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Representation in the London parliaments

Irish

Dates	Parliament	Number of members	Number of Constituences	Borough	County	Univerisy	Members	Notes
1649–1653	Rump Parliament	0
1653	Barebone's Parliament	6							List
1654–1655	First Protectorate Parliament	30	Constituency Members Notes Counties of Meath and Louth Col. John Fowk (Governor of Drogheda) Major William Cadogan. Counties of Kildare and Wicklow Maj. Anthony Morgan Maj. William Meredith. County of Dublin Col. John Hewson (of Lutterels Town) City of Dublin Daniel Hutchinson (Alderman) Counties of Catberlougb, Wexford, Kilkenny, and Queen's County Thomas Sadler Daniel Axtell Counties of Westmeath, Longford, and King's County Theophilus Jones Thomas Scot. Counties of Down, Antrim, and Armagh Col. Robert Venables Col. Arthur Hill Towns of Carrickfergus and Belfast Major Daniel Redmond. Counties of Londonderry, Donegal, and Tyrone Col. John Clark Thomas Newburgh (of Lifford in County Donegal) Towns of Derry and Coleraine Ralph King Counties of Cavan, Fermanagh, and Monaghan Col. John Cole Counties of Kerry, Limerick, and Clare Major Gen. Sir Hardress Waller Col. Henry Ingoldsby City and County of the City of Limerick and Kilmallock William Purefoy County of Cork Roger Boyle, Lord Baron of Broghill Towns of Cork and Youghal Col. William Jephson Towns of Bandon and Kinsale Vincent Gookin Counties of Tipperary and Waterford John Reynolds(Commissary-General) Jerome Sankey Cities of Waterford and Clonmel William Halsey Counties of Sligo, Roscommon, and Leitrim Sir Robert King Sir John Temple Counties of Galway and Mayo Sir Charles Coote (Commissary-General) John Reynolds
1654–1655	First Protectorate Parliament	30

}

==Notes==

==References==

• Willis, Browne (1750). "Little Parliament". Notitia Parliamentaria, Part II: A Series or Lists of the Representatives in the several Parliaments held from the Reformation 1541, to the Restoration 1660 ... London. pp. 255–258.
• Willis, Browne (1750a). "Parliament at Westminster, Anno 1654". Notitia Parliamentaria, Part II: A Series or Lists of the Representatives in the several Parliaments held from the Reformation 1541, to the Restoration 1660 ... London. pp. 259–271.

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Battle of Rousselaer

I am writing a stub biography of Antoine Rigaud later a general in Napoleons army and at this time a captain in the revolutionary army. He was severely wounded at the Battle of Rousselaer, that as far as I can see must refer to the engagement on 13 June:

• Long, George (1850). France and its revolutions: a pictorial history, 1789-1848. C. Knigh. p. 342.

The united forces of the Imperialists, English, and Dutch, were concentrated, in the early part of April, between the Sambre and the Schelde. The rainy weather had delayed military operations. Several bloody encounters ensued without any decisive result. On the 22nd of May the enemy and the French lost, in several engagements, each about 3,000 men near Tournay. Pichegru saw that he had not means sufficient for directing his attacks towards Tournay and the centre of the allies; and after securing Courtrai against surprise, which the French had already taken, he commenced the siege of Ypres. Clairfayt, who was stationed at Thielt, was drawn from his position by the danger to which Ypres was exposed, and a bloody battle was fought on the 13th of June, at Rousselaer, in which he was defeated. The consequence was, that Ypres surrendered on the 17th of June, and the French were in possession of West Flanders. From this time the success of the French on the north frontier was uninterrupted.

• de Beauchamp, Alph., ed. (1811), Lives of remarkable characters, who have distinguished themselves from the commencement of the French revolution to the present time, vol. 3, Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, p. 106

the army of Clairfait, though with inferior forces j attacked the allied princes on the 18th, between Menin and Courtray, and, after a long and bloody battle (which the presence of the emperor particularly rendered one of the most obstinate of the war,) gained a most complete and decisive victory, took many prisoners, seized 65 pieces of artillery, a quantity of baggage, a great number of horses, covered waggons, banners, standards, &c.; another of his divisions at the same time beat the enemy at Moncron; Moreau alone was less successful; but on the news of the duke of York's defeat, Clairfait retired to Thielt, and Pichegru wishing to draw him out of that advantageous position, laid siege to Ypres in the beginning of June. The Austrians advanced, indeed, to succour this town, which enabled him to attack and defeat them on the 10th and 13th of June at Rousselaer and Hooglede. This last battle gained Ypres, and decided the fate of West Flanders; for the enemy, from that time, did not venture to resist on any point.

The 18th, between Menin and Courtray must refer to the battle Wikiepdia's account calls Battle of Tourcoing (18 May 1794) in which case the action described above must be contained in the sentence:

Pichegru then benefited from the weakening of the Allied northern sector to return to the offensive and besiege Ypres. A series of supinely ineffective counter-attacks by Clerfayt through June were all beaten off by Souham.

Other sources call it the Battle of Hooglede which seems to have been two battles to try to relieve Ypres: 11 June, Clerfait beaten by Souham after a short engagement at Hooglede, 14 June Clerfait beaten after a longer and more obstinate battle at Hooglede. (History of the French revolution. Vol. 3. pp. 451-453. {{cite book}}: Text "Heinrich von Sybel" ignored (help)).

Pichegru, therefore, was also obliged to obey. He divided his forces, placed two divisions to observe Coburg, and one to keep off Clcrfait, and with the two others opened the siege of Ypres. This place was more considerable and in better condition than Menin, but in consequence of the sluggishness of the government at that period, it was inefficiently prepared: e. g. the plain in front of the fortress had not been inundated by opening the sluices, because, as the report said, much property would be thereby destroyed, and the measure would meet with great opposition. The garrison consisted of more than (!,000 men, one-third Austrians, and two-thirds Hessians; the commandant was the Imperial, general Salis—formerly a brave officer but now enfeebled by old age—who on the second day of the bombardment withdrew into a bombproof casemate, and remained in this retreat till the end of the siege. In this case, too, the resistance offered was entirely owing to the excellence of the troops, which in spiteof all their former disasters, disputed every inch of ground with invincible self-devotion. General Salis, on his part, placed all his hopes on the relief which he expected from without; but Clerfait, although his force had been raised to 20,000 men, did not venture to make any attack for a considerable time; and the French bombardment, which gradually destroyed one quarter of the town after another, threw the garrison into a state of deep exhaustion from the incessant exertions it was called upon to make.

At last, on the 11th of June, Clerfait began to move, but was repulsed after a short engagement by Souham at Hooglede, while the garrison of Lille held the Prince of Coburg in check by a vigorous sally.

Coburg was completely broken and hopeless, but Clerfait ventured on a second attack upon Hooglede on the 14th. The battle on this occasion was somewhat longer and more obstinate, but the issue was not more favourable, nor could it be so, considering the overpowering numbers of the enemy-, and the complete inactivity of Coburg. The garrison at Ypres listened in anxious suspense to the distant thunder of the cannon, which alas! grew more and more distant as the battle continued.

After this second failure the courage of General Salis was exhausted, and on the 15th he put the question to his officers, whether he should capitulate. They unanimously answered in the negative. On the 16th the enemy began to draw his third parallal, and in the course of the night completed a breaching battery, which, on the morning of the 17th, opened a destructive fire against the nearest bastions. Hereupon Salis again summoned a council of war; the supply of ammunition was exhausted, and the officers acknowledged the impossibility of holding out any longer. They therefore demanded an order to cut their way through the enemy, after Hammerstein's splendid example at Menin; but Salis would listen to nothing of the kind, and angrily reproved them for their unfeasible proposals. It was resolved, therefore, to offer to give up the place to the enemy on condition that the garrison should retire unmolested; and the negociation was commenced in the course of the forenoon. But immediately afterwards the intelligence spread through the town, that the general had, without any resistance, signed the demand of Moreau that the troops should be made prisoners of war. Then, for the last time in the campaign, the pride of the brave soldiers' hearts broke forth in wild exasperation. The Hessian battalions assembled in crowds with furious cries, threatened to massacre their officers, and demanded that some one should lead them out to cut their way through the enemy, as Hammerstein had done. But they found no Hammerstein there, and dispersed at last to their quarters, as night came on, in impotent rage and humiliation. On the 19th they marched out with all the military honours.

The French saluted to the sound of martial music, and the garrison was ordered to return the greeting by presenting arms for the last time, and then to give up their weapons. But upon this a new tumult arose; the soldiers left their ranks dashed their muskets on the ground, tore their colours, and threw the fragments with curses and tears at the feet of the French. "Now our honour is gone," they said, "now wc will be quiet." A murmur of approbation and respect ran through the ranks of the victors; "Those are fine fellows" cried the soldiers; General Moreau rode with uncovered head along the column, and said: "These are brave men, who deserve a better fate."

Coburg was interrupted by the news of this catastrophe in his preparations for a third attempt to relieve the place; and as, at the same time, evil tidings arrived from the Sambre, he declared that he could do nothing more for Flanders, and that he should lead the Imperial troops stationed at Tournai to strengthen the army of the Sambre. The duke of York had now to undertake the protection of the Scheldt and the Dutch frontier alone, with his English, Hannoverian and Hessian troops, without any other support than Clerfait's Austrians. After Coburg had withdrawn on the 21st, York, too, retreated, on the following day, to the right bank of the river, and stationed his troops in a wide arch, which ran first towards the north behind the Scheldt through Oudenarde to Ghent, and thence to the west, behind the Ghent canal, to Bruges and Helvetsluys.

Without naming the battle there is a more detailed description in: Thiers, Adolphe; Shoberl, Frederic (translator) (1840). The history of the French revolution. Vol. 2. Carey & Hart. p. 287. {{cite book}}: |first2= has generic name (help) Dutch Wikipedia has an article on this: nl:Veldslag te Hooglede (Google translation)

The movements begun by the two wings had continued. Pichegru had prosecuted his operations on the Lys and the Scheldt; Jnurdan had begun his on the Sainbre. Profiting by the defensive attitude which Coburg had assumed at Tournay since the battles of Turcoing and Pont-a-Chin, Pichegru had in view to beat Clairfayt separately. He durst not, however, advance as far as Thielt, and resolved to commence the siege of Ypres, with the twofold object of drawing Clairfayt towards him and taking that place, which would consolidate the establishment of the French in West Flanders.

Clairfayt expected reinforcements, and made no movement. Pichegru then pushed the siege of Ypres, and he pushed it so vigorously that Coburg and Clairfayt deemed it incumbent on them to quit their respective positions, and to proceed to the relief of the threatened fortress. Pichegru, in order to prevent Coburg from prosecuting this movement, caused troops to march from Lille, and to make so serious a demonstration on Orchies that Coburg was detained at Tournay.

At the same time he moved forward and hastened to meet Clairfayt, who was advancing towards Rousselaer and Hooglede. His prompt and well-conceived movements afforded him an occasion of still fighting Clairfayt separately. One division having unfortunately mistaken its way, Clairfayt had time to return to his camp at Thielt, after sustaining a slight loss.

