Domesday Book

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Domesday Book
The National Archives, Kew, London
Domesday-book-1804x972.jpg
"Domesday Book", from Historic Byways and Highways of Old England (1900) ed. Andrew Williams
Also known as Book of Winchester
Liber Wintonia
Date 1086
Place of origin England
Language(s) Medieval Latin

Domesday Book (/ˈdmzd/ or US /ˈdmzd/; Latin: Liber de Wintonia)[1][2] is a manuscript record of the great survey, completed in 1086 on orders of William the Conqueror, of much of England and parts of Wales: "While spending the Christmas time of 1085 in Gloucester, William had deep speech with his counsellors and sent men all over England to each shire to find out what or how much each landholder had in land and livestock, and what it was worth" (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle). In Latin (though highly abbreviated, and with some vernacular for native terms without Latin equivalent),[3] the survey's key purpose was to determine what taxes had been owing under Edward the Confessor.

The assessors' reckoning of a man's holdings and their value, as given in the Book, was dispositive and without appeal, and thus the name Domesday Book (Middle English for Doomsday Book)[4] came into use in the 12th century.[4] As Richard FitzNigel wrote around 1179:[5]

for as the sentence of that strict and terrible last account cannot be evaded by any skilful subterfuge, so when this book is appealed to ... its sentence cannot be quashed or set aside with impunity. That is why we have called the book 'the Book of Judgement' ... because its decisions, like those of the Last Judgement, are unalterable.

The manuscript is held at The National Archives, London. In 2011, the Open Domesday site made the manuscript freely available for the first time.[6]

No survey approaching the scope and extent of the Domesday Book was attempted until the 1873 Return of Owners of Land (sometimes termed the "Modern Domesday")[7]which presented the first complete, post-Domesday picture of the distribution of landed property in the British Isles.[8]

Content and organization[edit]

A page of the Domesday Book for Warwickshire

Domesday Book is really two independent works: Little Domesday (covering Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex) and Great Domesday (covering much of the remainder of England and parts of Wales—​except for lands in the north which later became Westmorland, Cumberland, Northumberland, and the County Palatine of Durham). There are no surveys of London and Winchester, probably due to their tax-exempt status, and some other towns. Most of Cumberland and Westmorland are missing because they had yet to be conquered at the time, and County Durham is lacking because the Bishop of Durham (William de St-Calais) had the exclusive right to tax it; parts of northeast England were covered by the 1183 Boldon Book, which listed those areas liable to tax by the Bishop of Durham. The omission of the other counties is not fully explained.

Despite its name, Little Domesday was larger and far more detailed—​down to numbers of livestock—​than its companion. Possibly it represented a first attempt, leading to a decision not to attempt Great Domesday at the same level of detail.

Both volumes are organized by fiefs (manors, under the names of the landholders—​tenentes—​who held the lands directly of the crown in fee) rather than by geography (e.g. by hundred or by township). It was for the most part a large-scale tax return yet it was significantly unpopular.[9][clarification needed]

Each county's list opened with the king's holdings (which had possibly been the subject of separate inquiry). Then followed the holdings of churchmen and religious houses (in order of status—​the Archbishop of Canterbury, for example, always appearing before other bishops); then lay tenants-in-chief (aristocrats—​again in approximate order of status); and lastly the king's serjeants (servientes) and English thegns who retained land.

In some counties, one or more principal towns formed the subject of a separate section: in some the clamores (disputed titles to land) were similarly treated separately. This principle applies more specially to the larger volume: in the smaller one, the system is more confused, the execution less perfect.

Domesday names a total of 13,418 places.[10] Apart from the wholly rural portions, which constitute its bulk, Domesday contains entries of interest concerning most of the towns, which were probably made because of their bearing on the fiscal rights of the crown therein. These include fragments of custumals (older customary agreements), records of the military service due, of markets, mints, and so forth. From the towns, from the counties as wholes, and from many of its ancient lordships, the crown was entitled to archaic dues in kind, such as honey. (In a parallel development, around 1100 the Normans in southern Italy completed their Catalogus Baronum based on Domesday Book.)

Of most general interest is Domesday's sporadic information on political, personal, ecclesiastical, and social history, used by E. A. Freeman for his work on the Norman Conquest.

Survey[edit]

From the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle it is known that the planning for the survey was conducted in 1085, and from the colophon of the book it is known that the survey was completed in 1086. It is not known when exactly Domesday Book was compiled, but the entire copy of Great Domesday appears to have been copied out by one person on parchment (prepared sheepskin), although six scribes seem to have been used for Little Domesday. Writing in 2000, David Roffe argued that the inquest (the survey) and the construction of the book were two distinct exercises; the latter being completed, if not started, by William II following his assumption of the English throne and quashing of the rebellion that followed and based on, though not consequent on, the findings of the inquest.[11]

Most shires were visited by a group of royal officers (legati), who held a public inquiry, probably in the great assembly known as the shire court, which was attended by representatives of every township as well as of the local lords. The unit of inquiry was the Hundred (a subdivision of the county, which then was an administrative entity), and the return for each Hundred was sworn to by twelve local jurors, half of them English and half of them Normans.

