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Pay attention to your lead section. The lead section of the article should summarize every section of the body of the article. By the same token, the lead section should not include information that is not repeated somewhere in the body of the article. Your lead currently isn’t doing those two things, so pay particular attention to it as you revise your article.

An Opon Ifá is a divination tray used in traditional African and Afro-American religions, notably in Ifá and Yoruba tradition. The etymology of Ifá has been a subject of debate. Ifá has been considered an orisha, or a Yoruba god -- specifically, as the god of divination. Conversely, some Yoruba circles merely consider Ifá the "great consulting oracle" as opposed to a god or deity.

A babalawo (diviner) uses the Opon Ifá in order to communicate with the spirits who are able to identify the causes and solutions to personal and collective problems and to restore harmony with the spirits.

Other notes:

-How does one acquire a divination tray?

-Etc.

Structure

Opon Ifás are flat and usually circular, between 6 and 18 inches in diameter, with a raised outer perimeter carved with figures, objects, or geometric designs. Opon Ifás may also be rectangular, semi-circular, or approximately square. The top of the tray is called the "head" or the oju opon, and the bottom is conversely called the "feet" or the ese opon. The right side of the board is called "the Straight Path" and the left is known as the "Direct Path" -- this is inspired by the Yoruba motif that likens life to a journey. Typically, the head is adorned with a carved depiction of Esu, also known as Elegba, the messenger of Ifá and the other spirits. Certain trays may have additional representations of Esu, and trays with two, four, eight, and even sixteen faces have been seen. In such cases, the head of the tray may be designated by cowries. The cowries are also used to spread the sacred divining powder, lyerosun.

The peripheral markings of the opon Ifá are not only ornamental, but are also functional. They serve to divide the tray into nine different sections that contribute symbolic significance during consultations. Each section is named after nine ancient, influential diviners. If one were to orient the tray with the feet closest to the body, the oju opon, ese opon, ona oganran, and the ona monu are situated due north, south, east and west, respectively. Additionally, the individual spaces between each (e.g. northwest, northeast, southwest, southeast) designate four more sections: alaselosi, alablotun, afurukeresayo, and and ajiletepowo, respectively. The final section is the space in the center of the tray, the erilade opon, for a total of nine different sections. These sections will come into play during consultations when the babalowo evokes the presence of Ifá and the nine depicted diviners before beginning the reading of the tray.

Opon Ifás may also display zoomorphic markings along their circumference. These markings allow the babalowo to harness the powers of the depicted animal to enhance the general efficacy of the tray, or to heighten the effictiveness of certain odu. The abilities of the animals can sometimes be inferred by examining their roles in any of the 256 archetypal stories associated with the odus. Opon ifás may display carvings of bush rats, or okete, which are understood to have the capacity to morph into humans and carry out mischievous activity at night. Birds are also depicted, which are known to symbolize witchcraft. Finally, snakes may symbolize the efficacy of Ifá divination as a whole as it is believed that snakes obtained their venomous potential from Ifá. When abstract or criss-cross markings are incorporated with zoomorphic imagery, they may offer a kinetic and sentient quality to the depicted animals, further enhancing the tray's divine potency.

Variations

Variations in the structure of opon ifás exist -- particularly in regards to the number and location of depicted Esu faces and also the geometric shape of the board. Even on the micro scale of a town, alternative forms of the trays exist. For example, one artist depicted Esu with his chin protruding into the center of the tray, the arin opon, and another depicted two Esu faces -- both situated on opposite sides of the board. Although the Ifá system of divination that incorporates the divination trays finds its roots in Yoruba, this technology has spread throughout the African diaspora, where it is referred to by different names and the boards may have subtle to drastic alterations. Beyond the foundational features of the opon ifá outlined above, the functional nature of the structural enhancements cannot be generalized and are generally left to the artist's discretion. A particularly notable specimen is one from the 17th century Kingdom of Dahomey, which today is part of Benin, and was used for Fá divination. This board displays a standard circular opon ifá in the center of the tray, but is encompassed by a larger, rectangular tray. In Cuban Santería, strongly influenced by Ifá, opon ifás may also be employed, often displaying a broad color gamut, and in one instance, entirely lacking a depiction of Esu.

