Munsee language
| Munsee | |
|---|---|
| Native to | Canada; United States |
| Region | now in Ontario; formerly in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania |
Native speakers | 7-8 (1991) |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | umu |
| ELP | Munsee |
Munsee (also known as Delaware, Ontario Delaware) is an endangered language of the Eastern Algonquian subgroup of the Algonquian language family, itself a member of the Algic language family. Munsee was spoken aboriginally in the vicinity of the modern New York City area in the United States, including western Long Island, Manhattan Island, Staten Island, as well as adjacent areas on the mainland: southeastern New York State, the northern third of New Jersey, and northeastern Pennsylvania.[1]
Munsee is now spoken only on the Moraviantown Reserve in Ontario, Canada by no more than one or two elderly individuals.[2]
Classification
Munsee is an Eastern Algonquian language, which is the sole recognized genetic subgroup descending from Proto-Algonquian, the common ancestor language of the Algonquian language family. Munsee is very closely related to Unami Delaware. Munsee and Unami constitute the Delaware languages, and comprise a subgroup within Eastern Algonquian. Taken together with Mahican, the Delaware languages constitute Delawaran, a subgroup within Eastern Algonquian.[3]
Historical Background
The southern boundary of Munsee territory was the area north of the Delaware Water Gap, following the river system southeast along the Raritan River to the Atlantic Ocean.[4] To the south of the Munsee were the Unami Delaware. To the north were the Mahican, and to the east were the Eastern Long Island Algonquian languages such as Unquachog, and southern New England languages such as Quiripi (Quiripi and Unquachog are likely members of a dialect continuum of a single language.[5]
Aboriginally, and for a period subsequent to the arrival of Europeans, Munsee was spoken in a series of small and largely autonomous local bands, primarily located within the drainage of the Hudson and upper Delaware rivers, the major river systems of the area. The general pattern, found throughout the Eastern Algonquian area, was one in which indigenous groups resided along the drainages of major river systems, with divisions between upriver and downriver groupings.[6] Named groups were found on the major tributaries, with larger sites on the main stream and smaller camps at the headwaters and on feeder streams.[7] Estimates vary, but these local groups may have had a population of up to two hundred people each.[8] These groups spoke localized varieties of the language now called Munsee. There is little information on dialect variation within the Munsee-speaking area.[9]
The primary known named Munsee groups, from north to south, were the Esopus, west of the Hudson River in the Hudson River watershed (with subgroups the Waoranecks, Warranawankongs, and others); Minisink (above the Delaware Water Gap); south of the Hudson Highlands west of the Hudson River were the Haverstraw, Tappan, and Hackensack; the Raritans originally resided on the lower Raritan River, subsequently moving inland; the Wiechquaeskecks from east of the Hudson migrated to the lower Raritan after 1649, with the Navasink to the east along the north shore of New Jersey; east of the upper Hudson were the Wappinger; below them going north to south on the east bank of the Hudson were Kichtawanks; Sinsinks; Rechgawawanks; Nayack; Marechkawieck, with the Canarsee and Rockaway on western Long Island; the Massapequa and Matinecock on central Lond Island may have been Munsee or perhaps were the predecessors of the Unquachog group identified in the eighteenth century.[10]
The disruptions resulting from the impact of European settlers, fur traders, and explorers led to the displacement of these local groups accompanied by consolidation into larger groups that brought together speakers from different local groups within the Munsee-speaking area.[8]
The term Munsee arose as a name for the aggregated group formed along the upper Delaware River north of the Delaware Water Gap when other Munsee dialect speakers joined the Minisink group;[11] the earliest recorded mention of Munsee dates from 1725.[12] Minisink is a Munsee term meaning ‘at the island,’ and to be transcribed mə̆nə́sənk. Orthographic <minis> is very likely a now disused word /mənə́s/ ‘island’; cognates in other Algonquian languages are e.g. Ojibwe minis ‘island.’ [13] Orthograpic <ink> is clearly the modern Munsee locative suffix /-ənk/ (discussed below in the Grammar section). The term ‘Munsee’ is the English adaptation of a regularly formed word mə́n’si·w ‘person from Minisink.’ The term Munsee was over time extended to any speaker of the Munsee language. Attempts to derive Munsee from a word meaning ‘stone’ or ‘mountain’ as proposed by Daniel Brinton are incorrect.[14] The claim made by Kraft that Munsee is not an indigenous term and results from a ‘corruption’ of Minisink is incorrect, given that the term follows a regular pattern of Munsee word formation.[15]
Phonology
Consonants and vowels
Munsee has the following inventory of consonants.[16]
| Bilabial | Dental | Postalveolar | Velar | Glottal | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Stop | p | t | č | k | |
| Fricative | s | š | x | h | |
| Nasal | m | n | |||
| Lateral | l | ||||
| Glides | w | y |
Some loan words from English contain /f/ and /r/: fé·li·n ‘there is a fair going on’; ntáyrəm ‘my tire.’ [17]
Different analyses of the Munsee vowel system have been proposed. Goddard (1979) presents an analysis in which Munsee and Unami have the same vowel system, unchanged from the Proto-Eastern-Algonquian vowel system (discussed in the History section below).[16] In this analysis, there are four long vowels /i·, o·, e·, a·/ and two short vowels /a, ə/. Vowel length is indicated with a raised dot (·). However, in modern Munsee there are several sources of new short /i, o, e/ that arise from such sources as reduplication, loan words, and other various phonological changes, and that cannot be derived from other underlying vowels. Hence an analysis in which there are four positions that have contrastive vowel length as well as /ə/, is appropriate.[17]
| Front | Central | Back | |
|---|---|---|---|
| High | i·, i | o·, o | |
| Mid | e·, e | ə | |
| Low | a·, a |
Syllable Weight
Syllable weight plays a significant role in Munsee phonology, determining stress placement and the deletion of certain short vowels. All syllables containing long vowels are strong. Any short vowel in a closed syllable (i.e. (C)VC) is strong. Counting left to right, in a sequence of two or more open syllables containing short vowels the odd-numbered syllable is weak and the even-numbered syllable is strong.[18] As well, certain syllables containing short vowels (frequently such syllables occur in reduplicated syllables and loan words) must exceptionally be marked as strong.
In words longer than two syllables, the final syllable is excluded from consideration of stress placement, i.e. is extrametrical, and the last strong syllable preceding the final syllable in the word receives the main stress.
(a) payaxkhı́·kan ‘rifle’ (strong penultimate, receives primary stress)
(b) né·wake ‘if I see him’ (weak penultimate, preceding syllable receives primary stress)
In disyllabic words a strong penultimate syllable receives primary stress.
(a) á·mwi·w ‘s/he gets up from lying down’ (disyllabic Strong-Strong)
In a disyllable with a weak penultimate syllable, the final syllable is strong, and receives primary stress.
(a) ăsə́n ‘stone’ (disyllabic Weak-Strong)
Grammar
The grammar of Munsee is characterized by complex inflectional and derivational morphology. Inflection in Munsee is realized through the use of prefixes and suffixes added to word stems to indicate grammatical information, including number (singular or plural), gender, person, possession, negation, obviation, and others.
Nouns use combinations of person prefixes and suffixes to indicate possession, and suffixes to indicate gender, number, diminutive, absentative, and obviation.
Verbs use a single set of person prefixes and a series of suffixes in position classes following the verb stem to indicate combinations of person, number, negation, obviation, and others.
Word Classes
There are three primary word classes in Munsee Delaware: Noun, Verb, and Particle. There are two subtypes of nouns: Animate and Inanimate. Pronouns in several subtypes can be considered subtypes of the Noun category. Several verbal subclasses are distinguished, with cross-cutting categorization for gender and transitivity defining the four major subclasses: Animate Intransitive, Inanimate Intransitive, Transitive Animate, and Transitive Inanimate. Other verb classes are derived from these primary classes: Transitivized Animate Intransitive, Double Object Transitive, and Objectless Transitive Inanimate, exemplified below. Particles are words that do not select for inflectional prefixes or suffixes.
Nominal Categories
Gender
Nouns are classified as either animate gender or inanimate gender. Animate nouns include all biologically animate entities, as well as some items not thought of as biologically animate.[19] Gender is indicated on nouns by the selection of the plural inflectional suffix, /-al/ for inanimate nouns, and /-ak/ for animate nouns.
| Animate | English | Inanimate | English |
|---|---|---|---|
| áxko·k | snake | wté·hi· m | strawberry |
| lə́nəw | man | xwáskwi·m | corn |
| mătán'to·w | devil | máhkahkw | pumpkin |
| wə̆la·kanahó·nšuy | American Elm | paxkší·kan | knife |
| pí·lkəš | peach | e·həntáxpo·n | table |
| óhpən | potato | kehkšə́te·k | stove |
| lehlo·kíhla·š | red raspberry | tánkalo·ns | bullet |
| níhkaš | my fingernail | áhpapo·n | chair |
| kó·n | snow | payaxkhí·kan | gun |
| né·naxkw | ball | pónkw | dust |
Gender is an inherent property of nouns, but is cross-referenced through agreement in several areas of Munsee grammar. In addition to being marked inflectionally in plural forms of nouns, gender is also selected for in the formation of verb stems; is marked in agreement in the inflection of verbs; and is realized in sets of pronouns. The nature of the gender system has been a topic of debate. Some analysts have viewed the assignment of gender as arbitrary, while others view it as being semantically or culturally motivated; intermediate positions have also been proposed.[20]
Noun Inflection
Number
Nouns are inflected for plural number by selecting the appropriate plural suffix: ăsə́n ‘stone’ (Inanimate), ăsə́nal ‘stones’ (suffix /-al/); mwá·kane·w ‘dog’ (Animate), mwa·kané·wak ‘dogs’ (suffix /-ak/). There is no suffix for indicating singular.
Proximate and Obviative
Animate nouns in certain constructions may take an obviative ending, which does not distinguish singular or plural. The obviative distinguishes two third-person referents in certain syntactic and discourse contexts. In a sentence containing a transitive verb with both an animate third person grammatical subject and an animate third person grammatical object one of the two must be marked as obviative. Any animate third person element that is not obviative is proximate. There is no suffixal marking for proximate.
Although the exact significance of the proximate versus obviative distinction has been disputed, a general view is that the proximate noun phrase is more in focus, while the obviative is less in focus or backgrounded.[21]
In the following sentence the first word ‘woman’ is the grammatical object and is marked obviative with the suffix /-al/: oxkwé·wal wə̆ne·wá·wal lénəw ‘the man sees the woman’ (woman-obviative third-sees-third man-proximate). Obviation is also marked on the verb with the suffix /-al/.[22] Obviation is only marked on Transitive Animate verbs, and there is no obviative marking on inanimate nouns or verbs.
Nominal Possession
Nouns may indicate the person and number of a possessor through combinations of personal prefixes and suffixes indicating plurality. The prefixes are (a) /nə-/ ‘first person’: nə̆máhksən ‘my shoe’; /kə-/ ‘second person’: kə̆máhksən ‘your shoe’; /wə-/ ‘third person’: wə̆náxk ‘his hand.’
Locative
Nouns may indicate a locative with the locative suffix /-ənk/: wí·kwahm ‘house,’ wi·kwáhmənk ‘in the house.’
Diminutive
The noun suffix /-əš/ adds the meaning ‘small, cute’ and other affective elements to a base noun: máxkw ‘bear,’ máxkwəš ‘little bear.’ [22] Some words with the diminutive reflect a specialized meaning: wí·kwahm ‘house’ but wí·kwáhməš ‘toilet, outhouse.’
A small number of nouns reflect an older diminutive suffix /-əs/ which has lost its diminutive meaning: áxko·k ‘snake’ but with old diminutive suffix axkó·kəs ‘insect.’
Absentative
Nouns can be marked as referring to a person who is deceased, with a suffix /-aya/ ‘third person’ or /-ənkala/ ‘obviative.’ The use of the absentative in Munsee is restricted to deceased persons or kinship terms used to refer to deceased individuals ši·fšáya ‘the late Cephas.’ [17] The Unami absentative has a broader range of use.[23]
Verb Classes
Verb stems occur in pairs, distinguished by gender. Intransitive verbs select for an animate subject or an inanimate subject, and are referred to as Animate Intransitive: wá·psəw ‘s/he is white,’ or Inanimate Intransitive: wá·pe·w ‘it is white.’
Transitive stems select for the gender of their object, and are referred to as either Transitive Animate: ntánha·w ‘I lose him,’ or Transitive Inanimate: ntaníhto·n ‘I lose it.’
Intransitive verbs inflect for their subject, agreeing in person, number and gender of the subject. Transitive verbs inflect for subject and object, agreeing in person, number, and gender of both subject and object. Transitive Animate verbs also agree for obviation.
Certain Animate Intransitive verbs inflect for a secondary object making Transitivized Animate Intransitive verbs: náh ntəlá·he·n ‘I threw it over there.’ Morphologically, the verb stem /əla·he·-/ ‘throw something in a certain direction or manner’ has the structure of an Animate Intransitive verb, but is inflected for a third-person object.[24]
Similarly, some Transitive Animate verbs inflect for a secondary object, forming ditransitive verbs, termed Double Object Transitive: nkəmó·tə̆ma·n ‘I stole it from him.’
Certain verbs, termed Objectless Transitive Inanimate, which have the morphological characteristics of verbs of the Transitive Inanimate class, occur without a grammatical object.[25]
Some Objectless Transitive Inanimate verbs also have corresponding Transitive Inanimate verbs.[26]
(a) no·le·lə́ntam ‘I am glad.’
(b) no·le·lə́ntamən ‘I am glad about it.’
Others never have an object.[25]
(a) šántham ‘he kicks out his legs.’
(b) psə́m ‘he has something in his eye.’
Verbal Inflection
Verbs are inflected in three subclasses referred to Orders. These correspond roughly to three major clause types: Independent Order, forming main clause statements and questions; Conjunct Order, forming dependent clauses; and Imperative Order, forming positive and negative commands.[27]
Verb Orders and Modes
The Orders are further divided into Modes: Independent Order: Indicative Mode, Subordinative Mode; Conjunct Order: Indicative, Changed Conjunct, Changed Subjunctive, Subjunctive, Participle; Imperative Order: Ordinary Mode, Prohibitive Mode.[27] The Independent Order uses sets of inflectional prefixes and suffixes, while the Conjunct and Imperative Orders use sets of inflectional suffixes only.
Verbs in the Independent Order Indicative Mode form statements and questions: mpə́ntawa·w ‘I heard him’; kpə́ntawa·w há? ‘Did you hear him?’ (há is a particle used in the formation of yes-no questions).
Verbs in the Independent Order Subordinative Mode form complements to certain verbs and to certain particles.
(a) áhwat mpó·si·n ‘It’s hard for me to get in.’ (verb stem /po·si·-/ ‘get on board’ with subordinative inflection for first-person subject)
(b) nál wə̆níhla·n ‘Then he killed the other.’ (verb stem /nihl-/ ‘kill someone’ with subordinative inflection for third-person subject and third-person object)
The Conjunct Order forms a variety of subordinate clause types. The Conjunct Indicative Mode is extremely rare, with only a few examples reported in Unami, and none in Munsee.[28]
The Conjunct Order Changed Conjunct Mode occurs with a restricted set of roots either as part of the verb stem or a preverb, and refers to actually occurring events. The term ‘changed’ refers to Initial Change, a form of vowel ablaut occurring on the first syllable of a verb or verb complex.[28]
(a) ne·ltó·nhe·t ‘as he was talking.’
(b) é·nta- nxá -katənamə́ya·n ‘’when I was three (years old).’
(c) é·ntxən-pə̆nó·lən ‘every time I look at you.’
The Conjunct Order Changed Subjunctive combines the subjunctive suffix /-e/ with a changed form of a verb normally formed with the preverb /e·nta-/ ‘when.’ [29]
(a) é·nta-né·wăke ‘when I saw him.’
(b) náh we·má·ne ‘when I left from there.’
The Conjunct Order Subjunctive Mode forms clauses referring to hypothetical situations. The subjunctive suffix /-e/ is added after the conjunct suffix. [29]
(a) moxkánke ‘if he finds it.’
The Conjunct Order Participial Mode forms noun-like verbs in constructions resembling relative clauses, in which one of the arguments of the verb functions as the head of the phrase.[30]
(a) e·kwə̆yá·ni·l ‘my clothes’ (literally ‘those things that I wear’)
(b) é·nta-né·wak ‘where I saw him’
(c) wé·nk ‘he who comes from there’
Verbs in the Imperative Order Ordinary Mode make commands of various types, in which the listener is directed to perform or undertake an act.
(a) áhl ‘put him down.’
(b) áto·kw ‘let’s go.’
The Prohibitive Mode of the Imperative Orders makes verbs that forbid the commission of an act; they require the use of a prohibitive particle and a negative verbal suffix.
(a) čí·le păkamá·wi ‘don’t hit him/them (you singular)’
(b) čí· náh á·we·kw ‘don’t go there’ (you plural)’
Verbal Negation
Verbs of all types are inflected for negation, indicated with a combination of an independent negative particle and a negative suffix occurring as part of the verbal inflectional system.
(a) Transitive Animate: nə̆móxkawa·w ‘I found it,’ máhta nə̆moxkawá·wi ‘I didn’t find it.’
(b) Inanimate Intransitive: máxke·w ‘it is red,’ máhta maxké·wi ‘it is not red.’
Verbal Aspect
A category of aspect, used in the Independent and Conjunct Orders, has been distinguished for both Munsee and Unami.[31] The categories distinguished are Unspecified, Preterite, and Present. The unspecified has no morphological expression, and hence is equivalent to regularly inflected forms of the verb. In Munsee the preterite is extremely rare, and is attested primarily in earlier material, such as the following taken from Truman Michelson’s field notes (the suffix /-p/ is the realization of the preterite suffix in this form): [32]
(a) nĕmi·lá·ne·p ‘I gave it to him.’
The present aspect is attested primarily in forms with a counterfactual interpretation that is equivalent in meaning to the subjunctive. In this example the verb stem is /pa·-/ ‘come,’ with Conjunct Order third-person suffix /-t/ and Present suffix /-sa/.[33]
(a) yóh á· má pá·tsa ‘if he had come here.’
Other Word Classes
Demonstrative Pronouns
There are two sets of demonstrative pronouns, proximal (‘close by’) and distal (‘farther away’). Demonstratives are distinguished for gender, number, and obviation. In a phrase they agree with the head of the noun phrase or the noun they refer to. The proximal demonstrative pronouns include: wá ‘this one (animate),’ yó·k ‘these ones (animate),’ yə́ ‘this one (inanimate),’ yó·l ‘these ones (inanimate).’ The distal pronouns include: ná ‘that one (animate),’ né·k ‘those ones (animate),’ nə́ ‘that one (inanimate),’ ní·l ‘those ones (inanimate).’ [34]
Personal Pronouns
Personal pronouns are used primarily for emphasis: ní· ‘I’, kí· ‘you (singular), né·ka ‘he, she’, ki·ló·na ‘we (inclusive),’ ni·ló·na ‘we (exclusive),’ ki·ló·wa ‘you (plural),’ ne·ká·wa ‘they.’
Reflexive Pronouns
Reflexive pronouns are used for reflexive objects and for the grammatical objects of certain types of verbs: nhákay ‘myself,’ khákay ‘yourself,’ hwákayal ‘his/herself.’ In the example kwəšə̆ná·wal hwákayal 'he injures himself' the reflexive pronoun is marked with the obviative suffix /-al/, as is the verb.[35]
Interrogative / Indefinite Pronouns
The interrogative/indefinite pronouns have both interrogative and indefinite usages. The pronouns are animate awé·n ‘who, someone’ and kwé·kw ‘what.’
Particles
Particles are words that are invariant in shape, i.e. they do not occur with any inflectional prefixes or suffixes. Particles may have a wide variety of meanings, and any organization into semantic classes is arbitrary. Many particles correspond to English modifiers of various kinds: á·pwi ‘early,’ á·wi·s ‘late,’ lá·wate ‘long ago.’ Others correspond to English terms specifying a location: alá·mi ‘inside,’ awási· ‘the other side of,’ é·kwi· ‘under.’ Some correspond to English nouns or noun phrases: naláhi· ‘Munceytown,’ kóhpi· ‘in the forest.’ Some forms of numbers are particles: nkwə́ti ‘one,’ ní·ša ‘two,’ nxáh ‘three.’
Preverbs
Preverbs are modifiers that occur before verbs. Preverbs reflect a wide variety of meanings. By convention, a hyphen is written between a preverb and a following preverb, or between a preverb and a following preverb in the case of a sequence of two or more preverbs.
(a) áhwi-šə̆wahá·səw ‘it has a lot of salt on it.’
In a sequence of preverb(s) followed by a verb stem, any inflectional personal prefix immediately the first preverb, as in the followinɡ example in which the personal prefix /nt-/ preceds /á·pwi-/ ‘early.’
(a) ntá·pwi-á·mwi. ‘I got up early.’
Independent words may intervene between a preverb and the verb it is linked to. In the following example the pronoun kwé·k ‘something, what’ appears between the preverb á·lə- ‘be unable to’ and the verb lə́num ‘do something.’
(a) á·lə- kwé·k –lə́num. ‘He can’t do anything.’
Sequences of two or more preverbs are possible. The preverbs are kí·š- ‘be able’ and kši- ‘quickly.’
(a) ní· á · nkí·š-kši-kə́ntka ‘I can dance fast.’
Prenouns
Prenouns are modifiers that occur before nouns. Prenouns are less common than preverbs. They express a wide variety of meanings.
| Animate | Meaning | Example | Translation |
|---|---|---|---|
| askí·- | raw | áski·-wəyó·s | raw meat |
| mači·- | bad | mačí·-skahə́nsəw | a bad boy |
| maxki·- | red | máxki·-aní·xan | red shoelace |
| la·wé·wi·- | wild | la·wé·wi·-mi·čə̆wá·kan | wild food |
| xə́wi·- | old | xə́wi·-pampí·lak | old books / pieces of paper |
History
Munsee is an Eastern Algonquian language. The hypothetical common ancestor language from which the Eastern Algonquian languages descend is Proto-Eastern Algonquian (PEA). An intermediate group Delawaran that is a descendant of Proto-Eastern Algonquian consists of Mahican and Common Delaware, the latter being a further subgroup comprised of Munsee Delaware and Unami Delaware.[36] The justification for Delawaran as an intermediate subgroup rests upon the high degree of similarity between Mahican and the two Delaware languages, but relatively little detailed argumentation in support of Delaware has been adduced.[37]
Munsee is demonstrably phonologically conservative, and is considered to have retained many of the phonological characteristics of PEA. In comparison, Unami has undergone extensive phonological innovation, coupled with morphological regularization.[17]
The PEA vowel system consisted of four long vowels *i·, *o·, *e·, *a·, and two short vowels *a and ə. The vowel history is as follows: *i· (from PEA merger of Proto-Algonquian (PA *i· and *i to PEA *i·), *o· (from PEA merger of PA *o· and *o ), *e· (from Proto-Algonquian *e·), and *a· (from Proto-Algonquian *a·; the short vowels are*ə (from Proto-Algonquian *e), and *a (from Proto-Algonquian *a). This system was continued down to Common Delaware,[38] but Munsee and Unami have innovated separately with respect to the vowel systems.
Contrastive vowel length for Munsee high vowels has been reintroduced, and also for the front mid vowels. For modern Munsee it is necessary to recognize long /i·, o·, e·, a·/ and short /i, o, e, a/. Innovating instances of short /i, o, and e/ arise from for example reduplicating syllables and loan words.
Notes
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1978a, p. 213; Goddard, Ives, 1996, p. 5
- ^ Raymond G. Gordon, Jr., 2005
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1979; Goddard, Ives, 1996
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1978a, p. 216
- ^ Costa, David, 2007, p. 82; Rudes, Blair, 1997
- ^ Snow, Dean, 1978, p. 58
- ^ Williams, Lorraine, 1995, p. 113
- ^ a b Goddard, Ives, 1978a, p. 213
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1978, p. 72
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1978a, p. 213-216
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1978a, p. 213, 237
- ^ Kraft, Herbert, 1986, p. xvii
- ^ Nyholm, Earl, and John Nichols, 1995, p. 85
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1978a, p. 237
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1978a, p. 236
- ^ a b Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 11
- ^ a b c d Goddard, Ives, 1982
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 21
- ^ Examples from Goddard, Ives, 1979
- ^ Dahlstrom, Amy, 1995; Goddard, Ives, 2002
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1990
- ^ a b Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 32
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 33-34
- ^ O’Meara, John, 1992
- ^ a b Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 41
- ^ Forms from O’Meara, John, 1996
- ^ a b Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 47-48
- ^ a b Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 50
- ^ a b Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 51
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1979, pp. 52-53
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1979, pp. 53-54
- ^ Cited in Goddard, Ives, 1979
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 55
- ^ Cited from O’Meara, John, 1996
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1979, pp. 45-46
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1996
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1978; Goddard, Ives, 1996; Pentland, David, 1982
- ^ Goddard, Ives, 1982; Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 11,
References
- Blalock, Lucy, Bruce Pearson and James Rementer. 1994. The Delaware Language. Bartlesville, OK: Delaware Tribe of Indians.
- Brinton, Daniel G., and Albert Seqaqkind Anthony. 1888. A Lenâpé-English dictionary. From an anonymous manuscript in the archives of the Moravian Church at Bethlehem Philadelphia: The Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
- Costa, David. J. 2007. “The dialectology of Southern New England Algonquian. H.C. Wolfart, ed. Papers of the 38th Algonquian Conference, pp. 81-127. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba.
- Dahlstrom, Amy. 1995. “Motivation vs. Predictability in Algonquian gender.” H. C. Wolfart, ed. Papers of the Thirty-Third Algonquian Conference, 52-66. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba.
- Delaware Nation Council. 1992. Lunaapeew Dictionary. Basic Words. Part One. Moraviantown: Delaware Nation Council.
- Ethnologue entry for Munsee
- Goddard, Ives. 1971. “The ethnohistorical implications of early Delaware linguistic materials.” Man in the Northeast 1: 14-26.
- Goddard, Ives. 1974. “The Delaware Language, Past and Present.” Herbert C. Kraft, ed. A Delaware Indian Symposium, pp. 103-110. Anthropological Series No. 4. Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission.
- Goddard, Ives. 1974a. “Dutch Loanwords in Delaware.” Herbert C. Kraft, ed. A Delaware Indian Symposium, pp. 153-160. Anthropological Series No. 4. Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission.
- Goddard, Ives. 1977. “Some early examples of American Indian Pidgin English from New England.” International Journal of American Linguistics 43: 37-41.
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