But, three days afterwards, Clairfayt, reinforced by the detachment for which he was waiting, deployed unawares in face of our columns with thirty thousand men. Our soldiers quickly ran to arms, but the right division, being attacked with great impetuosity, was thrown into confusion, and the left remained uncovered on the plateau of Hooglede. Macdonald commanded this left division, and found means to maintain it against the repeated attacks in front and flank to which it was long exposed. By this courageous resistance he gave Devinthier's brigade time to rejoin him, and then obliged Clairfayt to retire with considerable loss.

This was the fifth time that Clairfayt, ill seconded, was beaten by our army of the North. This action, so honourable for Macdonald's division, decided the surrender of the besieged fortress. Four days afterwards, on the 29th of Prairial (June 17), Ypres opened its gates, and a garrison of seven thousand men laid down its arms.

Coburg was going to the succour of Ypres and Clairfayt, when he learned that it was too late. The events which were occurring on the Sambre then obliged him to move towards the opposite side of the theatre of war. He left the Duke of York on the Scheldt, and Clairfayt at Thielt, and marched with all the Austrian troops towards Charleroi. It was an absolute separation of the principal powers, England and Austria, which were on very bad terms, and the very different interests of which were on this occasion most distinctly manifested. The English remained in Flanders near the maritime provinces, and the Austrians hastened towards their threatened communications. This separation increased not a little their misunderstanding. The Emperor of Austria had retired to Vienna, disgusted with this unsuccessful warfare; and Mack, seeing his plans frustrated, had once more quitted the Austrian staff.

• Recollections of Marshal Macdonald Chapter 3
• Sir John Sinclair (1831). The Correspondence of the Right Honourable Sir John Sinclair, Bart: With Reminiscences of the Most Distinguished Characters who Have Appeared in Great Britain, and in Foreign Countries, During the Last Fifty Years. H. Colburn & R. Bentley. p. 216.

Clairfait being considerably reinforced by the troops that Coburg bad sent to him from Torn-nay, attacked us on the 35th, (13th June O. S.) upoD all points, from Rousselacr to Hooglede. With superior forces, and the advantage of beginning the attack, he was justified in promising himself the greatest success ; he had even a momentary prospect of victory, for his first onset overthrew and put to the rout our right wing, which left him in possession of Rousselaer. But the division of General Soubam, and especially the brigade of Macdonald, which occupied the plain of Hooglede, soon made him lose this first advantage. This brigade, being no longer supported on the right, was attacked front aud rear, and it was in such a bad position, that any otfaer than Macdonald would have sounded a retreat; but this brave Scotsman supported the first shock with extraordinary obstinacy ; he was soon reinforced by the brigade of Dcvinther, and these two columns fought with so much fury, that the enemy was obliged to yield. They made no prisoners that day, but they killed a great number of the enemy, and they forced Clairfait to abandon Rousselaer, and to retire to his ordinary position at Illicit.

This battle was one of the most bloody of the campaign, but it was also the most decisive, since it rendered us masters of Ypres, of all West Flanders, and is from that moment the enemy was not able to resist us, either in the centre, or to the right or left

Macdonald had been deprived of the command by St Just, under the preteiti iii.it, as he was not a declaimer, he could not be a patriot. In vain did the generals affirm, that he was an excellent officer, a good republican, and that, instead of betraying the republic, they would be responsible for his serving it like a brave and good soldier. This was of no consequence. St Just wanted to disorganise the army, and deprived him of the command. It is said that Richard hid the courage to burn the decree of St Just, and to permit this brave soldier t. continue in the service. If so, gratitude is due to this excellent representotire. Macdonald has served perfectly well on all occasions; but at Wooglede he saved us. Had be not been there, we might have been forced to raise the siege of Ypres. Let military men judge of the extent of the misfortunes which would have resulted.

The garrison of Ypres having heard of the defeat of Clairfait, capitulated on tht 29th, (17th June O. S.). Although they amounted to 6or 7000 men, they could no longer resist us, and therefore agreed to all the conditions proposed by us. They left behind every thing that was in the place, laid down their arms on th* glacis, and became prisoners of war.

It would seem to me that as both books quoted seem to credit Pichegru with a better strategic outlook than the Wikipedia article credits him with. Also it seems that they both state that the battle of Rousselaer is what won western Flanders for the French, so I think it needs a mention.

I think that the Wikipedia sentence under discussion indicates a real and general problem with the tone of this article. It is written with a view of the war from the Coalition perspective, which gives it a one sided POV. Contrast:

• Pichegru then benefited from the weakening of the Allied northern sector to return to the offensive and besiege Ypres. A series of supinely ineffective counter-attacks by Clerfayt through June were all beaten off by Souham.

with

• the news of the duke of York's defeat, Clairfait retired to Thielt, and Pichegru wishing to draw him out of that advantageous position, laid siege to Ypres in the beginning of June. The Austrians advanced, indeed, to succour this town, which enabled him to attack and defeat them on the 10th and 13th of June at Rousselaer and Hooglede.

The former implies that although beaten it was Clairfait that had the initiative, the latter that it was Pichegru who did and Clairfait was reacting to his initiatives. The truth probably lies somewhere in the middle, but that is not where this article lies at the moment. -- BTW concentrating on this sentence because it is of interest to me, but I think it is symptomatic of the tone of much of the rest of the article. -- PBS (talk) 23:53, 26 August 2011 (UTC)

John Sinclair. The correspondence of the Right Honourable Sir John Sinclair, with reminiscences of the most distinguished characters who have appeared in Great Britain, and in foreign countries, during the last fifty years.

V. MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 215
IV. MARSHAL MACDONALD.

Among the celebrated generals who contributed to the success of the Republican Government of France, at the commencement of the Revolutionary war, there is none whose services were of a higher description than those of Marshal Macdonald. I was not, however, aware of their superior importance, until I had lately the opportunity of examining a work entitled, "Campagnes de General Pichegru aux Armees du Nord, &c. &c. Par le Citoyen David, temoin de la plupart de leurs exploits," A Paris, 1796. This author's authority may be the more confidently relied on, as he was an eye-witness of the scenes he describes. The following is the account he gives of Marshal Macdonald's important services in the course of that campaign:

Clairfait being considerably reinforced by the troops that Coburg bad sent to him from Tournay, attacked us on the 25th, (13th June O. S.) upon all points, from Rousselaer to Hooglede. With superior forces, and the advantage of be- ginning the attack, he was justified in promising himself the greatest success; he had even a momentary prospect of victory, for his first onset overthrew and put to the rout our right wing, which left him in possession of Rousselaer. But the division of General Souham, and especially the brigade of Macdonald, which occupied the plain of Hooglede, soon made him lose this first advantage. This brigade, being no longer supported on the right,' was attacked front and rear,
V. MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 216

Greater compliments could not have been paid to any general. It is stated, that in the unfortunate position in which his brigade was placed, any other general but. Macdmudd would have sounded a retreat; and though he had behaved well on many other occasions, yet that at Hooglede he had saved the army.

Marshal Macdonald is of Scotch extraction, and the French Republicans were extremely jealous of his aristocratic name, and the attachment of his family to the Royal House of Stuart. His father took an active part in the unsuccessful attempt made by the Pretender in 1745, to recover the throne he claimed; and, in the course of a tour which the Marshal made in Scotland, though very short, he went to the island of
[Missing text]
and it was in such a bad position, that any other than Macdonald would have sounded a retreat; but this brave Scotsman supported the first shock with extraordinary obstinacy ; he was soon reinforced by the brigade of Devinther, and these two columns fought with so much fury, that the enemy was obliged to yield. They made no prisoners that day, but they killed a great number of the enemy, and they forced Clairfait to abandon Rousselaer, and to retire to his ordinary position at Thielt.

This battle was one of the most bloody of the campaign, but it was also the most decisive, since it rendered us masters of Ypres, of all West Flanders, and as from that moment the enemy was not able to resist us, either in the centre, or to the right or left.

Macdonald had been deprived of the command by St Just, under the pretext, that, as he was not a declaimer, he could not be a patriot. In vain did the generals affirm, that he was an excellent officer, a good republican, and that, in- stead of betraying the republic, they would be responsible for his serving it like a brave and good soldier. This was of no consequence. St Just wanted to dis- organise the army, and deprived him of the command. It is said that Richard had the courage to burn the decree of St Just, and to permit this brave soldier to continue in the service. If so, gratitude is due to this excellent representa- tive. Macdonald has served perfectly well on all occasions ; but at Wooglede he saved us. Had he not been there, we might have been forced to raise the siege of Ypres. Let military men judge of the extent of the misfortunes which would have resulted.

The garrison of Ypres having heard of the defeat of Clairfait, capitulated on the 29th, (17th June O. S.). Although they amounted to 6 or 7000 men, they could no longer resist us, and therefore agreed to all the conditions proposed by us. They left behind every thing that was in the place, laid down their arms on the glacis, and became prisoners of war.

• Flanders_Campaign
• Jacques MacDonald
• François Sébastien de Croix de Clerfayt

Austrian Army vs French Army - Belgium - Battle of Hooglede - French Revolutionary Wars - 1794 Original typogravure by Boussod & Valadon after Jollivet. 1890. http://users.telenet.be/polkovnik/hooglede.htm#geschiedenis 1836 (olie op doek, hoogte 248 cm, breedte 162 cm) Jules van JOLLIVET, "COMBAT D'HOOGLEDE. 13 JUIN 1794" besteld door koning Louis-Philippe voor het museum van Versailles in 1835 en nog steeds daar te bezichtigen.

• http://www.culture.gouv.fr/public/mistral/joconde_fr?ACTION=RETROUVER&NUMBER=1&GRP=0&REQ=%28%28%27MV%202297%27%29%20%3AINV%20%29&USRNAME=nobody&USRPWD=4%24%2534P&SPEC=&SYN=1&IMLY=&MAX1=1&MAX2=1&MAX3=100&DOM=All Jules van JOLLIVET, "COMBAT D'HOOGLEDE. 13 JUIN 1794" exposée au Salon en 1836[3]

• http://books.google.com/books?id=zaBOAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA216&dq=Rousselaer+1794&hl=en&ei=fxZaTvDaEuWDmQXB7biRDA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Rousselaer 1794&f=false

Annals of the wars of the eighteenth century, compiled from the most ... by Edward Cust 208-209

To return for a moment to North Flanders; Pichegru, after the battle of Pont-a-Chin, seeing the bold front that the allies bad shown there, turned himself from the British and advanced towards the Austrian army of Clairfait, who had isolated himself in his camp at Thielt, and appeared to the republican General an easier enterprise for his forces. The attention of the Austrians was, however, so fixed upon their successes on the Sambre, that Clairfait showed no disposition to retire from his camp, and accordingly, on the 4th of June, the investment of Ypres was without any interruption completed under Moreau, by the arrival of the brigades of Vandamme and Michaud, and the engineer DejeaD was at once commanded to begin the siege. Pichegru placed his army of observation, under Souham, at Passchendaele and Langhemarcq to watch Clairfait's movements, and General Bonneau remained at Moescroen to have an eye upon the Duke of York. The Prince of Coburg unadvisedly selected this moment to withdraw. some Austrian troops from Clairfait, in order to strengthen the army of the Prince of Orange, and moving some Hanoverian battalions from Tournay to replace them, he made, on the 9th, a strong reconnaissance towards Courtray, intending, on the 10th, to make a forward movement for the relief of Ypres, the siege of which place continued.