What is believed to be a full transcript of these original returns is preserved for several of the Cambridgeshire Hundreds and is of great illustrative importance. The Inquisitio Eliensis is a record of the lands of Ely Abbey;[12] and the Exon Domesday (so called from the preservation of the volume at Exeter), which covers Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Somerset, Wiltshire (however only one manor of Wiltshire is included and parts of Devon, Dorset and Somerset are also wanting) also all contain the full details supplied by the original returns.

Through comparison of what details are recorded in which counties, six "circuits" can be determined (plus a seventh circuit for the Little Domesday shires).

  1. Berkshire, Hampshire, Kent, Surrey, Sussex
  2. Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Somerset, Wiltshire (Exeter Domesday)
  3. Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Cambridgeshire, Hertfordshire, Middlesex
  4. Leicestershire, Northamptonshire, Oxfordshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire
  5. Cheshire, Gloucestershire, Herefordshire, Shropshire, Worcestershire — the Marches
  6. Derbyshire, Huntingdonshire, Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Yorkshire

Purpose[edit]

For the object of the survey, there are three sources of information:

  • The passage in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which tells us why it was ordered:

After this had the king a large meeting, and very deep consultation with his council, about this land; how it was occupied, and by what sort of men. Then sent he his men over all England into each shire; commissioning them to find out 'How many hundreds of hides were in the shire, what land the king himself had, and what stock upon the land; or, what dues he ought to have by the year from the shire.' Also he commissioned them to record in writing, 'How much land his archbishops had, and his diocesan bishops, and his abbots, and his earls;' and though I may be prolix and tedious, 'What, or how much, each man had, who was an occupier of land in England, either in land or in stock, and how much money it were worth.' So very narrowly, indeed, did he commission them to trace it out, that there was not one single hide, nor a yard of land, nay, moreover (it is shameful to tell, though he thought it no shame to do it), not even an ox, nor a cow, nor a swine was there left, that was not set down in his writ. And all the recorded particulars were afterwards brought to him.

  • The list of questions which the jurors were asked, as preserved in the Inquisitio Eliensis
  • The contents of Domesday Book and the allied records mentioned above.

Although these can by no means be reconciled in every detail, it is now generally recognised that the primary object of the survey was to ascertain and record the fiscal rights of the king. These were mainly:

  • the national land-tax (geldum), paid on a fixed assessment,
  • certain miscellaneous dues, and
  • the proceeds of the crown lands.

After a great political convulsion such as the Norman conquest, and the wholesale confiscation of landed estates which followed it, it was in William's interest to make sure that the rights of the crown, which he claimed to have inherited, had not suffered in the process. More especially was this the case as his Norman followers were disposed to evade the liabilities of their English predecessors. The successful trial of Odo de Bayeux at Penenden Heath less than a decade after the conquest was one example of the growing discontent at the Norman land-grab that had occurred in the years following the invasion. The survey has since been viewed in the context that William required certainty and a definitive reference point as to property holdings across the nation so that it might be used as evidence in disputes and purported authority for crown ownership.[13]

The Domesday survey therefore recorded the names of the new holders of lands and the assessments on which their tax was to be paid. But it did more than this; by the king's instructions, it endeavoured to make a national valuation list, estimating the annual value of all the land in the country, (1) at the time of Edward the Confessor's death, (2) when the new owners received it, (3) at the time of the survey, and further, it reckoned, by command, the potential value as well. It is evident that William desired to know the financial resources of his kingdom, and it is probable that he wished to compare them with the existing assessment, which was one of considerable antiquity, though there are traces that it had been occasionally modified. The great bulk of Domesday Book is devoted to the somewhat arid details of the assessment and valuation of rural estates, which were as yet the only important source of national wealth. After stating the assessment of the manor, the record sets forth the amount of arable land, and the number of plough teams (each reckoned at eight oxen) available for working it, with the additional number (if any) that might be employed; then the river-meadows, woodland, pasture, fisheries (i.e. fishing weirs), water-mills, salt-pans (if by the sea) and other subsidiary sources of revenue; the peasants are enumerated in their several classes; and finally the annual value of the whole, past and present, is roughly estimated.

It is obvious that, both in its values and in its measurements, the survey's reckoning is very crude.

