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Observational learning across cultures

Cultural variation can be seen in the extent of information learned or absorbed by children through the use of observation and more specifically the use of observation without verbal requests for further information. For example, children from Mexican heritage families tend to learn and make better use of information observed during classroom demonstration then children of European heritage. Children of European heritage experience the type of learning that separates them from their family and community activities. They instead participate in lessons and other exercises in special settings such as school. Cultural backgrounds differ from each other in which children display certain characteristics in regards to learning an activity. As an example, one study found that Mexican heritage children whose families have Indigenous practice experience show more signs of sustained attention to and learning from directions given to another person in comparison to Mexican heritage children whose families have Western schooling with related practices (Lopez, Correa-Chavez, Rogoff, & Gutierrez, 2010). Another example is seen in the immersion, of children in some Indigenous communities of the Americas, into the adult world and the effects it has on observational learning and the ability to complete multiple tasks simultaneously. This might be due to children in these communities having the opportunity to see a task being completed by their elders or peers and then trying to emulate the task. In doing so they learn to value observation and the skill-building it affords them because of the value it holds within their community. This type of observation is not passive, but reflects the child's intent to participate or learn within a community.

Observational learning can be seen taking place and put into effect in many domains of Indigenous communities. The classroom setting is one significant example. The emphasis of keen observation in favor of supporting participation in ongoing activities strives to aid children to learn the important tools and ways of their community (Rogoff et al., 2003). Engaging in shared endeavors - with both the experienced and inexperienced - allows for the experienced to understand what the inexperienced need in order to grow in regards to learning to perform activities (Rogoff et al., 2003). The involvement of the inexperienced, or the children in this matter, can either be furthered by the children’s learning or advancing into the activity performed through observational learning (Rogoff et al., 2003). For the Indigenous communities to rely on observational learning is a way allowing for their children to be a part of ongoing activities in the community (Tharp, 2006).

Observational learning can be an active process in many Indigenous American communities. The learner must take initiative to attend to activities going on around them. Children in these communities also take initiative to contribute their knowledge in ways that will benefit their community. For example, in many Indigenous American cultures, children perform household chores without being instructed to do so by adults. Instead, they observe a need for their contributions and take initiative to accomplish the tasks based on observations of others having done them. The learner's intrinsic motivations play an important role in the child's understanding and construction of meaning in these educational experiences. The independence and responsibility associated with observational learning in many Indigenous American communities are significant reasons why this method of learning can involve more than just watching and imitating. A learner must be actively engaged with their demonstrations and experiences in order to fully comprehend and apply the knowledge they obtain.

Simultaneous Attention

Simultaneous attention is a type of attention, classified by attending to multiple events at the same time. Simultaneous attention is demonstrated by children in Indigenous communities, who learn through this type of attention to their surroundings. Simultaneous attention is present in the ways in which children of indigenous background interact both with their surroundings, and with other individuals. Simultaneous attention requires focus on multiple, simultaneous, activities or occurrences. This differs from multitasking which is characterized by alternating attention and focus between multiple activities; that is, halting one activity before switching to the next.

Simultaneous attention involves uninterrupted attention to several activities occurring at the same time. Another cultural practice that may relate to simultaneous attention strategies is coordination within a group. Indigenous heritage toddlers and caregivers in San Pedro were observed to frequently coordinate their activities with other members of a group in ways parallel to a model of simultaneous attention, whereas middle-class European-descent families in the U.S. would move back and forth between events . Research concludes that children with close ties to Indigenous American roots have a high tendency to be especially wide, keen observers. This points to a strong cultural difference in attention management.

An as example, from an early age, Marquesan children are provided full stimulation in a world by their mothers for attempts of interaction first followed by encouragement make outside contact with others (Martini & Kirkpatrick, 1981). This allows for caregivers to shape the attention of children towards the community and objects as well as to shape the movements of children towards effective contact and locomotion (1981). The Marquesan children have the opportunity of sharing extended social relationships allowing for their world to be enhanced, and this could be expressed in the forms of learning and attention (Rogoff, Mistry, Goncu, & Mosier, 1991). The modality of learning practiced among the Indigenous communities has the potential to influence how people manage their attention when there is several activities happening at once.

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