On the 5th the besieged made a vigorous sortie, but although it had some partial success, it could not break the investment. On the 7th an attack was made by an Austrian division against General Michaud, accompanied by a sortie from the place, but it was not successful, and on the 10th the first parallel was completed and garnished with ten batteries; but the siege was not pushed with the vigour requisite, for want of siege material, which, however, began at this time to arrive from Lille. The intention of the Prince of Coburg to make some endeavours to save the place, transpired and became known to the French generals, who, accordingly, ar208 AUSTRIANS SUCCESSFUL ON THE SAMBRE. [A.D.

ranged that a sortie should be made from Lille across the Marque near Cysoing and towards Orchies, in order to induce the allied troops, which were to have combined an attack with Clairfait's corps, to hesitate. This was Pichegru's scheme, and he now advanced with his corps of observation to Dadizele to attack Clairfait, who had, in pursuance of the plans of the Generalissimo, advanced to Hooghlede. On Pichegru's advance the Austrian immediately withdrew back again into his camp at Thielt. General Salis, the Governor of Ypres, was now again summoned, and the second parallel commenced against the place in the night of the J 1th—12th of June. The rat inertke of the Austrians was at length roused, and on the 13th, at seven in the morning, Pichegru was surprised by a general attack on his position; his right at Rousselaer was so vehemently engaged, that the brigades of Malbrancq and Salm were driven back, and the whole force of the Austrian attack fell upon Macdonald at Hooghlede. This General made such excellent arrangements for the defence of his position, that all the attempts of the Austrians in six hours could not break his infantry, and this gave time for General Winter to come up with his brigade, who, rallying the fugitives who had been driven out of Rousselaer, regained that place, and the Austrians were forced to retire again into their camp at Thielt, with the loss of 900 men killed and wounded. All the while that Ypres was thus in jeopardy, and that Clairfait was called on, for the fifth time, to meet French isolated attacks, the Archduke Charles, with an army of 30,000 men, remained inactive on the south of Tournay, and an army of 8000 British recently arrived from England, under Lord Moira, were waiting orders at Ostend. It is scarcely surprising, therefore, that, four days after this, on the 17th of June, the place should have been forced to surrender with a garrison of 6000 men. Nevertheless, on the 18th, just a day too late, the Prince of Coburg moved up with twenty-two battalions and forty-six squadrons to reinforce Clairfait; but on his march, at Coeghem, he learned the surrender of Ypres, and at the same time that Jourdain had again crossed the Sambre. Pichegru, as soon as he had placed Ypres in a state of defence, advanced against Clairfait, who retired from Thielt on Deynse, where Souham came up with him, took from him ten guns and 300 prisoners, and drove him to take refuge in Ghent.

The British military library, or, Journal: comprehending a complete body of military knowledge, and consisting of original communications, with selections from the most approved and respectable foreign military publications volume=1 Author=Sir Richard Phillips Publisher=J. Carpenter, 1804

The next day, the 27th, the town was invested on the left bank of the Lys; the enemy having equally carried every village and post before the gates of the place, began to throw-bombs and howitzer-shells from the batteries which they had constructed at Hallyn.

On the 28th, the garrison were still busied in shutting up some part of its circumference; but at break of day the enemy commenced a lively and well-directed fire of musketry on every point, having the advantage of posts that screened them from the fire of the place. The batteries established on the gates of Ypres and Bruges several pieces of light ordnance, maintained a long and heavy fire, without the garrison being able to incommode them or silence the firing, their cannon being of a superior calibre to those of the place. To endeavour to remove them, a sortie was made by the gate of Courtray. The garrison set fire to a mill and some houses near the gate of the town, from whence the enemy plunged into the entrenchments and into the works. Towards noon, the town-house was on fire, which communicated to, and burnt several other buildings. The flames became more and more fierce, the communications from one point to another more and more dangerous, and the General, judging, from the disposition of the enemy, that they would storm the town during the night, took all necessary precautions. Reserves were placed at the several gates, with orders to repulse the enemy or die on the spot. '

The 29th, the musketry ceased firing during the night,'but that of the artillery was well kept up, and well directed. The fire of the musketry re-commenced at break of day, and that of the artillery' continued with greater violence and effect, not only on the place, but even on the works. A cannonading, which was heard at a distance, gave the besieged hopes of being relieved, the fire of the besiegers ceased, and they summoned the place, but the firing having recommenced with greater violence than ever, the town was presently in flames in every part, which raged with such violence, that one-half of the houses were consumed and many caissons blew up, and towards evening there remained only ammunition sufficient for half a day.

In want, not only of ammunition but of victuals, uncertain of succour, General Hammerstein knew, that the articles of war would permit him to capitulate with honour, and thus save a brave garrison, but he knew also, that he could only hope a capitulation for a part, and generously resolved not to separate, but seek a general safety in the force of arms. He contrived to carry his cannon and baggage with him, and leaving two hundred men in the place, with six rounds of cartridges, and necessary ammunition for a defence of four-and-twenty hours, that General Clerfayt might find the place occupied, in case he obtained an advantage over the enemy; and, if on the contrary, the garrison might capitulate for the inhabitants. By these dispositions General Hammerstein fulfilled every duty which the laws of arms, of honour, and humanity, could prescribe.

From the position of the army, the garrison could only retire to Bruges; it was, therefore, necessary above all, to carry the suburbs, which were before Menin, on this road, and of which the enemy were in possession. This attack was entrusted to the regiment of Loyal Emigrants; it was agreed that they should go out by the gate of Courtray, cross the rivulet of Geleuve, seize on the suburb of Bruges, and then the rest of the garrison were to begin their inarch.

The 30lh of April, at half-past one in the morning, the Loyal Emigrants, commanded by their Lieutenant Colonel, M. le Marquis de Villaine, and headed by four officers of engineers, sallied out in the order following:

1. The company of grenadiers.
2. The company of fusileers. *
3. Fifty pioneers, assembled in the town, conducted by two officers of engineers, in the service of his Britannic Majesty, some miners, and Austrian pioneers.
4. The company of chasseurs.

When the troops were drawn up for the sortie, the enemy's battery was directed against the gate of Courtray, from whence the sally was to be made, but this proved of little effect owing to the disposition of the works.

The column having advanced about a hundred feet on the route to Courtray, turned to the left to cross the rivulet of Geleuve, and halted when they had reached the road of Moorseele. The officers having made their plan of attack, the company of chasseurs took the head of the column, with the grenadiers, which directed its mareh upon the suburb with the greatest order and silence. The enemy's sentries, after having three times called qui vive, fired. The air instantly resounded with the sound of victory, victory, which was the rallying word; the suburbs were immediately attacked with fixed bayonets, although at the very muzzle of the enemy's guns, under a heavy fire of musketry. Although the grenadiers had lost their three officers, nevertheless the suburbs were immediately carried. The column separated into two parts, the head marched back to the extremity of the suburbs, on the side of the town, overthrowing every thing they met with, and drove the tnemy from the houses and their posts: then, turning to the right, they took the route to Roussalaer, directed by the shouts of victory, and joined the other part of the column, which had marched into the other extremity of the suburbs, to conquer and drive away the enemy in the same manner.

The column, having again united, was fired upon on quitting the suburbs by some companies that the enemy had rallied and placed on the right and left, which was as quickly returned ; it having proved ineffectual, the column attacked and dispersed them, with fixed bayonets. In this attack miMSy brave men were lost, amongst whom was M. Hennet, captain of engineers.

General Hammerstein had made every necessary disposition, and as soon as he was apprised of the success of the troops, by the appointed signal, and repeated cries of victory, he ordered one ■of the two engineers in the British service, whom he had retained with him, to march at the head of his van-guard, composed of grenadiers, Hanoverians, chasseurs and eighty Hessians, to force a passage through the enemy, with fixed bayonets.

The Republicans being upon their guard, and reinforced by all the troops which had been driven from the suburb of Bruges, made an obstinate resistance, so that the vanguard succeeded only at the third charge to dislodge the enemy, and open a passage. They were then followed by the remaining part of the garrison, consisting chiefly of Hanoverians, composing a regiment of infantry, a squadron of horse, a detachment of artillery, and the field artillery of the regiment of York Rangers, a part of which joined the loyal emigrants, after having sustained the fire from the musketry; the other part being prevented from forming a junction, retreated through the morasses and woods, directing their march towards Eiseghen, having surmounted, with as much courage as prudence, every obstacle opposed to them, and arrived at Rousselaer, two hours after the other

column. On the various Attacks of Cavalry. J45

column. The latter had seized on ten pieces of cannon, but was unable to bring more than three off, for want of horses ; they then continued their march on the road to Rousselaer, without experiencing any other interruption than some discharges of musketry from the fields.

The Hanoverian cavalry charging some stragglers, advanced upon the road, was repulsed back to the column, by a heavy fire. Two squadrons of red-hussars were perceived behind the rivulet of Heule, on the left of the bridge of Adesselle, which was destroyed, and on the right, a battalion was drawn up in order of battle. It appeared by the position of these troops, their making no movement, and by the destroying of the bridge, that they were posted to stop the column, and prevent it from passing the rivulet; but some officers were of opinion that these troops were only the advanced posts of the besieging army, and the destroying of the bridge, was only a precaution, to secure their own retreat, and that they were not apprised of the sally from Men in, consequently it was most expedient to attack them immediately. The column, which had hahed to get in order, was directly put in motion, some rifle-men were detached on the right and left, and they advanced on the road, with repeated cries of " victory,forward." They threw themselves into the rivulet, crossed it, and attacked the enemy with fixed bayonets; astonished at so sudden an attack, the enemy fled in all directions, having some men killed and taken prisoners. After which, a captain of engineers caused the bridge to be repaired, to bring up the baggage and cannon.

From the bridge of Adesselle to Rousselaer, the column suffered a fire less heavy and destructiveIt marched slowly on the road, having rifle-men on its right and left, and arrived, at half-past ten. in the morning, in good order, at Rousselaer, where they found the advanced post of the allies* carrying with them their cannon, their equipage, some prisoners, and three pieces of cannon taken from the enemy. /

The noble, courageous, and steady conduct of General Hammerstein, does equal honour to his feelings and his military talents; and has gained him the public esteem, and the warmest gratitude of the Emigrant Engineers, in the service of his Britannic Majesty, and of the Loyal Regiment of Emigrants.

We forbear to mention several meritorious officers and engineers, who contributed so much to the success and glory of this affair, from the peculiar circumstances and, nature of their situation.

George III (King of Great Britain), Arthur Aspinall (1962). Arthur Aspinall (ed.). The Later Correspondence of George Iii. pp. 216, 217. -- An Allied letter about the attack Prince Adulphus to the King 14 June 1794. Mentions allied columns.

Pierre David (abbé.) (1796). A history of the campaigns of General Pichegru: containing the operations of the armies of the north, and of the Sambre and the Meuse, from March 1794 to March 1795. Printed for G.G.J. and J. Robinson. p. 34,35.

The regular attack of Ypres attracted the attention of Clairfait, who soon left his position at Thielt, and advanced as far as Rousselaer and Hoogleden. We learned, from the reports of deserters and persons sent to discover his situation, that he Waited only for reinforcements to attack us; but Pichegru, knowing the French character, gave orders to anticipate the enemy. The army of observation was therefore put in motion on the 2'2d of Prairial {June 10). The columns which marched from Courtray lost their way, and did not'exactly follow their instructions. Notwithstanding the delay which this mistake occasioned, the enemy, though not completely defeated, were vigorously pressed, and obliged to retreat to Thielt. We made a great number of prisoners, remained masters of the field of battle, and took possession of the positions which the enemy occupied at Rousselaer and Hoogleden.