The rearrangement, on a feudal basis, of the original returns enabled the Conqueror and his officers to see with ease the extent of a baron's possessions; but it also had the effect of showing how far he had engaged under-tenants, and who those under-tenants were. This was of great importance to William, not only for military reasons, but also because of his firm resolve to make the under-tenants (though the "men" of their lords) swear allegiance directly to himself. As Domesday Book normally records only the Christian name of an under-tenant, it is not possible to search for the surnames of families claiming a Norman origin; but much has been done, and is still being done, to identify the under-tenants, the great bulk of whom bear foreign Christian names.

To a large extent, it comes down to the king's knowing where he should look when he needed to raise money. It therefore includes sources of income but not sinks of expenditure such as castles, unless their mention is needed to explain discrepancies between pre-and post-Conquest holdings. Typically, this happened in a town, where separately-recorded properties had been demolished to make way for a castle.

Subsequent history[edit]

Domesday Book was originally preserved in the royal treasury at Winchester (the Norman kings' capital). It was originally referred to as the Book of Winchester, and refers to itself as such in a late edition. When the treasury moved to Westminster, probably under Henry II, the book went with it. In the Dialogus de scaccario (temp. Hen. II.) it is spoken of as a record from the arbitrament of which there was no appeal (from which its popular name of Domesday is said to be derived). In the Middle Ages, its evidence was frequently invoked in the law-courts; and even now, there are certain cases in which appeal is made to its testimony.

It remained in Westminster until the days of Queen Victoria, being preserved from 1696 onwards in the Chapter House, and only removed in special circumstances, such as when it was sent to Southampton for photozincographic reproduction. Domesday Book was eventually placed in the Public Record Office, London; it can be now seen in a glass case in the museum at The National Archives in Kew, which is in the London Borough of Richmond upon Thames in South West London. In 1869, it received a modern binding. Most recently, the two books were rebound for its ninth centenary in 1986, when Great Domesday was divided into two volumes and Little Domesday was divided into three volumes. The ancient Domesday chest, in which it used to be kept, is also preserved in the building at Kew.

The printing of Domesday, in "record type", was begun by the government in 1773, and the book was published, in two volumes, in 1783; in 1811, a volume of indexes was added, and in 1816 a supplementary volume, separately indexed, containing

  1. The Exon Domesday—for the south-western counties
  2. The Inquisitio Eliensis
  3. The Liber Winton—surveys of Winchester late in the 12th century.
  4. The Boldon Buke—a survey of the bishopric of Durham a century later than Domesday

Photographic facsimiles of Domesday Book, for each county separately, were published in 1861–1863, also by the government. Today, Domesday Book is available in numerous editions, usually separated by county and available with other local history resources.

In 1986, the BBC released the BBC Domesday Project, the results of a project to create a survey to mark the 900th anniversary of the original Domesday Book. In August 2006 the contents of Domesday went online, with an English translation of the book's Latin. Visitors to the website are able to look up a place name and see the index entry made for the manor, town, city or village. They can also, for a fee, download the relevant page.

Importance[edit]

In 1986, memorial plaques were installed in settlements mentioned in the Domesday Book

The importance of Domesday Book for understanding the period in which it was written is difficult to overstate. As H. C. Darby noted, anyone who uses it "can have nothing but admiration for what is the oldest 'public record' in England and probably the most remarkable statistical document in the history of Europe. The continent has no document to compare with this detailed description covering so great a stretch of territory. And the geographer, as he turns over the folios, with their details of population and of arable, woodland, meadow and other resources, cannot but be excited at the vast amount of information that passes before his eyes."[14] Or, as the author of the eleventh edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica article noted, "To the topographer, as to the genealogist, its evidence is of primary importance, as it not only contains the earliest survey of each township or manor, but affords, in the majority of cases, a clue to its subsequent descent."

On the other hand, Darby points out that "when this great wealth of data is examined more closely, perplexities and difficulties arise."[15] One problem is that the clerks who compiled this document "were but human; they were frequently forgetful or confused." The use of Roman numerals also led to countless mistakes. Darby states, "Anyone who attempts an arithmetical exercise in Roman numerals soon sees something of the difficulties that faced the clerks."[15] But more important are the numerous obvious omissions, and ambiguities in the presentation of the material. Darby first cites F. W. Maitland's comment following his compilation of a table of statistics from material taken from the Domesday Book survey, "it will be remembered that, as matters now stand, two men not unskilled in Domesday might add up the number of hides in a county and arrive at very different results because they would hold different opinions as to the meanings of certain formulas which are not uncommon",[16] then after adding that "each county presents its own problems" Darby concedes that "it would be more correct to speak not of 'the Domesday geography of England', but of 'the geography of Domesday Book'. The two may not be quite the same thing, and how near the record was to reality we can never know."[15]

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ "Domesday Book". Merriam-Webster Online. 
  2. ^ "Domesday Book". Dictionary.com. 
  3. ^ One of the commonest abbreviations was TRE, short for the Latin Tempore Regis Eduardi, "in the time of Edward the Confessor", meaning the period immediately before the Norman conquest.
  4. ^ a b The Collected Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson: English traits, Volume 5, p. 250 n. 65.15 (notes by Robert E. Burkholder, Harvard University Press, 1971).
  5. ^ ed. C. Johnson, Dialogus de Scaccario, the Course of the Exchequer , and Constitutio Domus Regis, the King's Household, 64. London, 1950.
  6. ^ Cellan-Jones, Rory (13 May 2011). "Domesday Reloaded project: The 1086 version". BBC News. 
  7. ^ Hoskins, W.G., A New Survey of England: Devon, London, 1954, p.87
  8. ^ "Return of Owners of Land, 1873, Wales, Scotland, Ireland". Retrieved 2013-04-15. 
  9. ^ Palmer, Alan (1976). 'Kings and Queens of England", p.15. Octopus Books Limited, Great Britain.ISBN 0706405420
  10. ^ "The Domesday Book". History Magazine. October 2001. Retrieved 2009-02-24. 
  11. ^ Roffe, David: Domesday; The Inquest and The Book, pages 224–249. Oxford University Press, 2000.
  12. ^ "Inquisitio Eliensis". Domesday Explorer. Retrieved 24 April 2010. 
  13. ^ Extraordinary privilege: the trial of Penenden Heath and the Domesday inquest, by Alan Cooper, The English Historical Review, 1 November 2001
  14. ^ Darby, Domesday England (Cambridge: University Press, 1977), p. 12
  15. ^ a b c Darby, Domesday England, p. 13
  16. ^ Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond (Cambridge, 1897), p. 407

References[edit]

  • Domesday Book: A Complete Translation. London: Penguin, 2003. ISBN 0-14-143994-7.
  • Darby, Henry C. Domesday England. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977. ISBN 0-521-31026-1
  • Hallam, Elizabeth M. Domesday Book through Nine Centuries. New York: Thames & Hudson, 1986.
  • Keats-Rohan, Katherine S. B. Domesday People: A Prosopography of Persons Occurring in English Documents, 1066–1166. 2v. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1999.
  • Holt, J. C. Domesday Studies. Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1987. ISBN 0-85115-263-5
  • Lennard, Reginald. Rural England 1086–1135: A Study of Social and Agrarian Conditions. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959. ISBN 0-19-821272-0
  • Maitland, F. W. Domesday Book and Beyond. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. ISBN 0-521-34918-4
  • Roffe, David. Domesday: The Inquest and The Book. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. ISBN 0-19-820847-2
  • Roffe, David. Decoding Domesday. Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2007. ISBN 978-1-84383-307-9
  • Vinogradoff, Paul. English Society in the Eleventh Century. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1908.
  • Wood, Michael. The Domesday Quest: In Search of the Roots of England. London: BBC Books, 2005. ISBN 0-563-52274-7
  • Wikisource: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica: Domesday Book

Further reading[edit]

  • Darby, Henry C. & Campbell, Eila M. J. (1961) The Domesday Geography of South Eastern England
  • Darby, Henry C. & Maxwell, I. S. (1962) The Domesday Geography of Northern England
  • Darby, Henry C. & Finn, R. Welldon (1967) The Domesday Geography of South West England
  • Darby, Henry C. (1971) The Domesday Geography of Eastern England, 3rd ed.
  • Darby, Henry C. & Terrett, I. B. (1971) The Domesday Geography of Midland England, 2nd ed.
  • McDonald, John & Snooks, G. D. (1985) "Were the Tax Assessments of Domesday England Artificial?: the Case of Essex", in: The Economic History Review, New series, Vol. 38, No. 3, [August 1985], pp. 352–72
  • Snooks, Graeme D. and McDonald, John. Domesday Economy: A New Approach to Anglo-Norman History. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986 ISBN 0-19-828524-8
  • Hamshere, J. D. (1987) "Regressing Domesday Book: Tax Assessments of Domesday England, in: The Economic History Review, New series, Vol. 40, No. 2. [May 1987], pp. 247–51
  • Leaver, R. A. (1988) "Five Hides in Ten Counties: a Contribution to the Domesday Regression Debate", in: The Economic History Review, New series, Vol. 41, No. 4, [November 1988], pp. 525–42
  • Bridbury, A. R. (1990) "Domesday Book: a Re-interpretation", in: English Historical Review, Vol. 105, No. 415. [April 1990], pp. 284–309
  • Volumes of the Phillimore series, one for each county (e.g. Thorn, C. et al. (eds.) (1979) Cornwall. Chichester: Phillimore) which contain the Latin in facsimile with an English translation.

External links[edit]