-different styles exist (some have the face of Esu protruding into the center, or a "tray within a tray" (Pogoson).

-Trays in Fa (Fon ethnic group), Afa (Ghana/Togo), Akan (Benin/Ghana/Togo), Cuba, and Trinidad. Look at museums!

Cosmology

Esu, the orisha oriented on the crest of the opon Ifá, behaves as an intermediary between Ifá and the babalowo during consultations. The relationship between the two deities is outlined in Yoruba canon, specifically in one of the 256 odu that the babalowo interprets from the opon Ifá.

Ifa and Esu are two of the four-hundred orishas sent to Earth by Olodumare, the Supreme Being. Each of the four-hundred divinities have unique, supernatural abilities; Ifa knows the predestined fate of all human beings, and Esu is the keeper of the ase (divine power or authority). Esu, confident in his status as the wisest among all of Olodumare's spirits, administered a test to 398 of the other deities -- all failed his test. He had yet to challenge Ifá with the test, however. Finally, Esu tested Ifá .

Esu informed Ifá that he is soon departing on a journey for one week. He requested that during his travels, Ifá supervises his monkey. Ifá agreed, but first he asked Esu to tie the monkey to the tree in front of his house. After Esu had embarked on his journey, Ifá consulted an oracle to see what Esu's intentions were for his journey. The oracle prescribed to Ifá an offering of bananas that must be performed deep in a thick forest. Ifá obliged and performed the sacrifice, only to find Esu's monkey missing once he returned to the tree in front of his home. Esu, having suddenly decided to not pursue his trip, returned to Ifá's home to see that Ifá had broken his commitment. Grief-stricken, Esu began to weep. He informed Ifá that if he does not find the monkey within the seven days that it takes for one of his tears to fall to the ground, Ifá will be cursed with a paucity of peace for the rest of his life. Seeking a solution, Ifá once again consulted the oracle, who told him to return to the exact spot in the forest where the sacrifice of bananas was performed. There, he would find the monkey. Ifá accepted the oracle's guidance and found Esu's monkey in the forest. Having returned the monkey to Esu before his tears hit the earth, Ifá completed the test and sealed his partnership with Esu. To express his gratitude, Esu swore to be a companion and accomplice to Ifá in all his endeavors. Thus, Esu acts as the mouthpiece through which Ifá imparts his clairvoyant knowledge.

Other:

-Yoruba carving style is "sharp" and "bold" (Pogoson). However, there are some more realistic, and smooth depictions of Esu (Pogoson).

-Remark on the variations in facial markings of Esu (Pogoson).

-How does the location of Esu on the board indicate where the board is from? (Pogoson)

Usage in Divination

During a divination consultation, the babalawo first properly orients the tray with the "feet" of the opon Ifá facing towards him. Once properly oriented, an iroke Ifá, or a diviner's tapper, is used by the babalowo to evoke the presence of Ifá via the rhythmic drumming of the tapper on the surface of the opon Ifá. Then, sixteen palm or kola nuts, the ikin Ifá, are thrown onto the opon Ifá's wooden surface and the babalowo proceeds to interpret which of the 256 possible sets of odun (signs) are displayed by the nuts. An odun is essentially a word or sign of eight marks that is drawn in the Iyerosun (divination powder) spread over the tray. Each of the signs have corresponding verses which must be chanted and chosen according to the client's particular situation.

Each of the odun are constructed by individually determining each "letter" of the odun in a stepwise manner, starting from the bottom-right division of the border, then the bottom-left. Working up from bottom to top, this process is repeated six more times until the complete odun is constructed and demonstrates how the oju opon, ese opon, ona oganran, and ona munu come into play.One method incorporates Ikin Ifa, or sacred palm nuts. Sixteen nuts are held in one hand by the babalowo. With the other hand, he snatches as many as he can out of his handful of Ikin Ifa. If there is one remaining, he draws two vertical lines into the Iyerosun. If there are two nuts remaining, he draws only one line.

Another method incorporates a divination chain known as Opele replaces the palm or kola nuts, which are reserved for more serious questions. The opele consists of a chain of eight half-kola nuts strung together, each associated with one of the eight letters of an odu and a site along the tray’s border. When the babalowo throws the opele, the half-nuts will land concave up or concave down, heads or tails. A single line represents “heads” while two vertical lines symbolize “tails.” Thus, this binary system of one and two vertical lines gives rise to 256 different odu, each associated with a spirit and certain archetypal situations. Some odu are affirmative, and others are negative. Furthermore, the odu determines what offerings the babalowo prescribes to the client in order for them to achieve their desired ends.

Diasporic Variations

Santerîa

-"Practitioners will say that a person's roads are closed and prescribe particular ritual activities to open the road. Closed roads translate into the absence of opportunity and choice, a reduction in freedom...Within the divination system known as the shells (Sp. caracoles) or dilogún (Lu. lit. sixteen, referring to the number of shells used), many proverbs associated with the 256 possible divination figures allude to destiny or the road" (Mason 96).

-"The shells are less widely available and less widely used. These sixteen opened cowrie shells are the 'mouths of the oricha' and are tossed on a mat to reveal a specific odu. This figure refers to specific circumstances, relevant allegorical stories, applicable proverbs, praise songs, and advice. Priestesses and priests receive the shells when they are initiated and must study for years before they can understand and competently apply the 256 possible figures to the life of another person" (Mason 98).

-"In the case of oricha divination the source can be in a story or a proverb, and the target is or will be present in the life of the practitioner" (Mason 102).

-There is a hierarchy of Babalowos: "Status competition plays a critical role within the religion precisely because of the hierarchical nature of the semisecret society of oricha practitioners...The babalowo holds a great deal of power in some circles because of his access to Ifá divination. As noted earlier, his divinations are widely considered to be the most accurate; ideology states that all other opinions must be subsumed under his authority, although in practice practitioners can subvert his authority in any number of ways" (Mason 104). There are Babalowos with Olofi, kuanaldo, etc (Mason 105).

Candomblé

-"She performed a divination procedure called 'throwing the cowries," and told me that the "paths were open" for me to come back" (Wafer 10).

-"The usual procedure is first to throw sixteen cowries, to determine the identity of the orixá who is speaking through them" (Wafer 114).

-"Perhaps this reflects the rivalry between the orixás, who, in the everyday world of Candomblé, are often at war with each other. They may be doing battle over possession of the head of a particular individual (which is why sometimes the cowrie divination gives an incorrect result. It is then often said that a rival orixá 'came in front' of the individual's true orixá). Or they may be at war with each other on behalf of different individuals, or of different terreiros" (Wafer 128).

Politics of Interpretation

-"His authority as a human father-of-saint could be doubted, but not the authority of the spirits. He noted also that Almiro, as a rival of Marinalvo's, would probably haver criticized the results of the divination, our private conversation wiht him, if these had been presented by Marinalvo alone. But he could not challenge the pronouncements of the caboclo, because to do so would be to undermine the whole belief system of Candomblé" (Wafer 116).

Article Evaluation for "Opon Ifá"

·Although all the information in the article seems relevant, there seems to be a lot of missing details: the Yoruba terms for the opon ifá's anatomy, the actual ritual via which babalowos determine odus, and the Iroke ifa (the diviner's tapper), for example. (BUT MAYBE THE AUTHOR IS JUST BEING SUPPPPEER SPECIFIC TO JUST THE OPON IFAS AND ISN'T INCLUDING THE ACTUAL DIVINATION PROCESS??) ·The oldest cited article is from 1991 and the most recent is from 2004. While performing research for my museum research assignment, I experienced first-hand how difficult it is to find up-to-date information on this practice. Taking this into account, and given the relatively static and traditional nature of this topic, there has probably not been much chance in the past 30 or so years since these articles were written. ·I thought that the Latin American translation of Opon Ifá, La Mesa de Ifá, was a bit distracting. After this fact was introduced, there was no mention in the rest of the article regarding how Latin American opon ifá practices are distinct from those from West Africa and Yorubaland. In fact, Latin America was not mentioned at all.

·The article doesn't seem to have any bias towards a certain viewpoint. However, it occasionally does stick to the use of a particular definition for which there are multiple interpretations. For example, "Eshu, the messenger of Ifá and the other spirits" is also spelled Esu in some contexts.

·The two linked sources that are operational (out of the three) lead to texts that seem scholarly in nature. The first is published by an academic press and the second is an encyclopedia. The first source supports the claims made in the article. Unfortunately, the second operational link did not provide access to the pages cited in the article. Each fact in the article is followed by an appropriate citation. The second operational source is an encyclopedia of native art -- there is no reason for bias to be present. The first, however, is a scholarly work that specificially focuses on Ifá Divination. Citing this source doesn't quite satisfy Wikipedia's rule of "notability." Thus, there may be some bias present. This bias is not noted.

·There are no discussions happening on the "talk" page. ·The article is not rated, but belongs to three WikiProjects: WikiProject Yoruba, WikiProject African diaspora, and WikiProject Religion. ·The article does not conflict, but supports the way we talked about Ifá divination in class -- especially with the second sentence of the article that emphasizes how divination is used in society.

Potential Headings for Opon Ifa Article (Inspired by Various Model Articles)

• Opon Ifa
• Origins and Cosmology
• Design
• Ritual Use
• In Africa
• In the African Diaspora
• In Popular Culture

Notes for Opon Ifa Article

-Pogoson Article -- included in Opon Ifa article. Double check relevancy and include link

-Make sure to go over Ifa article and see what you can and can't write about.

Bibliography for Opon Ifa Article

• Morton-Williams, P., Bascom, W., McLelland, E.M. 1966. “Two Studies of Ifa Divination. Introduction: The Mode of Divination.” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 36(4): 406-431.
• Clarke, J.D. 1939. “Ifa Divination.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain 69(2): 235-256.
• Bascom, William R. “The Sanctions of Ifa Divination.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 71, no. 1/2, 1941, pp. 43–54. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2844400.
• Odun Ifa: Olupona, Jacob K. Research in African Literatures, vol. 34, no. 2, 2003, pp. 225–229. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/4618316.
• IGALA: Boston, J. S. “Ifa Divination in Igala.” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, vol. 44, no. 4, 1974, pp. 350–360. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1159055.
• ISALE-OYO: Pogoson, O.I., Akande, A.O. 2011. “Ifa Divination Trays from Isale-Oyo.” Cadernos de Estudos Africanos 21: 15-41.
• In Santerîa: Living Santería: pg. 96-98

References

Testing Testing with Source Editing

Professor feedback

Great work so far, Brandon. Your article analysis of the Opon Ifá article is spot on, and your mulling of different articles is good and thorough. After our discussion in my office, I think you're leaning toward the Musa Wo article. That said, if you wanted to capitalize on the research you did for the Opon Ifá paper you wrote, I wouldn't have a problem with that. You would need to focus in on the aesthetics of the board, say something about how it's made, and probably go into how it's used without duplicating everything from the Ifá page. You'd have to do a bit of digging about Diasporic uses for the board as well. Up to you! I only bring it up because you've already done some of the legwork.

New comments

Hi again! The article is shaping up. Building on our conversation today, I think you should try to find some information about how Opon Ifa are created, at least in Africa. I would guess that they are made by the same carvers who would create any other wooden sculpture for religious use. Another question is whether they need to be consecrated in some way.

As for the diaspora question, seeing the article as it stands now, I think you do need a bit more meat in it. What I would suggest is that you survey at least two traditions: Santería and Trinidad Orisha, perhaps. Don't focus so much on distinctions in the actual practice of divination. Instead, tell us about how Opon Ifa look differenlty in Cuba compared to Nigeria. In other words, how are these boards different aesthetically from place to place? If you can find any information about differences in their manufacture, that might be helpful, as well. You don't necessarily need to relegate all this diaspora information to a separate section. Instead, you can integrate this information into your already existing (or soon-to-exist subsections). For instance, you tell us that among Yorùbá people, opon Ifa look one way, but in Cuba and Trinidad they tend to look another way. Good luck! Abukun (talk) 21:07, 23 April 2019 (UTC)