Clairfait, having received considerable reinforcements from the Prince of Cobourg's army at Courtray, attacked us on the 25th {June 13) on all the points of our line from Rousselaer to Hoogleden. With superior forces, and the advantage of making the attack, he must have expected the greatest success. He even had for a moment a

glimpse of victory. At the first onset, he drove back our right wing, threw it into disorder, and took possession of Rousselaer. But General Souham's division, and particularly Macdonald's brigade, which occupied the plain of Hoogleden, soon enabled us to recover all that we had lost. This brigade being left without any support on the right, was attacked both in front and flank, and was placed in such a dangerous situation that any other officer beside Macdonald would have thought only of retreating. This brave Scotchman received the first shock with most astonishing steadiness. Being quickly reinforced by the brigade of Devinther, both columns fought with such uncommon obstinacy, that the enemy were obliged to fall back. We made no prisoners in this engagement; but we killed a great number of the enemy. Clairfait abandoned Rousselaer, and retired to his former position at Thielt.

This was among the severest actions of the campaign. It was also one of the most decisive. Not only Ypres, but all West-Flanders fell into our hands; and after this period the enemy were not able to make any formidable resistance, neither in the centre nor on either of their wings.

The brave Macdonald, who preserved ouf troops on this occasion from a total defeat, had been dismissed by Saint Just, under the pretext of his not being a sound patriot. It was in vain that the generals represented that Macdonald was an excellent officer and a good republican, and even pledged themselves for his fidelity: Saint Just was resolved on the rain of the army, and among others dismissed this officer. It is believed that Richard had the courage to burn the order of Saint Just, and gave permission to Macdonald to continue in the service. With the exact state of the case I am not acquainted; but if the fact be as it is said,. France has great obligation to that Representative of the People. Macdonald served with capacity and courage on every occasion, but in the affair of Hoogleden his conduct was brilliant. Without his unexpected and extraordinary resistance, it is probable the French must have raised the siege of Ypres; and military men will understand the evils that would have resulted. „

The garrison of Ypres, having learnt the defeat of Clairfait, capitulated on the 29th of Prairial (Junel7). Athoughthere were between6 and7>00O men in the place, they were compelled to accept of our terms. They surrendered all the cannon, ammunition, and baggage, laid down their arms on the glacis, and were made prisoners of war.

Edward Cust (1859). Annals of the wars of the eighteenth century, compiled from the most authentic histories of the period: 1783-1795. Mitchell's Military Library. pp. 208, 209.

YPRES BESIEGED AND TAKEN. 207

on the side of Fleurus. Vezu, with a single brigade, was at once overwhelmed by these two last divisions. Fromentin, at the same time, finding his left flank uncovered, and outflanked on the other side by Werneck fell back in the greatest haste, and seeking the protection of the wood of Monceaux, was enabled to get across the Sambre at Landely. Mayer, to whom had been entrusted the siege of Charleroi, and who had taken post near Dampremy, was assailed by the columns in pursuit of Fromentin and by a sally from the garrison, which obliged him to raise the siege and get away as fast as he could across the river. Marceau, on the advance of Latour, found himself obliged to march, without loss of time, to Marchienne, where he, fortunately, still preserved the bridge, and (happily for the French, who were altogether in evil case, and had lust at least 2000 men in the attack) General Jourdain arrived the next morning at Chatellet, with the army of the Moselle, consisting of 40,000 men, and took the command of the entire force, now called the army of the Sambre and Meuse.

12. Ypres Besieged And Taken By The French.

To return for a moment to North Flanders; Pichegru, after the battle of Pont-a-Chin, seeing the bold front that the allies bad shown there, turned himself from the British and advanced towards the Austrian army of Clairfait, who had isolated himself in his camp at Thielt, and appeared to the republican General an easier enterprise for his forces. The attention of the Austrians was, however, so fixed upon their successes on the Sambre, that Clairfait showed no disposition to retire from his camp, and accordingly, on the 4th of June, the investment of Ypres was without any interruption completed under Moreau, by the arrival of the brigades of Vandamme and Michaud, and the engineer DejeaD was at once commanded to begin the siege. Pichegru placed his army of observation, under Souham, at Passchendaele and Langhemarcq to watch Clairfait's movements, and General Bonneau remained at Moescroen to have an eye upon the Duke of York. The Prince of Coburg unadvisedly selected this moment to withdraw. some Austrian troops from Clairfait, in order to strengthen the army of the Prince of Orange, and moving some Hanoverian battalions from Tournay to replace them, he made, on the 9th, a strong reconnaissance towards Courtray, intending, on the 10th, to make a forward movement for the relief of Ypres, the siege of which place continued.

On the 5th the besieged made a vigorous sortie, but although it had some partial success, it could not break the investment. On the 7th an attack was made by an Austrian division against General Michaud, accompanied by a sortie from the place, but it was not successful, and on the 10th the first parallel was completed and garnished with ten batteries; but the siege was not pushed with the vigour requisite, for want of siege material, which, however, began at this time to arrive from Lille. The intention of the Prince of Coburg to make some endeavours to save the place, transpired and became known to the French generals, who, accordingly, ar208

Scottish Marches

Lord Warden of the Marches

English	Scottish	England			Scotland
dates	dates	West	Middle	East	West	Middle	East
1297		Robert de Clifford, “Keeper of the Marches in the north towards Scotland”.
	1314				Sir James Douglas ("The Good" or "Black Douglas").
1327		Earl of Surrey, Lord Warden General.
1328		Henry, 2nd Baron Percy, Lord Warden General.
1334		Ralph, 4th Lord Neville, and Lord Percy, Joint Wardens General.
	1343					Sir William Douglas (Knight of Liddesdale "the Flower of Chivairy")
1352, etc.		Henry, 3rd Lord Percy, acted as Warden General.
	1356						William, 1st Earl of Douglas, joint Warden with the Earl of March.
	1364				Sir Archibald Douglas "The Grim" (Earl of Douglas in 1385)
	1368-1400				Sir Archibald Douglas "The Grim" (Earl of Douglas in 1385—said to have codified the Laws of Marches)
1368		Henry, 4th Lord Percy and 1st Earl of Northumberland Lord Warden General
1368				Ralph, 5th Lord Neville on Commission for custody of East March later sole Warden, died 1388
1377		Roger de Clifford.
1380-1388		Ralph, 5th Lord Neville on commission for custody of East March, later sole Warden, died 1388.
1384				Hotspur, associated with his father, and Warden of East and West Marches
1386		Thomas de Clifford, and Ralph, 6th Lord Neville and 1st Earl of Westmorland (he was sole Warden after Hotspur's death in 1403).
1389				The Earl Marshal.
	1400				Archibald Douglas, 4th Earl of Douglas, ("The Tyneman") Lord Warden General apparently , and of the East March
					James, 7th Earl ("The Gross") died 1443 sometimes warden
1403				John, afterwards Duke of Bedford.
1412		Edward, Duke of York.
1417				Henry, 2nd Earl of Northumberland
1420		Richard, Earl of Salisbury.
	1433					William Douglas, 2nd Earl of Angus.
1434				Richard, Earl of Salisbury
1435				Henry, 2nd Earl of Northumberland reinstated
1439		Henry, 3rd Earl of Northumberland, Lord Warden
	1449						Sir Alex Home, George, 4th Earl of Agnus
	1450				In 1450 William, 8th Earl of Douglas. Lord Warden of all the Marches killed by James II in Stirling Castle 1452
	1452				James, 9th Earl Douglas, succeeded his brother
1453		Warwick "the Kingmaker", associated with his father, Richard, Earl of Salisbury.
	1455				James, 9th Earl of Douglas forfeited in 1455, after which the Wardenship was no longer hereditary with the Douglas family.
	1456				Sir Andrew Stewart, Laird of Avondale.
1461				John Neville, Lord Montagu.
	1464					William Douglas of Cluny.
	1468				The Earl William Douglas at Lincluden renews and promulgates the Laws of March previously drawn up by Archibald the Grim
	1475				Alexander, Duke of Albany.		Alexander, Lord Home.
	1479					James, Earl of Buchan.
	1481						Archibald, 5th Earl of Angus ("Bell-the-cat").
1482		Richard, Duke of Gloucester, Lord Warden General.
1485			Henry Percy, 4th Earl of Northumberland, Warden of Middle and East
	1489-1503				Patrick Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell.
1495		Henry, Duke of York, Lord Warden General.
	1499						Patrick Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell
	1502					Walter Ker of Cessford.
1503	1503			Henry Percy, 5th Earl of Northumberland		Ralph and Andrew Ker. 1510
1509-1525		Thomas, Lord Dacre.
	1510				Alexander, 3rd Lord Home, Lord General, commanded with Huntly the van at the Flodden
	1514				Earl of Bothwell, Lord Warden General of all the Marches
	1514					Sir Robert Ker
	1515					Sir Andrew Ker of Cesford.
	1516				Anthony Darcy, Lord Warden General of all the Marches, slain in 1517 by Home of Wedderburn
	1522				Lord Maxwell
1523		Henry Percy, 5th Earl, Lord Warden General, superseded by the Earl of Surrey
1525	1525	Henry de Clifford (15th Baron, son of the “Shepherd Lord”), 1st Earl of Cumberland.				Archibald Douglas, 6th Middle and East March Queen Dowager).
1527		Henry Percy, 6th Earl, Lord Warden General.
1528		Wm., Lord Dacre. 1536
1536			Sir Thos. Percy.	Sir Wm. Eurie, 1st Lord. Sir N. Stirley.
1540			Sir Robert Bowes, and of East.
1542		Lord Scrope.
1545	1545		Sir Ralph Eure (Lord Ewrie).		Robert, Master of Maxwell.
1547		Lord Wharton.
1549		Lord Dacre. (to 1553)	Earl of Rutland, Warden, and of East
1550	1550	Henry, Lord Dorset, Lord Warden General.			Lord Maxwell (see Dacre).	Sir Walter Scott of Buccleugh.	Alexander, 5th Lord Home.
1551		Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, Lord Warden General (Whadon, Deputy Lord Warden General), then Warden of Middle and East Marches.
	1552				Sir John Maxwell.
1553	1553		Lord Eure.	Lord Grey of Wilton.	Sir James Douglas.
1557			Sir Thos. Percy, 7th Earl, also of the East.
	1558				Earl of Bothwell	James, Earl of Bothwell, and Lieutenant of the Marches of Scotland.
1559			Sir Ralph Sadler, also of the East.
1560	1560		Sir John Forster.			Walter Ker of Cessford.
	1561				Sir John Maxwell.
1562-1592		Henry, Lord Scrope, 9th Baron Bolton, Governor of Carlisle, received Mary Queen of Scots and was her guardian at Bolton.
1568-1596				Henry, Lord Hunsdon, 1st cousin to Queen Elizabeth, Lord Chamberlain, Governor of Berwick. In 1589 was made Lord Warden General and Keeper of Tynedale
	1573				The Lord Maxwell, reappointed Warden.
	1574				Earl of Angus, and Lieut. - 1582
	1582				The Laird of Johnstone
	1582-1589						Alexander, 6th Lord and 1st Earl of Home, and in 1603 Lord Warden General
	1583					W. Ker (also Keeper of Liddesdale).
	1584				The Laird of Johnstone, appointed Lieutenant of West Marches, Nithsdale, Galloway and Liddesdale, and Provost of Dumfries.	Sir Thos. Ker of Ferniehurst (also Keeper of Liddesdale)
	1584				Earl of Arran was Lord Warden General of all the Marches
	1585					W. Ker of Cessford (Provost of Jedburgh and Keeper of Jed forest), his son, Sir Robert Ker (afterwards 1st Earl of Roxburgh) associated with him.
	1587				W. Maxwell, Lord Herries.
	1588				Sir John Carmichael (he had been Keeper of Liddesdale and acted as Warden at the Raid of the Reidswire in 1575).
	1590				Lord Maxwell was Warden.
1592	1592	Sir R. Lowther.			Earl of Angus. John, Lord Maxwell, slain at Dryfe sands by Johnstones in 1593.	Duke of Lennox.
	1595	Ralph, Lord Eure.			Laird of Johnstone.
	1596
1597		Thos., Lord Scrope, from whose safe keeping in Carlisle Castle “Kinmont Will” was taken.
1598	1598		Sir Robert Cary, 7th and youngest son of Robert Carey, Lord Hunsdon, and afterwards 1st Earl of Monmouth, brought the news of Queen Elizabeth's death to James.		Sir John Carmichael again: slain by the Armstrongs in 1600 on his way to hold a Warden's Court at Lochmaban, and succeeded in his office in 1600 by the Laird of Johnstone.		Lord Willoughby d'Eresby (to 1601)
	1600				Laird of Johnstone.
	1601						Sir John Carey (2nd son of Lord Hunsdon) (previously Marshal of Berwick and Deputy Warden).
1603	1603	The Earl of Cumberland, Warden of the West and Middle Marches and also Lieutenant-general of Cumberland, Westmorland, Northumberland and town and county of Newcastle.			Alexander, 6th Baron and 1st Earl of Home, Lord Warden General of three marches of Scotland.

Notes

References

• Pease, Howard (1912). The lord wardens of the marches of England and Scotland: being a brief history of the marches, the laws of march, and the marchmen, together with some account of the ancient feud between England and Scotland. London: Constable. pp. 194–201.

Roundheads

ROUNDHEAD, a term applied to the adherents of the parliamentary party in England during the great Civil War. Some of the Puritans, but by no means all, wore the hair closely cropped round the head, and there was thus an obvious contrast between them and the men of fashion with their long ringlets. "Roundhead" appears to have been first used as a term of derision towards the end of 1641 when the debates in parlia ment on the Bishops Exclusion Bill were causing riots at Westminster. One authority says of the crowd which gathered there: "They had the hair of their heads very few of them longer than their ears, whereupon it came to pass that those who usually with their cries attended at Westminster were by a nickname called Roundheads." John Rushworth (Historical Collections) is more precise. According to him the word was first used on the 27th of December 1641 by a disbanded officer named David Hide, who during a riot is reported to have drawn his sword and said he would "cut the throat of those round-headed dogs that bawled against bishops." Clarendon (History of the Rebellion, iv. 121) remarks on the matter: "and from those contestations the two terms of ` Roundhead ' and ` Cavalier ' grew to be received in discourse,. .. they who were looked upon as servants to the king being then called ` Cavaliers,' and the other of the rabble contemned and despised under the name of ` Roundheads.'" Baxter ascribes the origin of the term to a remark made by Queen Henrietta Maria at the trial of Strafford; referring to Pym, she asked who the roundheaded man was. The name remained in use until after the revolution of 1688.

Army plot

The army plots of 1641 were moves by officers English army of the King Charles I to use their influence to coerce Parliament into doing the bidding of Charles. The first plot was that if the Army was to move closer to London its physical presensce would influence members of parliament. The second later in the year was a plan to go one step further and use direct military force to enforce the Kings wishes which were being frustrated by the intransigence of the Junto party in Parliament.

Historical opinion is divided over how much substance there was to the plots and how much of was the result fabrication and exaggeration by contemporary politicians such as Pym and the Presbyterian party who opposed Charles and sympathised with the religious aspirations of the Scots.

In early 1641 there were three armies in the three kingdoms. There was the English army in Ireland and the English army in the north of England in all about 20,000 men. Opposing them were about 25,000 scots and 9,000 Irish men.

First Army Plot

On 6 March it appeared that the English Commons would be willing pay off the Scottish army with £25,000 originally earmarked to for the payment of arrears to the English army in the north. A number parliamentarians who were also senior English officers realised that they could use this dissatisfaction to to build support for the Kings cause against Parliament. These officers prominent among them Henry Wilmot, William Ashburnham Hugh Pollard and Henry Percy (Captain to the Kings Bodyguard), readied a petition to be presented to the Earl of Northumberland, Lord General of the English army, to be signed by all the officers of the army making certain requests. But the historian John Adamson argues that in reality the petition would in fact be an army manifesto back up with the threat of force, (not unlike the Solemn Engagement that the New Model Army would present to Parliament six years later).

The signatories intent was to stand by the King if Parliament moved to disband the King's Irish army before the Scots returned to Scotland. They would also aid the King if Parliament attempted to remove bishops from the house of Lords or if Parliament refused to allow him the revenue the King needed to govern.

By the time Henry Percy met the Charles on 20 March, the army officers had already circulated the petition amon the officers of the army (probably with Charles's permission), and sounded out the Robert Devro 3rd Earl of Essex to see if he were to be given the post of Lord General he would support the "King's party" against that of the King's principle opponents in Parliament (known as the Junto) of which two of the Earl's friends, Henry Wilmot, William Ashburnham were leading members.

Second Army Plot

By the time Pery met with King Charles on 20 March 1641 some officers organised by Henry Jermyn with the support of others from within the the Queens household. Earlier in the year he had backed the Junto as he thought that the best chance of keeping his position at court (he was the Queen's master of Horse) in the hope of appeasing its members who had been hostile to him. However by March with the rumblings of dissatisfaction coming from the northern army and the possibility that Earl of Stafford would survive, Jermyn looked for ways to crush the power and influence of the Junto. He allied himself with Colonel George Goring and Sir John Suckling and managed to get some of the first plotters such as Henry Percy to collude with them. They hoped to build upon the army's resentment of the Earl of Warwick who had sequestrated £25,000 pounds of their pay.Adamson 2007, p. 211</ref>

Their plot rested on the supposition that if they could arrange for a hard line supporter of the King to replace Newcastle as Lord General then in the words of Henry Pery "[without] having limits, either in honour [or] in law" they could take the offensive against both the Scots and Charles's internal enemies. If Strafford were to be found not guilty and Parliament refused to sanction his release then the northern army would march south to enforce the Kings will.

Sir John Strickland mercenaries access of the the tower and free stafford (p. 278-279) and use militry might to cower london and support the king without parliament.

Real looser the King, and opinions polarised.

References

• Adamson first=John (2007). The Noble Revolt: The overthrow of Charles I. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolesn. pp. 211–214, 250–252, 310. ISBN 978-0-297-84262-0. {{cite book}}: Missing pipe in: |last= (help)
• Cromwell, Oliver (1845). last=Carlyle, Thomas (ed.). Oliver Cromwell's letters and speeches: with elucidations. Vol. 1. Chapman and Hall. pp. 158, 159. {{cite book}}: Missing pipe in: |editor= (help) First plot wages and saving Strafford's life. Includes the date for Strafford execution 3 may and 10 May signing into law of the unprecedented act that the long parliament should not be dissolved without its consent. 10 August Army plotter fled abroad.
• Carpenter, Stanley D. M. (2005). Military leadership in the British civil wars, 1642–1651: "the genius of this age (Cass Military Studies Series) (illustrated ed.). Routledge, isbn=0714655449. {{cite book}}: Missing pipe in: |publisher= (help)
• Lindley, Keith (1998). The English Civil War and revolution: a sourcebook (illustrated ed.). Routledge. pp. 74, 75. ISBN 0415174198. primary sources.

• Fissel, Mark Charles (2001). English warfare, 1511-1642 (illustrated ed.). Routledge. p. 295. ISBN 0415214815. Raised an army for use against each other. Notes on the raising of forces against the king.

Further reading

• Verney, Sir Ralph (1845). "Verney papers: Notes of proceedings in the Long parliament, temp. Charles I. printed from the original pencil memoranda taken in the House of Sir Ralph Verney, knight, member for the borough of Aylesbury, and now in the possession of Sir Harry Verney, Bart". Works of the Camden Society, Royal Historical Society (Great Britain). Vol. 31. Royal Historical Society (Great Britain). pp. 118. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)

• The Fall of the Monarchy of Charles I. 1637-1649.

First army plot

The history of England, Volume 2, By Thomas Keightley, Joshua Toulmin Smith p. 88

Two days after, (May 1,) the king summoned both houses, and told them that in conscience he could not condemn Strafford of treason, or assent to the bill of attainder, " but for misdemeanors, he is so clear in them that he thinks the earl hereafter not fit to serve him or the commonwealth in any place of trust, no, not so much as a constable ; " and he conjured the lords to find out some middle way. Charles, by this address, characteristic of his usual want of judgment, only hastened the fate of Strafford, for the commons, seeing their advantage, exclaimed loudly against the breach of privilege committed by the king's interfering with a bill in progress. Next day being Sunday, the pulpits which were occupied by the puritan clergy inculcated " the necessity of justice upon some great delinquents now to be acted ;" and on the following morning there came a rabble of about six thousand persons, armed with swords, daggers, and clubs, crying for justice on the earl of Strafford, and com- plaining that "they were undone for the want of execution on him, trading was so decayed thereby." They insulted several of the lords, and they posted up the names of the fifty-nine members of the commons who had voted against the attainder, calling them " Straffordians, or Betrayers of their Country." When these members complained to the house of being thus proscribed, they could get no redress, it being, they were told, the act of a multitude. If it be asked, Where did the mob get their list ? the reply will appear in the sequel.

While the mob were shouting outside, Pym took occasion to reveal to the house sundry matters which had come to his knowledge respecting intrigues and designs against the parliament ; and on his motion a protestation (borrowed from the Covenant) to defend the protestant church, his majesty's person and power, the privileges of parliament, and the lawful rights and liberties of the people, was taken by all the members. It was transmitted next day to the lords, where it was taken in like manner, the catholic peers of course declining it, and being thereby prevented from voting on Straf- ford's attainder. Orders were then given for the protestation to he taken all through England.

The important matter which Pym now communicated to the house was what is called the Army-plot. It is said that he had had a knowledge of it for some time, and had dropped hints of it in order to produce the effects he desired in the city. The matter is involved in great obscurity; the following is what appears to us the most probable account.

The parliament had been very regular in their payments of the money promised to their "dear brethren," as they termed the Scots. On one occasion the latter wrote up pretending an instant need of 25,000/., and the commons, having only 15,000/. in hand, took, to make up the sum, 10,000/., from a sum of 50.000/. which was to have gone to the English army. Some of the field-officers of this last, namely, lord Percy, brother of the earl of Northumberland, Wilmot, son of lord Wilmot, and colonels Ashburnham, Pollard, and others, were members of the house of commons, and Wilmot rose and said, " that if such papers of the Scots could procure moneys, he doubted not but the officers of the English would soon do the like." Petitioning being now so much in vogue, these officers formed themselves into ajunct, and prepared a petition to the king and parliament, to be presented from the army, of which the prayer would be the preserving of the bishops' functions and votes, the non-disbanding of the Irish army until that of the Scots was also disbanded, and the settlement of the royal revenue. This was communioated by Percy to the king. Meantime there was a plot on foot among Henry Jermyn, master of the horse to the queen, sir John Suckling, George Goring, son of lord Gormg, and others, the object of which was deeper ; it being to bring up the army, and overawe the parliament. It would appear that not merely the queen, but even the king was acquainted with this design, for he commanded Percy and his friends to communicate with Jermyn and Goring. They had three meetings, and Goring, rinding that the more violent courses which he urged were not relished, and seeing also that the command of the army, the object of his ambition, would not be bestowed on him, went and made a discovery to lord Newport, and then to the parliamentary leaders. Percy, Jermyn, and Suckling, finding the affair discovered, fled to France ; the others stood their ground. Percy afterwards (June 14) wrote a letter to his brother, giving an account (apparently a true one) of the whole affair, and then Wilmot, Ashburnham, and Pollard, were committed to custody. Lord Digby, having asserted that Goring was a perjured man, was expelled the house, and Goring was voted to have done nothing contrary to justice and honor.

The king, in his extreme anxiety to save Stratford, may have lent an ear to the wild project of Goring ; he also assented to another, of introducing one captain Billingsley, with two hundred men, into the Tower for that purpose, and gave his warrant for it. But Balfour, the lieutenant, a Scotsman, having discovered the object, refused to admit them. It is also said that Balfour was offered a sum of money to let the earl escape, and on his examination he swore that Straf- ford had offered him for that purpose 20,000/., " besides a good marriage for his son."

John Suckling (poet) Encyclopedia of British humorists: Geoffrey Chaucer to John Cleese, Volume 2, By Steven H. Gale Page 1081

Henrietta Maria: piety, politics and patronage By Erin Griffey p.35 As the impeachement of Stafford moved forward, the effort to rebuild her ties with Parliament leaders disintergratd. Jermyn, Davenant, Henry Percy and Suckling thereupon reversed course again by devising the First Army Plot. Although there would be a few further attempts to involve her in a negociated settlement ovr the summer, from this time forward sh is usually identified with royalist swordsmen and attempts to procure foreign Catholic assistance for her husband.

The English Civil War: the essential readings By Peter Gaunt p. 140

The English Wars and Republic, 1637-1660 By Graham E. Seel. p. 14

The outbreak of the Irish Rebellion of 1641 By M. Perceval-Maxwell p. 182

The English Civil War and revolution: a sourcebook‎ by Keith Lindley - History - 1998 13

A constitutional history of the British empire: from the accession ..., Volume 2, By George Brodie, p. 316

The American quarterly review, Volume 13 By Robert Walsh p. 218

Henry_Percy,_Baron_Percy_of_Alnwick

• Commentaries on the life and reign of Charles the First, King of England, by Isaac Disraeli 1

anther one p. 209

Oliver Cromwell's letters and speeches: including the supplement to the ... By Oliver Cromwell, Thomas Carlyle p. 116

Accordingly he tried it in the opposite direction, which also, on failure by this other, was very natural for him. He entered into secret tamperings with the Officers of the English Army; which, lying now in Yorkshire, ill-paid, defeated, and in neighborhood of a Scotch Army victoriously furnished with £850. a-day, was very apt for discontent. There arose a ' first Army-Plot' for delivering Straftord from the Tower; then a second Army-Plot for some equally wild achievement, tending to deliver Majesty from thraldom, and send this factious Parliament about its business. In which desperate schemes, though his Majesty strove not to commit himself beyond what was necessary, it became and still remains indubitable that he did participate;—as indeed, the former course of listening to his Parliament having been abandoned, this other of coercing or awing it by armed force was the only remaining one.

These Army-Plots, detected one after another, and investigated and commented upon, with boundless interest, in Parliament and out of it, kept the Summer and Autumn of 1641 in continual alarm and agitation; taught all Opposition persons, and a factious Parliament in general, what ground they were standing on ;—and in the factious Parliament, especially, could not but awaken the liveliest desire of having the Military Force put in such hands as would be safe for them. ' The Lord-Lieutenants of Counties,' this factious Parliament conceived an unappeaseable desire of knowing who these were to be:—this is what they mean by ' Power of the Militia ;' on which point, as his Majesty would not yield a jot, his Parliament and he,—the point becoming daily more important, new offences daily accumulating, and the split ever widening,—ultimately rent themselves asunder, and drew swords to decide it.

Such was the well-known consummation ; which in Cromwell's next Letter we find to have arrived. Here are a few Dates which may assist the reader to grope his way thither. From ' Mr. Willingham in Swithin's Lane' in February, 1641, to the Royal Standard at Nottingham in August, 1642, and ' Mr. Barnard at Huntingdon' in January, 1643, which is our next stage, there is a long vague road ; and the lights upon it are mostly a universal dance of will-o'-wisps, and distracted fire-flies in a state of excitement,—not good guidance for the traveller!

Verney papers: Notes of proceedings in the Long parliament, temp. Charles I ...

By Sir Ralph Verney, Sir Ralph Verney (Bart.),  pp. 91-93

[the Army Plot.]

Hollis reported from my lord Essex. Saves lord Northumberland told him, Harry Percy had confessed the takinge the oath, and that others tooke it also, and expects a farther relation of the businesse.a

• Hollis and Hampden were directed to return the thanks of the house to the earls of Northumberland and Essex for this communication, (Journ. ii. 172,) the purport of which is not entered on the journal. The " farther relation" occurs afterwards at p. Si.

[32nd sheet.

THURSDAY, 10TH JUNE 1641. BRINGING IN PLATE TO BE COINED.

The house having taken upon itself to raise money by loan, in order to pay the arrears due to the two armies still quartered in the north of England, became forcibly convinced of the necessity of doing so immediately by the disclosure of the army plot. On the 17tb May alderman Pennington acquainted the house, that " money came in as fast as it could be told," (Journals, ii. 148.) but the supply fell off before it attained anything like the required amount, and on the 2nd June a proposal was made " for the bringing in of the plate of the kingdom, and for the speedy coining and melting of it." (Ibid. 164.) The subject was referred to a committee, who were attended by St. John, Selden, Hyde, White- locke, Maynard, and other lawyers, and a bill was ultimately brought in, which was read a first and second time on the 1 Oth June. I have filled up within brackets several obvious blanks in the following brief note of the proposed enactment. (Ibid. 168, 170,173.)]

All in England or Walles that have above £20 in silver plate [shall send half of it to be coined, and in the mean time to have security and interest for the forbearance.] 10 miles off London, within 4 dayes bringe in halfe. [Within 20 miles, in 14 days, and those that live within 60 miles, within] 20 dayes.

Soldred or unsoldred. Enterd in a booke.

Saterday, 12th June, 1641. [disbanding The Armies.

The following notes contain the substance of the resolutions come to upon a report of sir John Hotham from the committee for disbanding the armies. (Journals, ii. 173.)]

What money shall bee due to the soldier for there pay, over and above the billet money, shall bee payd to the cheife officer of every regiment, and to pay it to the souldier when they march away.

Sir Thomas Glemans regiment first to bee disbanded. The country regiment, when they are cald, shall guard Hull, and to bee paid if they are cald upp to servise.

Colonel Feldinges, colonel Vavisors, lord Hamiltons, colonel Wentworths regiments to bee disbanded as they are set downe.

The Scots may disband in a day, but the kings army will bee 16 or 17 dayes.

New country regiments come in to supply the kings army.

Not above 300 in a company when they disband.

Southerne men must first march away.

Sd. alowed for every 15 miles to every soldier.

A new muster to bee made accordinge to which they shall bee payd.

[the Army Plot.

Hollis and Hampden communicated with the earl of Northumberland as before directed (see p. 91, note,) and this day the former reported, that the earl informed them, that he had received a letter from his brother of which he gave them the heads, stating that his brother wrote also of private business, which was the chief cause of his keeping the letter itself, but offering the house of commons a copy of the parts relating to the plot. The following is a note of the earl's communication as reported to the house. (Journ. ii. 174.)]

Harry Percys letter to lord Northumberland.

Harry Percy acknowledgeth the takinge the oath of secrecy. Hee speakes of others that knew of some perticulers that hee was not cald to.

This oath tied them to assist the king in some perticulers, if hee was denied them by the parliment.

To maintayne episcopacy in the votes and function. The Irish army not to bee disbanded till the Scotts were. The kings revenue not to bee abated.

Memoirs of the court of King Charles the First, Volume 2 By Lucy Aikin p. 117 New army plot.

Plot 1663

A Plot for a new Insurrection, arid for the Surprisal of the Castle of Dublin +, by Colonel Jepson, and several others of the old Officers of the Republican Army, being discovered in 1663, Lacbir, one of the chief Conspirators, was brought to his Trial; and the Government desiring to convince the World that they acted in this Affair, at so critical a Juncture, with as great Justice and Impartiality as possible, a very honourable Jury was appointed, and Sir John Perceval (1629–1665) was the Foreman of it. page 353

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480 IRELAND" CHAELES II.

About 1663. Copy of Petition to the King of Francis Wyndham and Anne, his wife.

They pray that, in return for their services, they may have granted to them the forfeited lands and estates of Alexander Jepson, Richard Tompson and Edmund Warin [Warren] lately* attaint for high treason in Ireland and there executed, f P. |. Endd. 8.P. Ireland 345, 213.

http://www.forgottenbooks.org/readbook_text/Calendar_of_the_State_Papers_Relating_to_Ireland_Preserved_in_the_1000850661/519

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In July 1663 three men, Alexander Jepson, Colonel Abel Warren, and a Captain Thomson, were executed for their part in a supposed radical conspiracy against the restored Stuart monarchy. The case was important enough for their last moments to be watched and reported on by an official observer. While Thomson and Warren stood by the gallows with their arms pinnioned, Jepson went up the ladder from where he made a speech. Then he gave his hat to the hangman, 'who immediately turned the ladder, and with it Jepson, who held fast by the same to save his life as long as he might, but that would not do'. There followed a brief flurry of alarm over a possible attempt at rescue, which sent spectators 'tumbling over one another as they ran, and some on horseback being among them, did some mischief as breaking arms and legs, and some children were killed I am told'. Once order had been restored, Warren was hurried up the ladder, and after a vain attempt to delay matters by a speech 'in some discontent and much against his stomach ... was turned over, though he held as fast as he could by the ladder and them by the rope Jepson hung by'. Only Thompson managed a dignified exit, having confessed his crime and prayed for the king. 'he case himself off resolutely'.

• Kingdoms United?: Great Britain and Ireland Since 1500 : Integration and Diversity by Sean J. Connolly, page 200

... discontent and much against his stouiack he was turned over, though he held as fast as he could by the ladder and then by the rope that Gepson hung by. Then Tomson's turn being come he made a modest speech acknowledging his crime,

• Calendar of the State Papers, Relating to Ireland Preserved in the Public Record Office, 1660-[1670]: 1663-1665: 1663-65 - Page 177

[4]

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• https://archive.org/details/calendarstatepa12offigoog Calendar of the state papers relating to Ireland preserved in the Public record office (1900) 1662-1665
• https://archive.org/stream/calendarstatepa12offigoog#page/n818/mode/1up index Plot page 767

viii PREFACE.

on a hotch-pot of law and equity which made them both jadges and jurors/' But they had been too summary and the Lord Lieutenant was asked to give them directions, as he had power to do, with a view to securing fair treatment for the Protestants. A letter from Secretary Bennet to Ormond^^^ shows that the King was determined to pay little respect to Protestant agitation in the L:ish House of Commons, and on 28 February he wrote to the Commissioners, one of whom, Henry Coventry, was at Court to represent their case, bidding them do their duty regardless of any threats which might be uttered against them/*^ The Protestants were, how- ever, determined to fight out the question. Early in March they published their address to the Duke of Ormond. On the 9th he answered with a sharp rebuke. It was about the same time, too, that he first received a hint of a plpt^^ to seize Dublin Castle, and his own person in it, which was frustrated rather by fortunate accident than by treachery on the one part or vigilance on the other. But the plot was the work of some extreme^*^ men on the Protestant side who were either discharged officers or discontented tradesmen. There is no evidence that the members of the House of Commons were to any large extent implicated in it. ITiey formally con- demned it on March 11 when they answered the Lord Lieutenant's rebuke with a short and dignified message.^'^ Ludlow was believed to be in^^ or about to come to, Ireland^^^ and to have instigated the rising, using the alleged injustice of the decrees of the Court of Claims as a means to excite the Republican settlers. The action of the extreme party seems to have frightened the moderate Protestants, who wanted justice by legal means, but opposed measures of violence. Through the early months of 1663 the work of the Conmiissioners went on apace, though hampered by the absence in London of Coventry, which reduced their Court to the even number of ....

X PREFACE.

which ultimately led to his recall, were already afoot, and there is reason to think that the mind of Bennet, the King's favourite Secretary of State, was being poisoned against him. Roman Catholic influence was of course growing at White- hall ; but it does not appear from the evidence in this volume that the Lord Lieutenant and Council were committed to a strong Protestant policy, or anxious to support the House of Commons in a renewed attempt to enforce Anti-Catholic laws in Ireland /^^ The plotters who had suspended their efforts early in the year were at work again in May, and before the 16th of that month Ormond's spies had told him that they had concerted a plan to surprise Dublin Castle on the 22nd /^^ Before that date the Viceroy, who allowed the scheme to ripen to the last moment, struck suddenly at the conspirators. They had got wind of his preparations, and it seems that at the last moment their courage failed. But Ormond took the offensive. On the 21st of May, Parliament, which was to meet on the 25th, was prorogued till July 21, and on the same day the Government issued a proclamation denouncing the con- spiracy and ordering the Presidents of provinces, sherifis and mayors to arrest all who had a hand in it. On the morning of the 22nd twenty-four persons were arrested in Dublin, and we notice in reading the first list of their names^^ that they are all thoroughly English. ** Their design was forwarded by the Commissioners' proceedings,"^*^ said Colonel Vernon; and the restoration of the Innocent Papists or Royalists seems certainly to have been the cause of it. The plot failed, but it had been an anxious moment for the Government. Colonel Vernon did not believe that there were four troops in Ireland on which entire reliance could be placed, and declared that if the 180 horsemen whom the plotters had intended to muster had assembled in arms on May 22nd, they must have defeated any mounted force the Lord Lieutenant could bring against them.

Ci> See pp. 91 and 92. W For reference see Index, s.v. Plot.

W See p. 99. (*> P. 98.

PREFACE. xl

Further arrests were made in the last week in May, but from the first there was a lack of good evidence against the plotters. A witness named James Turner was found, and his deposition, taken on May 31 before the Lord Lieutenant, was sent to London. The witness does not, however, seem to have been cross-examined, and his evidence consists largely of material which would not now be admitted in a court of law.

For some weeks the Government endeavoured to make further arrests ; but many of the confederates had escaped to England or Scotland. The Crown therefore decided to bring the chief conspirators at once to trial. Early in July^^^ Colonel Warren, Captain Thompson and Mr. Jepson or Jephson, mem- ber of Parliament for Trim, were tried and convicted of high treason. Lacky or Lecky, a Nonconformist priest, was also convicted, but escaped sentence for a short time on the ground of insanity. The Lord Lieutenant was anxious to prosecute a further batch of the men under arrest, but was held back by his law officers, who did not think the evidence in hand was sufficient to secure a conviction. The prisoners were sure to be well defended and every point would be raised which could be to their advantage. At the same time Ormond was very anxious^'^ to arrest Stephen Chamoke, formerly chaplain to Henry Cromwell in Ireland, who had left it before the arrest of the conspirators. His researches led him to think that Cromwell was at the bottom of the plot, that if it had succeeded he would have come to Ireland to lead an insurrection, and that Chamoke knew of this, intention, and -had sent money to the conspirators from England. Before June 14th no less than 70 persons were under arrest in Dublin and on the 25th a sudden house to house search for arms was made in the city of Dublin by simple order ^ of the Lord Lieutenant — a proceeding which, he afterwards

(^> Vernon's letter (p. 121) places the trial earlier, but though its date 6 June is dear in the MS. I think it must be of a later date. See Lane te Bennet, p. 148, and Vernon to Williamson, pp. 157-8.

W P. 126. (3) Pp. 186 and 164..

%n PREFACE.

zdmiUefi, cauid ncrt be jasdfied as legiL The tnal ^/f the firrt ^Aten occupied mne daTs. Ladnr wa« convicted on July 1st, and Thompaon and Warren w^rre amricted on or before the 7th and on that day sentenced to be hanged^ drawn and qnartefed. Lacky was not a^rtainly huane, bnt he had, it was said, " saral die jndge and the exftmtioner ^^ by knocking out his brains in prison. (hi i\ut 16th Warren, Thompson and JefJison were hanged on Gallows Green amidst a large and excited crowd, ^dierein the vagoe mmonri of a rescue b^;ot a sudden panic. A vind account of the execution sent to England 4>y Robert Lye is preserved/*^ It does not entirely tally with Sir George Lane's descriptirm,^^ but bears nnmistakeable signs of having been written by an eye-witness. Lacky, who had not conunitted suicide, was kept tinder arrest till November, when he broke prison, but was recaptured and sentenced to death.

IRELAND— CHARLES IL 168

...

8 July. Robert Lye to Joseph Williamson.

Dublin.

I thank jrou for sending a copy of the letter I desired, for your promise to favour Mr. Sarsfield for my sake, for sending me your diurnal and for acknowledging my letters, ** which I can assure you is more than I have obtained from any other of our family since my being in Ireland." I am sorry that Mr. Godolphin is dead.

I have been away for 16 days in the country ; so know no news but that Parliament does not sit here till August 24th, that Thompson, Jepson and Warren were yesterday sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered as traitors, but Lackey, having turned mad within two days (or feigned himself so) was brought to the bar but escaped sentence, '^the law being not able to take hold of a madman; and so was carried cross a cart back to his prison again." Some people pity their cases here, but not I.

16 July. Robert Lye to Secretary Williamson.

Dublin.

I am grateful to you for sending me the weekly " gassetts " in return for which I will send you what news we have here so far as I understand it. Lord Anglesey, we hear, will depart within two days and will bring with him a bill for restoring several persons there. To-day the Primate's funeral was celebrated and yesterday the three traitors (Warren, Tomson and Gepson [Jepson]) were executed, at which sight I was present all the time and very near them. I will give you an account of it to set at rest false reports which may be put about by interested persons.

" The prisoners was carried upon sledges from the castle of Dublin to the Gallows Green, where, being come to the gallows, after usual ceremony Gebson went up the ladder, and there made a large speech in the way of counsel to the people to avoid sin, &c., and withal acknowledging his own crime that he had concealed treason, &c. ; that his death be laid to none but the vilde Papists, with other fitts of little charity at such a time, and with his hat on all the time till he was to be cast off, and then he gave it the hangman who immediately turned the ladder, and with it Gebson, who held fast by the same to save his life as long as he might, but that would not do. This being done we had presently a hot alarm, upon w^hich everyone betook themselves to several defences, most part that had arms besides the guard to their arms, and those that had none to their heels, who tumbling over one another as they ran, and some on horseback being amongst them, did some mischief, as breaking legs and arms and some children

IRELAND—CHARLES IL 177

1663.

killed as I am told. A little time after this alarm began, the news going to the city, all began there to shut up their shops, and a great many to betake themselves to the Castle, and a company of foot was sent to relieve us who had but a very small guard of halburteers, of the chrieff s providing, to guard the prisoners, but before the said company could cross the river our quarrel was appeased almost, no man remaining the wiser, nor no man knowing who was his friend or his foe in all the buinese, but all in a con- fusion, if it were not the halburteers who knew one another by their arms and so held by the prisioners. Thomson and Warren, who stood by the gallow's foot, only pingnoned by the arms, began to pluck up a good heart, but the chriefif holding Tomson by the one hand and his sword in the other, did let neither stir. What the beginning of this disturbance was is several ways discoursed of. Some say it waB some coach horses got loose in the crowd, some that it was a particular quarrel, and some that it was done maliciously with intention to rescue the prisoners if they found an advantage. But be it what it will, I am sure that those that were in the fields about, hea^ring the noise and seeing the rout upon the high place by the gallows, ran swiftly every way, which put us that were by the gallows in the greater confusion amongst ourself. Notwithstanding all this Warren was hastened up the ladder and made a tedious troublesome discourse other than deferring the time, and looking several ways about him as we supposed for help.'* Amongst other things he spoke of his just and righteous cause, " which now lieth in the dust and some days would have terrified the greatest monarchs. When interrupted by the sheriflf, he com- plained and asked why a dying man should not have liberty to speak his conscience ** so that in some discontent and much agamst his stomack he was turned over, though he held as fast as he. could by the ladder and then by the rdpe that Gepson hung by. Then Tomson's turn being come he made a modest speech acknowledging his crime, saying he was drawn in by one Blood, who made his escape, and having declared himself for the Church of England and prayed for the King he cast himself oflf resolutely, and there I left them all three, wishing all the rest of their fellow plotters were with them." Other details. Pp, 6. {HoL with cvriotis spelling.) Add. Endd. S.P. Ireland 314, 24.

IRELAND— CHAELfiS II. 181

1663.

and when it is so I suppose you understand that both your servants and the Signet Office is to be satisfied thereout. The people are so poor and know so well what the fees are that I can get nothing but what is due, and there are some so poor they are not worth the fee, '* but when any fat ones comes in my way I make bold to drop an advice now and then." {Other details).

The speeches of Warren, Tomson and Jephson will show you that they are executed. The first died like a Christian. The other two had made the world believe, before they came to the place of execution, that they would do their duty by confessing their guilt and exhorting the people to loyalty, obedience and the renuncia- tion of Popery. But this was clearly only a feint in expectation of pardon, for their speeches, which they had penned beforehand, declared their seditious thoughts. My Lord of Anglesey went hence yesterday and will, I suppose, tell you of the Lord [Lieutenant] 's kindness to you. I suppose Dick Talbot has given you my advice on your concern. Pp. 2. (HoL). Add. " For yourself." Endd. S.P. Ireland 314, 80.

Fortifications

Fortifications.

Churchill

The Story of the Second English Civil War is short and simple. King, Lords and Commons, landlords, merchants, the City and the countryside, bishops and presbyters, the Scottish army, the Welsh people, and the English Fleet, all now turned against the New Model Army. The Army beat the lot! (LIFE Nov 12, 1956 200)

We must not be led by Victorian writers into regarding this triumph of the Ironsides and of Cromwell as a kind of victory for democracy and the Parliamentary system over Divine Right and Old World dreams. It was the triumph of some twenty thousand resolute, ruthless, disciplined military fanatics over all that England has ever willed or ever wished.

The English Puritans, like their brethren in Massachussetts, concerned themselves with the repression of vice. Swearing was an offence... one man was fined for saying "God is my witness," and another for saying "Upon my life." Soldiers were sent round London on Christmas Day before dinner-time to enter private houses without warrants and seize meat cooking in all kitchens and ovens. Walking abroad on the Sabbath, except to go to church, was punished, and a man was fined for going to a neighbouring parish to hear a sermon.

Battle of Waterloo

Order of battle of the Waterloo Campaign

• The Anglo-Allied Army, archived from the original on 17 July 2012
• Maxwell, Will. Ham (1845), Life of Field Marshal His Grace the Duke of Wellington: (In Three Volumes), vol. 3 (4 ed.), H. G. Bohn, pp. 560–561

General officesr	ades de camp	Regiment	Majors of Brigades
Field Marshal Duke of Wellington	Lt Col. Ld. F Somerset	1 F.G w.
	Lt Col Sir U. Burgh	1 F.G.
	Lt. Col. Fremantle	Coldst Gds
	Lt Col. Sir A. Gordond	3 F.G. k.
	lieut. Lord G. Lennox	9. L. D.
	Lt Col Hon. H. Percy	14 L. D.
	Capt Lord Authur Hill	b. p.
	extras
	Lt. Hon G. Cathcart	6 Dr G.
	Lt. Col. Sir F. Canning.	a F.G.
General Prince of Orange	Lt Col Baron Tripp	60 F.	Lieut James Rooke, w. h. p
	Capt. Lord John Somerset	69 Foot.
	Capt Hon A. F. H. De Russell	h. p.
	extras
	Capt Earl of March	52 Foot
	Capt Vice Burry	I. F. G.
	Capt Webster	9 L. D.
Lieutenant-General Earl of Uxbridge	Brigadier Mahor Egerton	34 F. w
	Capt Streeuwitz	w Ger Hus
	Capt. Wildman	7 Hus w.
	extras
	Capt J.J. Fraser	7 Huss
	Brig Maj Thoruhill	7 Huss. Sev

• Lieutenant-Colonel Baron Tripp [60th Foot]
• Captain Lord John Somerset
• Captain The Honourable Francis Russell |h. p.

• Extra ADCs: Captain The Earl of March [52nd Foot]
• Captain Viscount Bury [1st Foot Guards]
• Lieutenant Sir Harry Webster [9th Light Dragoons]
• Lord March (Duke of Richmond's son) [Regt?]

Convention Parliament (England)

• The Historic Peerage of England p. 3 footnotes

[5] [6]

[7]

[8]

• The Routledge companion to the Stuart age, 1603-1714 By John Wroughton p. 160 Standard explanation of how the Restoration took place

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• Commentaries on the laws of England: In four books, Volume 1 By Sir William Blackstone, George Sharswood, John Frederick Archbold, 108–110 on page 109 "But this was for necessity of the thing, which supersedes all law; for if they had not so meet, it was morally impossible that the kingdom should have been settled in peace."(page 109) "so not withstanding these two capital exceptions, which were justifiable only on the principle of necessity, (and each of which, by the way introduced a revolution in the government,) the rule raid down in general certain, that the king only can convoke a parliament.(page 110)
• Commentaries on the laws of England: in four books: with an ..., Volume 1, By Sir William Blackstone [9] 109
• The speeches of the Thomas Erskine at the bar and in parliament ..., Volume 1 By Thomas Erskine, p. 360,361 Alternative view.
• The Growth of the English Constitution from the Earliest Times, By Edward Augustus Freeman pp. 130–138

---

• Constitutional brinksmanship: amending the Constitution by national convention By Russell L. Caplan pp.5,6 Two meanings to the word convention.
• The creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 By Gordon S. Wood, Institute of Early American History and Culture (Williamsburg, Va.) pp. 310–312 This article suggests it started with an English convention of the states of the realm Edward II in 1327.

• Chambers's encyclopædia: a dictionary of universal knowledge, Volume 3 p. 210

CONVENTION PARLIAMENT. It is a branch of the royal prerogative, that no parliament shall be convened by its own authority, or by any other authority than that of the sovereign. Where the crown is in abeyance, this prerogative cannot of course be exercised, and the expedient of Convention Parliaments has been resorted to, the enactments of which shall afterwards be ratified by a parliament summoned in accordance with the provisions of the constitution. The C P. which restored Charles II to the throne met above a month before his return, and was afterwards declared to be a good parliament, notwithstanding the defect of the king's writs (13 Car. II. c 7 and c. 14). In like manner, at the revolution of 1688, the Lords and Commons, on the summons of the Prince of Orange, met in Convention, and disposed of the crown and kingdom, and this convention was subsequently declared (1 Will, and Mary, st 1, c. 1) to be really the two Houses of Parliament, notwithstanding the want of writs and other defects of form. Under the name of Convention, there also took place a meeting of the Estates of Scotland, called by the Prince of Orange on the same occasion. This meeting commenced on the 14th of March 1689, and was turned into a parliament on the 5th of June thereafter. The principal act of the Convention was to settle the Scottish crown upon William and Mary. After these precedents, we are perhaps almost entitled to regard the meeting of a C. P. as the constitutional mode in which the general will of England expresses itself on such questions as cannot be constitutionally discussed in parliament—e. g., a change of the reigning dynasty.

The Encyclopaedia Britannica 1911 volume 7 p. 45 CONVENTION:

CONVENTION (Lat. conventio, an assembly or agreement, from convenire, to come together), a meeting or assembly; an agreement between parties; a general agreement on which is based some custom, institution, rule of behaviour or taste, or canon of art; hence extended to the abuse of such an agreement, whereby the rules based upon it become lifeless and artificial. The word is of some interest historically and politically. It is used of an assembly of the representatives of a. nation, state or party, and is particularly contrasted with the formal meetings of a legislature. It is thus applied to those parliaments in English history which, owing to the abeyance of the crown, have as- sembled without the formal summons of the sovereign; in 1660 a convention parliament restored Charles II. to the throne, and in 1689 the Houses of Commons and Lords were summoned informally to a convention by William, prince of Orange, as were the Estates of Scotland, and declared the throne abdicated by James II. and settled the disposition of the realm. Similarly, the assembly which ruled France from September 1792 to October 1795 was known as the National Convention (see below) ; the statutory assembly of delegates which framed the constitution of the United States of America in 1787 was called the Constitu- tional Convention; and the various American state constitutions have been drafted and sometimes revised by constitutional

Hull

John Goodricke

Sir John Goodricke, 1st Baronet (1617–) was an officer in the Royalist army in the English Civil War. He fought in the early stages but was captured and spent from as a prisoner in the Tower of London, with many other prominent Royalist prisoners. After an unsuccessful escape attempt he agreed to be paroled on condition that he promised not to take up arms against Parliament again and he had to paid a substantial fine to recover his sequestrated estate.

Biography

John Goodricke born on 20 April 1617. He was educated at Aberdeen University. In 1636 to Furthering his education he toured France for a year and a half returning to Ribston Hall in 1637. The same year, 1637 he was commissioned as a captain of the Trained Bands in Yorkshire. In the summer 1638 he was assessed as by Sir Henry Spiller suitable to attend his Majesty as a captain of a company of foot in Lord Fairfax's regiment of Yorkshire Trained Bands, and further, to attend King Charles I in arms as a private gentleman. At the start of the Bishops' Wars, John Goodricke accompanied his regiment, now under the command of Sir Ferdinando Fairfax to Berwick-upon-Tweed where he was formally commissioned into the Kings army.

John Goodricke succeeded to his father's estates on the death of his father on 22 July 1641. A month later on 14 August 1641, King Charles raised John to the dignity of the Baronetcy of Goodricke of Ribston. The patent of which mentions that "[John Goodricke has] afforded us a full and sufficient aid and succour to maintain and support thirty men in our foot regiments in our said Kingdom of Ireland for three whole years for the defence of our said Kingdome and especially for the security of the plantation of the said province of Ulster" In November the same year he was knighted in York by King Charles.

Civil War

In the summer months of 1642 in the immediate prelude to the Civil War the focus of political and military affairs centred on Yorkshire, as King Charles tried to gain control of the armoury at Kingston-upon-Hull. When persuasion failed he resorted to siege, and in late July Sir John Goodrick was engaged by Charles to raise a force of 250 horse (cavalry) to help in the siege of Hull(Carpenter p. 41)

Charles raised his standard Nottingham on 25 August 1642 at which point all hope of a peaceful resolution to the conflict were put aside, although many still thought that the war would be short with one decisive battle.18 August. (Carpenter p. 42).

Some time between the King leaving Yorkshire for Nottingham on on 18 August,(Carpenter p. 42) and Treaty of Neutrality (Yorkshire) 29 September Sir John, a colonel in the King's army, and Sir Thomas Glenham in command of Royalist troopers intercepted Sir John Savil journeying to Leeds with some of his neighbours and tenants, to order the Trained Bands according to the ordinance of Parliament. In the skirmish that followed three of Savil's party were slain and the rest taken prisoner.</ref>Rushworth, p.31</ref>

In October 1642 Sir John, sent one of his captains with a squadron of horse to Hawkesworth Hall to arrest Sir Richard Hawkesworth a supporter of the Parliamentary cause. Sir Richard would remain a prisoner of the Royalists in York for the next couple of years. Sir Richared was a brother-in-law of Sir John, and Sir John's sister was estranged from Sir Richard for is alleged cutlery to her.

During the same period and before the siege of Bradford,

Thomas Stockdale accused Sir John in Parliament of plundering his house & etc. which Sir John emphatically denied doing. But if it happened then it must have occurred between October and and the start of the siege of Bradford on 18 December at which Sir John commanded the besieging force.

Family

According to John Burk writing in 1844 was Sir John Goodricke, knt. who married Jane, daughter of Sir John Saville, of Methley, in Yorkshire, knt. was the father of John Goodricke.But according to Thomas Wotton writing in 1741 the father had a given name of Henry and not John and gives the following details: Sir Henry Goodricke, knt. who was born in 1580 and died in July 1641. He married Jane, the daughter of Sir John Savile, of Methly, in Yorkshire knt. one of the Barons of the Exchequer, (and his second wife Mary daughter of John Robison of Ryther, ) who at length was heiress to her brother of the whole blood, Sir Henry Savile, Bart. There were twelve children by this marriage, of which were three daughters, Jane, and Elizabeth, who died unmarried, and Mary, married to Richard Hawksworth, of Hawksworth, in Yorkshire. Esq; and nine sons, but only three survived their father, viz. Sir John, his eldest, at his death. 2. Savile Goodricke, Esq; who died at Vienna, aged 32; and, 3. