical currency, informal documents were written up which promised to pay a gambling debt at a later date. The company advances credit to the employee who is owed the money from gambling, and transfers the debt onto the company books.[26] Most of the employees in the region, including the Barbadians and "muchachos de confianzas" had "wives", some of them also had children. These dependents were a large factor in the debts.

Reports of abuse

Robuchon and Whiffen

In July 1903 Eugène Robuchon met Julio Cesar Arana in Iquitos, who hired Robuchon to map out his rubber territories in the Putumayo. Eugène was a French professional explorer who travelled to South America with the hopes of producing ethnographic, zoological, and botanical documents including photographs. In a letter to his father, Eugène wrote that Arana had "shown great kindness" to him and his family. During his time mapping the territory, Robuchon collected a number of artifacts and took many photographs.[27]

In August 1905, Robuchon sent his wife and family back to France while he continued his work. Around November 14 Robuchon descended on a long overland journey to the Caqueta river, from there he planned to take a canoe to another tributary. It was on this part of the journey, near El Retiro that Eugène Robuchon disappeared, he had recently turned thirty-three years old. It took forty-seven days before a search party reached Eugène's last known location, however the explorer was nowhere to be found.

Rumors spawned that Robuchon was murdered and disappeared because he had witnessed as well as photographed atrocities within the Putumayo.[28][d] Representatives of the Peruvian Amazon Company stated he was killed by the local natives, and was possibly eaten.[29] The two native guides that were apparently with Eugène also disappeared and were not heard from again.[30] Robuchon's notes and manuscript appeared in 1907 under the name En el Putumayo y sus afluentes, edited and published by Carlos Rey de Castro,[29] a friend of Julio C. Arana.[31] Rey de Castro's editing process was aimed at portraying the newly founded company as a "civilizing force". Several paragraphs were removed from the Spanish copy of the book that would be used as the Peruvian Amazon Company's prospectus.[32]

One paragraph removed from Robuchon's original manuscript, referred to the native's feelings regarding their exploitation. "the Indians care nothing for the preservation of their rubber trees, and rather desire their destruction ... they think that the whites who have come into their dominions in quest of this valuable plant, will go away when it has disappeared ... With this idea, they regard with favour the disappearance of the rubber trees, which have been the cause of their reduction to slavery."[33]

Some of the photographs Robuchon took circulated around in Iquitos, generating rumors and eventually the photographs would be used in a newspaper as evidence of crime in the Putumayo. These images provided visual testimony to the abuses and atrocities occurring during the Putumayo genocide.

Carrying materials for construction at La Chorrera. Photograph taken by Eugène Robuchon.

Captain Thomas William Whiffen ventured to the Putumayo region in April 1908, with one of the main intentions of his trip being to solve the disappearance of Robuchon. Whiffen was a British military officer who had been wounded during the Boer war.[34][35] This injury allowed Whiffen to travel to the Putumayo while still in service. Near the end of October in 1908 Whiffen and his expedition found the remains of a deserted shelter, which John Brown confirmed as Robuchon's last camp. John Brown originally accompanied Robuchon on his trip as well, but left Eugène to find help for the French explorer. Eight "broken photograph plates" were unearthed along with an eye-piece of a sextant. A wrecked raft was also found that Brown confirmed to be Robuchon's, but the raft had no clues. Whiffen and his group returned to La Chorrera on February 22, 1909 with the disappearance of Robuchon still unsolved. Whiffen concluded that Eugène probably died in March or April 1906.[36]

Whiffen was tracked down by the British Foreign Office in 1909, who requested the captain send a report of his experiences.[37][35] Thomas Whiffen explained that he had passed the Putumayo region twice in the previous year. The first time, the company knew about his movements in advance and Whiffen believed that the company removed any evidence of abuses. He thought "prisoners were liberated, floggings ceased, and outwardly affairs assumed a peaceful and a humane aspect." On the second journey through the region, he discovered "Hidden in the forest beyond the houses, stocks and whipping posts." In the same report, Whiffen included a first hand account from John Brown. In one incident, Brown relayed when two plantation managers had a tribal chief in custody at Morelia. The managers had a shooting competition, where they tried to shoot the chief's genitals. Afterwards the native was "despatched according to the ordinary method". Referring to the rubber collecting system in the region, Whiffen stated it was "absolutely that of forced labour with its necessary and attendant evils".[38]

Whiffen also provided some information about the political situation in the region. He believed that the company was in control of the region, with "no effective administration or occupation by the Peruvian Government".[e][40] Whiffen also stated his belief that the commissario of the Central Government at Lima, as well as the few Peruvian soldiers in the region were "secretly the paid servant[s] of the company". Another revelation provided in his report, was that many of the atrocities were committed by natives, against the natives under the command of company employees. According to Whiffen, the company 'took on' and armed native youths of a tribe, who would then be used against another rival tribe, "thus putting them perhaps at the mercy of their hereditary enemies".[41][18] These young natives who were forced to act as the enforcers of the company, were at risk of losing their own lives if they were not obedient and did not carry out instructions.[42] Whiffen was later accused by the company of blackmail.[43][44][35]

Saldaña

Main article: Benjamin Saldaña Rocca

Before he founded his newspaper publications, at the age of 43, Benjamin Saldaña Rocca petitioned a judge to proceed with criminals charges against 18 employees of J.C. Arana y Hermanos. The petition contained excerpts and details of the horrible acts of violence committed against the natives who collect rubber for the company. Saldaña urged the judge "as the bones of thousands of Indians who have been murdered lie scattered round the houses of the sections such as Matanzas, Ultimo Retiro, La Sabana, Santa Catalina, San Victor and all the other dependencies of El Encanto and La Chorrera. ... a visit of inspection [should] be undertaken as soon as possible, before the bones of the victims can be made to disappear." Saldaña Rocca only received silence from the courts.[f] Two weeks later, on August 22, 1907, he published the first issue of his newspaper La Sancion publicly attacking Arana.[46]

Matanzas rubber station, Putumayo.

The paper had a variety of articles, covering local news, court reports, port movements, and in nearly every issue of the paper Saldaña published new revelations about Julio César Arana. He published the contents of the petition the courts ignored:[47] and to corroborate, from the very beginning Saldaña included eyewitness accounts. These were first hand accounts coming from ex-employees of Arana's company, detailing the coercive and abusive system: describing the torture, maiming, and killing of the enslaved natives. In the first issue of La Sancion, Saldaña included a letter and first hand account from Julio Muriedas, detailing crimes at La Chorrera: and crimes committed at Matanzas by the manager Armando Normand. Muriedas relayed that Normand applies 200 lashes or more when the enslaved natives don't arrive with the correct weight of rubber.[g] When the natives flee, Normand suspends them by their hands and feet before applying fire. This torture is induced so that the children will tell where their fathers are hiding.[46][49]

Flogging of a Putumayo native, carried out by the employees of Julio César Arana. Photograph taken by Eugène Robuchon.

La Sancion was intended to run twice a week, but soon became a daily publication. By that time, Saldaña Rocca founded a second publication named La Felpa, which was four pages long and contained a political cartoon to make its point. The very first issue of La Felpa contained four different pictures titled "The Crimes of the Putumayo: Flagellations, Mutilations, Tortures, and Target Practice." to describe how the natives were being treated. The last issue of Saldaña Rocca's newspaper came out on February 22, 1908, just three weeks after Hardenburg arrived in Iquitos. The local authorities at Iquitos raided Saldaña's printing store and destroyed some of the equipment before escorting Saldaña out of the city.[50]

Illustration on the first issue of La Felpa

Hardenburg

Walter Ernest Hardenburg and Walter Perkins were two American engineers who journeyed to the Putumayo region between 1907 and 1908. They previously worked on the Colombian Pacific Railroad, and were on their way to Bolivia to work on the Madeira-Mamoré Railroad: designed to connect northern Bolivia to Brazil. They decided to cross the Andes and descend into Amazonia as part of their journey. They met Colombian General Pablo Monroy, who was stationed in Pasto and had information about the Putumayo river. He warned them it was dangerous, informing them that Colombia and Peru had recently entered a modus vivendi to pull back garrisons and military authorities from the region.[51] The General believed that the Peruvians were not adhering to the agreement. Monroy also told them that they could travel on a launch from El Encanto, 500 miles down river, to Iquitos. From there he could continue on his journey as well as save weeks of effort.[52]

They loaded up on supplies, and traveled 150 miles over rough terrain before they reached a navigable point in the Putumayo river. On December 22, 1907, they met Jesús López, a Colombian rubber tapper who told them more about the political situation. He informed the pair that the Peruvians were harassing and violently expelling Colombian settlers. He added that these actions were being carried out by the Peruvian military: with the Peruvian Amazon Rubber Company commanding them. López believed that it was the company's goal to get a hold of all the Colombian concessions by whichever means necessary.

Years ago there were dozens of Colombian rubber stations along the Putumayo, but by the time of Hardenburg's journey, there were only three left. The rest were absorbed or taken by force. López warned them not to take the boat from El Encanto: and instead aim for Remolino which was a Colombian settlement five days further down river. From Remolino they proceeded to another Colombian settlement named La Reserva. David Serrano owned La Reserva; and he agreed to help Walter sell his boat and buy anything he was willing to sell. While waiting for Perkins to arrive, Serrano told Walter about his experience with the Peruvian Amazon Company. A month earlier, employees of the company showed up at his establishment. He owed money to the branch manager at El Encanto, Miguel S. Loayza, who used the debt as an excuse to send a 'commission' to rob Serrano. They chained David to a tree, and raped his wife in front of him. After the employees ransacked the house and stole his rubber: the employees returned to the boat carrying away his wife as well as their small son. David later learned that his wife was forced to become a concubine to Miguel Loayza while their son was used as a personal servant for Miguel.[53]

The abuse against Serrano caught the attention of the Colombian government, which sent a police inspector named Jesús Orjuela to investigate. Hardenburg decided to go with Orjuela to El Dorado, where Loayza was invited to take part in a diplomatic conference. El Dorado was the last Colombian rubber station downriver.

On January 12, a Peruvian gunboat named the Iquitos followed by the Liberal docked at La Reserva with an unknown number of Peruvian soldiers.[54] The Liberal was a Peruvian Amazon Company launch.[55] The party was looking for David Serrano, who fled into the forest. They looted the place, taking away goods from the storehouse and almost two thousand kilos of rubber. La Reserva was the second stop on this excursion: previously, the soldiers attacked La Unión and massacred the Colombians there. La Reserva was burned to the ground and all the rubber brought aboard the ships.[56]

The administrators of El Encanto, with their boss Miguel S. Loayza (seated.)
The 'Liberal' steamship, owned by the Peruvian Amazon Company. In W.E. Hardenburg's book, he mentions that natives are frequently brought aboard the company's steamships to be sold as slaves in Iquitos.

The two boats traveled downriver to El Encanto, and the same day, January 12, they intercepted the boat Orjuela and Hardenburg were on. The two had made several attempts to contact Miguel Loayza who never showed up to the meeting in El Dorado. Orjuela and Hardenburg were thrown onto the Liberal as captives: where Hardenburg was surprised to be reunited with Perkins. The ship continued on towards El Dorado, which they also destroyed. Upon arrival at El Encanto, Hardenburg protested his arrest, before being informed he would be allowed to leave to Iquitos when the Liberal was ready to sail. Due to their treatment, Hardenburg believed they were going to be murdered by the Peruvians. For their safety, Hardenburg and Perkins lied, stating that they worked for a large American company, so hurting them would have diplomatic consequences. Later, Hardenburg was sent on to Iquitos without Perkins: he spent three months with no news about his companion. They were reunited on April 22: with Perkins still wearing the same clothes he had on from their last encounter.[57]

Perkins related that he was kept as a house prisoner by Loayza, who forced him to sign a document stating he was being well treated. He also stated the Peruvians later caught up with David Serrano when they returned to La Reserva again: and torched the buildings. The soldiers tied the hands of David Serrano and 28 other men behind their back before shooting them to death. "They not only shot them to death, but horribly mutilated their bodies with their machetes and threw them into the river."[58]

One day, four months into Hardenburg's stay in Iquitos he was approached by Miguel Galvez, who he had never seen before. He stated that he was the son of Benjamin Saldaña Rocca, a courageous newspaper owner who recently fled from Iquitos and now worked in Lima. Before leaving the city, Saldaña collected all of his documents, which he left to the mother of his son. Miguel Galvez delivered them to Walter Hardenburg, after his father urged him to pass the documents on to someone who would continue to challenge Arana.

Hardenburg started to collect corroborating evidence to go along with the package of documents from Saldaña. He sent and received letters, investigating the operations of the Peruvian Amazon Company. He collected twenty testimonials from different people who all swore to their authenticity to a notary in Iquitos. Deciding it was unsafe for him in Iquitos, Hardenburg left the city in 1909 with his book manuscript, testimonials sent to him, and the documents from Saldaña Rocca. He travelled on a boat from the Booth Steamship Company to Pará and eventually Liverpool.[59] Hardenburg and Perkins never made it to their original destination in Bolivia to work on the Madeira-Mamoré Railway.

On September 22 1909, a small London-based watchdog magazine named Truth ran an article detailing Hardenburg's experiences in the Putumayo. The article sparked public outrage in England, with revelations that a British-based company was profiting from a slave trade and seemed responsible for atrocities. In an effort to counter the allegations made by Hardenburg, the Peruvian Amazon Company ordered a five man commission to investigate the regions "commercial prospects". The British Foreign Office saw this opportunity to send their own representative on the commission, and they decided to send Roger Casement, who was a Consul-General for Britain in Brazil.[60] Casement had previously investigated atrocities that were occurring in the Congo Free State, where rubber was also harvested by forced labor.

Years later, in 1912 Hardenburg released his book The Putumayo, the Devil's Paradise. He uses his own personal experience in the Putumayo, and other first hand accounts of others to bring details to light about the company. Among other atrocities, Hardenburg stated that with every ship that left the Putumayo with rubber, five to fifteen native boys and girls made the journey to Iquitos as well. They were sold from £20 to £40 each there, in the capital of the Department of Loreto.[61][h] Hardenburg stated the following in the conclusion of his book: "to relate all the crimes and infamies committed in this tragic region by this company and its employees in its almost incredible persecution and exploitation of the Indians, would prove an interminable task, so many are the crimes committed in this devil's paradise."[63]

Weighing the rubber at a company plantation.

Among other cruelties, Hardenburg, Saldaña, and the ex-employees of the company, implicated the company with crimes such as: kidnapping and engaging in slave trade, forced concubinage, the murder of native men, women, and children, as well as Colombians, burning people alive, dismemberment, torture, cruel and unusual punishments, starving the natives to death, among other illegal acts.

Photograph of concubines belonging to the Peruvian Amazon Company at La Chorrera, 1912

Hardenburg compared the companies actions to the Congo atrocities, mentioning a similar system of terror. Outlining the actions of the Peruvian Amazon Company in the Putumayo, he states:[64]

I am in possession of definite documentary evidence which, I think, justifies me in making the following statements as to the results of this system:—

1. The pacific Indians of the Putumayo are forced to work day and night at the extraction of rubber, without the slightest remuneration except the food necessary to keep them alive.

2. They are kept in the most complete nakedness, many of them not even possessing the biblical fig-leaf.

3. They are robbed of their crops, their women, and their children to satisfy the voracity, lasciviousness, and avarice of this company and its employees, who live on their food and violate their women.

4. They are sold wholesale and retail in Iquitos, at prices that range from £20 to £40 each.

5. They are flogged inhumanly until their bones are laid bare, and great raw sores cover them.

6. They are given no medical treatment, but are left to die, eaten by maggots, when they serve as food for the chiefs' dogs.

7. They are castrated and mutilated, and their ears, fingers, arms, and legs are cut off.

8. They are tortured by means of fire and water, and by tying them up, crucified head down.

9. Their houses and crops are burned and destroyed wantonly and for amusement.

10. They are cut to pieces and dismembered with knives, axes, and machetes.

11. Their children are grasped by the feet and their heads are dashed against trees and walls until their brains fly out.

12. Their old folk are killed when they are no longer able to work for the company.

13. Men, women, and children are shot to provide amusement for the employees or to celebrate the sábado de gloria, or, in preference to this, they are burned with kerosene so that the employees may enjoy their desperate agony.

— Walter E. Hardenburg, The Putumayo, The Devil's Paradise, 1912

Casement Report

Roger Casement
See also: Putumayo genocide

The company participated in abuses and criminal actions against labourers in the area, with its Peruvian overseers using force and even killing to suppress the workers. An investigative report by Roger Casement, British consul, exposed the abuses, embarrassing British members of the company's board. They put pressure on Arana to improve operations. A movement grew to stop the abuse and eventually led to the end of the company. The Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society was one of the activist groups working to stop the abuses.[5]

A few years earlier, Casement exposed the Congo Free State and the genocide in the Congo in an investigative report. That ordeal gave him first hand experience with the rubber industry. In describing the atrocities of the Putumayo, Casement used a variety of terms to convey the terror. Some include: "syndicate of crime", "reign of terror", "piracy and terrorization", "not merely slavery but extermination", and "a crime against humanity".[65]

Casement and the 1910 Commissioners: (From left to right) Juan A. Tizon, Seymour Bell, H.L. Gielgud, Walter Fox, Louis Barnes and Roger Casement

Casement's report focused on the English subjects employed by the company: the Barbadians. Between 1904 - 1905 the company hired around 200 men from the island of Barbados on two year contacts.[66][i] Gambling and 'extortionate prices' extended their contracts, essentially making them peons working for the company. Instead of becoming laborers like they were promised, they were "acting as armed bullies and terrorist over the surrounding native population". Detailed first hand accounts implicating both the Barbadians and plantation chiefs were documented by Casement in his report.[j] These included multiple instances of cruelty and murder. Often at the orders of the plantation staff.[68]

Roger Casement interviewed the remaining Barbadian staff in the Putumayo in 1910.[69] For the safety of the Barbadians, Casement arranged to buy out their remaining debt and send them to Brazil.[70] It was believed that if they returned to Iquitos, they would either disappear or be blamed by Peruvian officials and the company for the Putumayo genocide. On November 21 the Liberal dropped off fifteen Barbadian men at a small port in Brazil, freeing them from the Putumayo.[68] Their first hand accounts were instrumental to Casement's report and exposing the company.

Adolfo Gibbs, employed by the Peruvian Amazon Company in 1904.

On January 31, 1911, Casement submitted his first complete report to the British Foreign Office.[71] It described not only the system of extortion and abuse placed upon the Barbadians, but also the condition of the natives. The report emphasized that rubber collecting in the Putumayo was an exploitative operation rather than an industry based on commercial principles.[72][k] That the natives were the main attraction for the exploiters and were the true source of income: not the rubber trees scattered throughout the forest.[l][75]"There were no labourers - there was no industry on the Putumayo. It was simply a wild forest inhabited by wild Indians, who were hunted like wild animals and made to bring in rubber by hook or by crook, and murdered and flogged if they did. That was the system."[76][77]

The evidence of abuse came not only from the Barbadians testimony but also from Casement's own eyes. "the marks of the lash were not confined to men or adults. Women, and even little children were more than once found, their limbs scarred with weals left by the thing of the twist tapir-hide ... the chief implement used for coercing and terrorising the native population."

In response to the revelations published in Hardenburg's scathing article, the British government in 1910 sent the consul-general Roger Casement to investigate. His report also denounced the operations of the PAC. A 1912 book by Hardenburg, which contained edited extracts of Casement's report, was described by its editor as "perhaps the most terrible page in the whole history of commercialism".[78] On July 13, 1912, the British government published both of Casement's reports in the Putumayo Blue Book, which included dispatches, telegrams, and thirty interviews with Barbadians who worked in the Putumayo. An article appeared in The Times newspaper two days later with the headline "The Putumayo Atrocities: A South American Congo - Sir Roger Casement's Report published". This article gave an introduction into Casement's work in the region, and pointed out that none of the claims were disputed by agents of the Peruvian Amazon Company, which were present at several of the interviews. The article deduced that conditions in the Putumayo had likely gotten worse since the 1910 investigation, judging from the fact that rubber exports had increased since then.[79] Rather than focus on the atrocities and abuses in the region, The Times article highlighted the lack of reform to the system and warned Peru of substantial consequences if the country failed to act.

Rubber industry

Among the findings by the various investigatory parties were widespread debt bondage, slavery,[m] torture, mutilation, and many other crimes in the Amazonian rubber industry, with the Putumayo area being but one example.[n] The Peruvian government was aware that there were cases of barbaric abuses perpetrated against Natives along the Ucayali and Marañon Rivers since at least 1903 and 1906.[82][o][83] The demand for rubber was enormous due to its use in tyres for trucks, cars and bicycles, whose manufacture had grown greatly in this period. Religious leaders such as Manuel Polit, Bishop of Cuenca in Ecuador, denounced these activities and worked to reform the system.[3] Organizations such as the Sociedad Pro-Indigena also worked to improve conditions for indigenous workers. The local government at the time attempted to implement measures to control the abuses, but it was difficult in the large, sparsely populated countryside, which had few road connections to major cities.[3] The Barbadian John Brown estimated that over the course of ten years, Arana's enterprise had been responsible for the deaths of 40,000 natives in the region, or 4,000 killings a year.[84]

Indigenous Witoto workers at one of Julio César Arana's rubber plantations

Arana was appointed liquidator in September 1911,[85][86] and the company was forced into closure by a judge in 1913.[4] After the company was closed, the receiver stated that the shareholders would receive nothing, and the creditors would receive small amounts. He blamed the downfall on the British directors,[87] the Chairman of whom was known as J. Russell Gubbins.[85] A Select Committee of the House of Commons published a paper on the investigations in 1913. A statement from the select committee regarding the board of directors said that they "cannot escape their share of collective moral responsibility when gross abuses under their company are revealed". Regarding Sir John Lister Kaye, the committee believed he deserved to be censured for taking directorship of a company that he knew nothing about, in the pursuit of profit; and allowing his name to be used to attract investors.[88]

Julio Arana made an appearance on his own accord in front of the Select Committee to refute the charges brought against him from evidence collected in the Putumayo. The committee examined the evidence and was convinced that Arana, along with other business partners in his rubber firm, "had knowledge of and was responsible for the atrocities perpetrated by his agents and employees in the Putumayo." However, Arana could not be held responsible in British Courts for actions committed by him in the Putumayo; and Arana denied that the atrocities had happened at all, as well as repudiating all knowledge regarding the atrocities.[89]

One aspect of the Select Committees investigation was the use of Winchester rifles. The total value of Winchester arms belonging to the company, according to an inventory dated to February 1910 amounted to about £1,700. The committee's statement included "Neither the risk of frontier fighting, nor the alleged danger from the Indians, nor the occasional presence of the jagua[r], justified this large stock of rifles. They were really kept for the conquest and subjugation of the Indians."[90] When Arana was asked about the rifles he said that in order for the company staff to be respected "it was necessary that each employee of the Company should carry a Winchester rifle."[91]

The British board of directors was considered not criminally liable under the Slave Trade Acts due to the fact they were uninvolved the actual operations in Peru.[3] However, the Parliament and others moved to tighten up anti-slavery laws. World War I interrupted this work.[3]

Enslaved natives with a load of rubber weighing 75 kilos; they have journeyed 100 kilometers with no food given.[p]

Notable criminals of the company

The government of Peru sent a commission to investigate the region after the exposure of the atrocities. The head of this commission was Rómulo Paredes: who wrote an investigative report "embodying an enormous volume of testimony, of 3,000 pages involving wellnigh incredible charges of cruelty and massacre".[93] He issued 237 arrest warrants against employees of the PAC.[94] Many of these warrants were not acted on and were later dropped. Casement included a list of the most infamous criminals of the company in his report and the crimes they were indicted with.[95]

Armando Normand

Main article: Armando Normand

A well educated Bolivian, Normand was the manager of the Matanzas station which he helped to establish. Casement referred to Normand as one of the worst criminals in the entire region of the Putumayo. There are multiple accounts regarding the crimes of Normand. He sanctioned slave raids, he burned men and women with kerosine oil, cut arms and legs off of natives, leaving them to die, bashed children to death,[q] forced women to be in a relationship with him, and forced them to have abortions. It has been reported that he has murdered some of these 'concubines' forced to be his wife.[97] Westerman Leavine declared that Normand killed hundreds of natives in the time he served at Matanzas. Westerman was a Barbadian hired by the company around the same time as Normand. Leavine also stated that on more than one occasion, he had seen Normand throw natives who were tied up, into a fire. One witness relayed to Roger Casement, that he had seen with in a month and five days, ten natives killed and burned. Normand also kept trained dogs who ate the corpses of his victims and gnawed at the limbs scattered around Matanzas.[98] Normand retained %20 of the profits made from the Matanzas station. At the time of Casement's visit in 1910, the company owed Normand around £1,800, and he was likely to get another £300 that harvesting period.[99] He was arrested in 1913 but escaped from jail in 1915, before ever facing a trial. It is believed that Normand escaped to Brazil and changed his name.[100]

Victor Macedo

Macedo managed La Chorrera before Arana arrived in the Putumayo region, and continued to manage the plantation until around 1909.[101] W.E. Hardenburg documented that in 1906, Macedo ordered the deaths of any mutilated natives in the Putumayo. Hardenburg states: "for the following reasons: first, because they consumed food although they could not work; and second, because it looked bad to have these mutilated wretches running about. This wise precaution of Macedo's makes it difficult to find any mutilated Indians there, in spite of the number of mutilations; for, obeying this order, the executioners kill all the Indians they mutilate, after they have suffered what they consider a sufficient space of time."[102][r] Macedo continued to work for the company after he was replaced as the manager for La Chorrera. Casement implicated Victor with attempting to bribe the Barbadians to withhold information, and cover up the atrocities.[104] In 1910 Casement estimated that Macedo was making around £3,500 annually from the company.[105] When the arrest warrant was issued for Macedo around 1913, it was telegraphed to him in Lima from Iquitos. Local police in Lima reportedly 'could not find him.' Macedo later went to court to protest the judge who issued the warrant, to drop the charges. The judge was soon dismissed from public service.[106] Macedo had first-hand knowledge of the atrocities occurring in other sections, and often saw natives being flogged, sometimes on his orders.[107]

Victor Macedo

Miguel S. Loayza

Main article: Miguel S. Loayza

Manager of El Encantos, the company's headquarters on the Caraparaná river. W.E Hardenburg mentioned that Miguel kept a harem of around 13 indigenous girls, aged between 9 and 16.[108] In 1910 Casement estimated that Loayza was getting paid £2,500 annually from commission. After the liquidation of the company, Miguel retained his position as a manager in Arana's enterprise. Loayza and his brother Carlos forced the migration of at least 6 719 people into the Ampiyacu basin around 1922. This was done so Loayza and Arana could retain their native work force. According to Carlos Loayza, 50% of these natives died from disease during the migration.[109] Miguel and his brother continued to extract labor from these natives until the late 1950s. Miguel died around the 1960s, surviving into his nineties.[110]

José Inocente Fonseca

A Peruvian overseer who had committed countless crimes against the natives under his charge. He was the manager of Ultimo Retiro. One first hand account sent to Hardenburg implicates Inocente in the massacre of 150 natives. According to Daniel Collantes, Inocente started the massacre, helped by six other employees, killing men, women and children.[111] Daniel Collantes also detailed being sent out on a correria, or "chasing" by Inocente Fonseca(the original order came from Macedo), with orders to kill all Colombians they found. "He (Inocente) also told them to bring the fingers, ears, and some of the heads of the victims, preserved in salt, as a proof that they had carried out these orders."[112] Another first hand account published by La Sancion in 1907 mentioned that Inocente murdered one of his nine indigenous concubines out of suspected infidelity.[113] That same first hand account also describes an event where Inocente told his employees "Look, this is how we celebrate the sábado de gloria here", before shooting an indigenous man and a fifteen year old girl. The man died instantly, while the wounded girl was killed by another employee.[113] After leaving the company, Inocente was "living openly in Brazil" which had no extradition treaty with Peru.[114]

Abelardo Agüero

Manager of the Abisinia plantation: said to have committed innumerable crimes against the natives around Abisinia. In 1907 a report published by the American consul at Iquitos stated that Abisinia had a population of one thousand and six hundred natives. There were only one hundred and seventy natives left at the station by 1912.[115] An ex-employee of the company sent a letter to Benjamin Saldaña Rocca, describing an incident where the writer refused to shoot 35 natives as ordered by Abelardo. Since this employee refused, Abelardo ordered Augusto Jíminez to shoot the 35 men who were in chains. The crime of these 35 natives, was that they tried to run away.[116] Henry Gielgud informed Casement that Agüero had fled towards Colombia with a retinue of 'muchachos de confianza.' Before Agüero and his native killers left the Putumayo, they set fire to the Boras garden plots.[117] At the time of Agüero's separation from the region he owed the company between £500 or £600.[118]

Augusto Jíminez

Jíminez was a lieutenant to Abelardo Agüero at Abisinia: where he committed atrocities against the Boras. He later became the manager of the Morelia station, and then Ultimo Retiro in 1908.[119] Jíminez was implicated in many abuses and crimes against humanity during his employment in the Putumayo. He was responsible for multiple floggings, homicides, and immolations.[120] The Hardenburg and Casement depositions provide details regarding two different correrias, or "commissions" that Jimenez was in charge of.[121][122] One first hand account implicated him in the massacre of 35 natives, which was ordered by Abelardo Agüero. Juan Rosas relays another incident, relating to fifteen natives dying of hunger. Jiménez ordered their execution instead of starving them, he then personally cut the leg off of one man. The native was then dragged away, and burned.[123] Jiménez was arrested but later escaped from justice and jail, fleeing to Brazil.[124]

Augusto Jiménez, subchief of the 'Morelia' plantation.

Fidel Velarde

Peruvian manager at Occidente. Velarde introduced a tortuous method of punishment involving water. The victim would have their hands tied behind their back, before being forced under water. Barbadian James Mapp admitted to witnessing four natives suffer this treatment. One of the natives managed to free himself, but drowned in the river. Originally, Fidel ordered James to carry out this punishment, but James refused. An ex-employee named Roso España stated that the natives under Velarde suffer "castigations, flagellations, and clubbing. Some of these Indians suffered from awful wounds, many of them produced by firearms".[125] Velarde told Roger Casement that at the time in 1910, he had five hundred and thirty natives collecting rubber for him at Occidente.[126] Describing these workers, Casement said "The men were all under-sized, some half skeletons, at least very underfed".[127] It was estimated that in 1910 Velarde's station would bring in 50 tons of rubber for the Peruvian Amazon Company.[128] At the time of Velarde's departure from the region, he owed the company money.[118]

Elías Martinengui

Many charges were levied against Elias. Roger Casement notes: "Martenengui worked his whole district to death, and gave the Indians no time to plant or find food.[s] They had to work rubber or be killed, and to work and die ... [they are] walking fragments of humanity."[130] Barbadian Frederick Bishop stated Elias alone was responsible for the condition of natives at Atenas. Reportedly, Elias worked them hard so that he'd have a large commission to retire with in Lima. Bishop also described an incident where Elías brutally murdered an enslaved concubine after he discovered she had a venereal disease.[131] His last reported appearance was in 1910, at Lima where he was still a free man.[132]

Alfredo Montt

Peruvian manager at Atenas: the replacement of Elias Martinengui. Montt was previously the manager at Ultimo Retiro, where he committed atrocities. Natives also starved to death in the stockades under management of Montt.[133] Montt ordered innumerable floggings against the natives for either being short on rubber, or trying to run away. Like other managers of the company, Montt took women by force as concubines: and killed their husbands if they protested.[134] At the time of Montt's departure from the region, he owed money to the company.[118] Roger Casement later found out that Alfredo Montt was tipped off before he could be arrested: and fled to Brazil with a number of Bora natives.[135]

Alfredo Montt, manager of the Atenas rubber plantation.

Aurelio Rodríguez

Manager at the Santa Catalina station. One account written to W.E. Hardenburg by an ex-employee (Genaro Caporo) of the Peruvian Amazon Company, recalls Aurelio Rodríguez shooting the natives for target practice. The natives had just arrived to his plantation in chains. This was said to have had happened in 1908. Aurelio ran his station with a reign of "Wholesale murder and torture".[136] Aurelio ordered the construction of a special stockade, with moveable parts meant to create discomfort. The stockade was used to constrain the natives for flagellation and torture.[137] Juan Rosas witnessed another incident, when a group of 40 were delivered to the plantation from a slave raid. The natives were put in stocks, where they contracted smallpox. Aurelio took them out one by one and shot them for target practice.[138] Juan A. Tizon admitted to Casement that Aurelio, along with his brother Aristides "had killed hundreds of Indians" during their employment in the Putumayo and made a 50% commission from the rubber their stations collected.[139] Aurelio retired from the company with a "small fortune" and lived in Iquitos afterwards.[132]

Aurelio Rodriguez, manager of the Santa Catalina rubber plantation.

Aquiléo Torres

A Colombian who was originally captured by the company for "poaching" on their property. He was imprisoned by Armando Normand and Fidel Velarde for at least a year. They released Aquiléo on the condition that he joined the company.[t] He was first put to work flogging the natives. It is said that Aquiléo killed scores of the natives, and often he cut the ears off of living people. James Chase reports that he once witnessed Torres cut the ear off of a man, before burning the man's wife alive in front of him.[141]

Rubber collection centers

The land owned by Arana was split into two administrative departments: La Chorrera on the Igaraparaná river, and El Encanto on the Caraparaná river.[142] The company prospectus issued in 1907 stated that the Chorrera agency more than forty stations delivering rubber, while El Encanto's agency had around eighteen stations.[143]

Rubber collection centers
Name Notable Manager(s) Headquarters
La Chorrera Victor Macedo La Chorrera
La Sabana Aristides Rodriguez La Chorrera
San Victor La Chorrera
Atenas Elias Martinengui La Chorrera
Entre Rios Andrés O'Donnell La Chorrera
Occidente Fidel Velarde La Chorrera
Matanzas Armando Normand La Chorrera
La China Armando Normand La Chorrera
Urania La Chorrera
Ultimo Retiro Jose Inocente Fonseca La Chorrera
Abisinia Abeldaro Agüero, Alfredo Montt La Chorrera
El Encanto Miguel S. Loayza El Encanto
Santa Julia Manuel Aponte, Agusto Jiménez El Encanto
Argelia Tobias Calderon El Encanto
Esmeraldas Artemio Muñoz El Encanto
Nueva Granada El Encanto
Esperanza El Encanto
Indostan El Encanto
Porvenir Bartolomé Guevara El Encanto
Sur Carlos Miranda El Encanto
La Florida El Encanto
La Sombra El Encanto
"The Entre Ríos station is located in the center of a huge clearing of more than 900,000 m2“
Map of the Putumayo river, circa 1908. The names and locations of rubber plantations are included.

Notes

  1. ^ In the words of Thomas Whiffen, "It is the practice of the rubber-gatherers to train Indian boys and utilise them as escort, and to obtain rubber from the tribes hostile to those to which the boys belong."[18]
  2. ^ Also in Casement's words, "The rich men who rob the country and the Indians get their goods cheap - the poor man, who is beaten and starved and put in cepo, gets all his pay, and more than his pay, taken back for the necessaries of life."[24]
  3. ^ Between January of 1909 to March of that year, Barbadian Allan Davis spent a total of 120.60 Peruvian Soles, and 80.20 of those soles were spent on food. The manager Juan A. Tizon agreed with Casement that the prices for food were excessive.[24]
  4. ^ "As he is known to have taken several photographs of the horrible crimes committed there, it is thought by many that he was victimised by the employees of Arana. Considering the character of these miserable criminals and certain other peculiar circumstances that are said to have taken place, it would not be strange if such were really the case."[28]
  5. ^ Roger Casement provided additional context as well. "The region was practically a no-man's land, lying remote from any restraining authority or civilising influence, and figuring on maps of South America as claimed by three separate republics."[39]
  6. ^ The court eventually issued a statement declaring that it was too incompetent to act on the situation.[45]
  7. ^ The Barbadian Westerman Leavine corroborated this information with the deposition he provided to Roger Casement.[48]
  8. ^ In 1910, the captain of the Liberal, Reigada, admitted to Roger Casement that there were "plenty of Huitoto women and boys who have been sold in Iquitos" and that "Men were known to give £40 for a boy or girl".[62]
  9. ^ There was a total of 257 Barbadians that signed two year employment contracts with Alarco Arana & Co. in a twelve month period between 1904-1905. Out of that group, 196 of them worked around the Putumayo basin.[66]
  10. ^ Casement's final report included the statements of thirty different men from Barbados.[67]
  11. ^ Casement wrote that "[e]ven in the pages of the official publication of M. Robuchon's diaries, it is made clear that the operation he described were in no sense commercial, but were an armed and forcible exploitation of savages."[73]
  12. ^ Casement wrote in this report: "The true attraction from the first to Colombian or Peruvian caucheros was not so much the presence of the scattered Hevea braziliensis trees throughout this remote forest as the existence of fairly numerous tribes of docile, or at any rate of easily subdued, Indians".[74]
  13. ^ "The word 'slavery' is used advisedly, for the condition of the Indians is in reality nothing else."[80]
  14. ^ "Under the Peruvian republic and the regimen of absentee capitalism to-day, tribes of useful people of this same land have been defrauded, driven into slavery, ravished, tortured, and destroyed. This has been done, not in single instances at the command of some savage potentate, but in tens of thousands under a republican Government, in a Christianised country, at the behest of the agents of a great joint-stock company with headquarters in London: the "crime" of these unfortunates being that they did not always bring in rubber sufficiently fast—work for which they practically received no payment—to satisfy their taskmasters."[81]
  15. ^ "Barbarities committed by the rubber-merchants upon the Indians of the Ucayali and Marañon were brought to the knowledge of the Peruvian Government in 1903 and 1906 by Roman Catholic missionaries established there and published by the Minister of Justice."[82]
  16. ^ Casement weighed the rubber load of one young boy who was named Kaimeni. He was carrying a load of thirty kilos, while he weighed twenty nine and a half kilos.[92]
  17. ^ This allegation was corroborated by the Barbadian Westerman Levine.[96]
  18. ^ It was also reported that Macedo also stated: "The Indians are not here to plant chacaras. They are here to get rubber."[103] The word Chacaras referred to the farms or gardens the natives made.
  19. ^ "During his term of service at Atenas he had wasted that region, and so oppressed the Indians that they were reduced to a condition of wholesale starvation, from which they had by no means recovered when we visited the district in October ... All the evidence we obtained showed that owing to the strain put upon them by Martenengui, the Atenas Indians had been unable to cultivate their own clearings, women as well as men being compelled to work rubber."[129]
  20. ^ Regarding Torres, Michael Taussig wrote: "When released he became one of Arana's most sadistic station managers, with an especial proclivity for dismembering Indians' bodies while they were still alive."[140]

References

  1. ^ a b Goodman 2009, p. 39.
  2. ^ Goodman 2009, p. 40.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g Phillips, Walter Alison (1922). "Putumayo" . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 32 (12th ed.). London & New York: The Encyclopædia Britannica Company.
  4. ^ a b c "Peruvian Amazon Company, Compulsory Winding Up". The Mercury (Hobart, Tasmania), 22 March 1913, retr 2012 9 24 from http://trove.nla.gov.au
  5. ^ a b "Directors Ignored Rubber Atrocities", 12 July 1912, New York Times, retr 24 September 2012
  6. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 290.
  7. ^ Javier Gómez López, Augusto (2014). Putumayo: la vorágine de las caucherías Memoria y testimonio Primera parte (PDF). Colombia: - Bogotá : Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. pp. 24, 25, 88. ISBN 978-958-58524-1-9. Retrieved 17 July 2023.
  8. ^ a b c d e Hardenburg 1912, p. 200.
  9. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 227.
  10. ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 29, 228, 295.
  11. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 150,258-259.
  12. ^ Oyuela-Bonzani, Isabel. "Exploitive By Design: Warning Signs From the Northwest Amazon". Harvard.Edu. Harvard Graduate School of Design. p. 32. Retrieved 17 July 2023.
  13. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 33, 39.
  14. ^ Paternoster 1913, p. 34.
  15. ^ Goodman 2009, p. 39-41.
  16. ^ a b Hardenburg 1912, p. 95.
  17. ^ Goodman 2009, p. 31.
  18. ^ a b Whiffen 1915, p. 4.
  19. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 292.
  20. ^ Goodman 2009, p. 117.
  21. ^ Casement, 1997 & 12-13.
  22. ^ Hardednburg 1912, p. 273.
  23. ^ Casement 1997, p. 330.
  24. ^ a b c Casement 1997, p. 353.
  25. ^ Casement 1997, p. 352.
  26. ^ a b Hardenburg 1912, p. 284.
  27. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 62–63.
  28. ^ a b Hardenburg 1912, p. 351.
  29. ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 137.
  30. ^ Goodman 2009, p. 63.
  31. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 62–64.
  32. ^ Casement 1997, p. 444,508.
  33. ^ Goodman 2009, p. 235.
  34. ^ Collier 1968, p. 176.
  35. ^ a b c Casement 1997, p. 73.
  36. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 63–64.
  37. ^ Collier 1968, p. 180.
  38. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 65–66.
  39. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 295.
  40. ^ Collier 1968, p. 60.
  41. ^ Goodman 2009, p. 66.
  42. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 66–67.
  43. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 32.
  44. ^ Goodman 2009, p. 77,167,238.
  45. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 190.
  46. ^ a b Goodman 2009, pp. 43, 44.
  47. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 189-190.
  48. ^ Parliamentary Papers, p. 99.
  49. ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 226, 228.
  50. ^ Collier 1968, p. 115.
  51. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 98.
  52. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 17–18.
  53. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 18–20.
  54. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 174-175.
  55. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 169.
  56. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 20–23.
  57. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 17–23, 34–35.
  58. ^ Goodman 2009, p. 35.
  59. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 46–48.
  60. ^ Casement 1997, p. 60.
  61. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 209.
  62. ^ Casement 1997, p. 420.
  63. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 210.
  64. ^ Hardenburg 1912184-185
  65. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 87, 258.
  66. ^ a b Casement 1997, p. 94.
  67. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 407.
  68. ^ a b Goodman 2009, pp. 126–128.
  69. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 290-291.
  70. ^ Casement 1997, p. 425.
  71. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 222.
  72. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 265,269.
  73. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 283.
  74. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 269.
  75. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 119, 137.
  76. ^ Casement 1997, p. 149.
  77. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 119.
  78. ^ Hardenburg 1912, Preface.
  79. ^ Goodman 2009, pp. 185–186.
  80. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 113.
  81. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 12.
  82. ^ a b Hardenburg 1912, p. 25.
  83. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 255-256.
  84. ^ Oyuela-Bonzani, Isabel. "Exploitive By Design: Warning Signs From the Northwest Amazon". Harvard.Edu. Harvard Graduate School of Design. p. 74. Retrieved 17 July 2023.
  85. ^ a b "No. 28539". The London Gazette. 6 October 1911. p. 7306.
  86. ^ "No. 28539". The London Gazette. 6 October 1911. p. 7307.
  87. ^ "The Peruvian Amazon Company: No Return to Shareholders", The Advertiser (Adelaide), March 20, 1914. retr 2012 9 24 from Trove
  88. ^ Parliamentary Papers: Select Committee on the Putumayo. House of Commons or House of Lords Papers. p. 38.
  89. ^ Parliamentary Papers, p. 10.
  90. ^ Parliamentary Papers, p. 38.
  91. ^ Parliamentary Papers, p. 480.
  92. ^ Casement 1997, p. 340.
  93. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 431.
  94. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 41.
  95. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 267-269.
  96. ^ Casement 1997, p. 423.
  97. ^ Valcárcel, Carlos (1915). El proceso del Putumayo y sus secretos inauditos. Putumayo: IWGIA. p. 159. Retrieved 21 July 2023.
  98. ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 301–302, 305, 331–2.
  99. ^ Casement 1997, p. 293.
  100. ^ Guillermo Páramo Bonilla, Carlos. ""Un monstruo absoluto": Armando Normand y la sublimidad del mal". Revistas. Universidad Externado de Colombia · Bogotá. Retrieved 30 June 2023.
  101. ^ Chirif, Alberto. Imaginario e imágenes de la época del caucho: Los sucesos del Putumayo. p. 189.
  102. ^ Hardenburg 1912, pp. 206.
  103. ^ Casement 1997, p. 314.
  104. ^ Slavery in Peru 1913, p. 349.
  105. ^ Casement 1997, p. 444.
  106. ^ Paternoster 1913, p. 296.
  107. ^ Parliamentary Papers, Volume 68. 1912–1913. pp. 58, 139.
  108. ^ Hardenburg 1912, p. 181.
  109. ^ Víctor San Román, Jesús (January 1, 1994). Perfiles históricos de la amazonía peruana (PDF). Peru / Colombia: Instituto de Investigaciones de la Amazonía Peruana. pp. 191–92. ISBN 8489295808. Retrieved 18 July 2023.
  110. ^ Javier Romero Dianderas, Eduardo. Documents, forests and alternative governmental projects in the margins of the state: a case stgudy from Ampiyacu basin, Peruvian Amazonia (PDF). Peru / Colombia: The University of Georgia. p. 60. Retrieved 21 July 2023.
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  143. ^ En el Putumayo y sus afluentes 1907, p. 95.

Bibliography

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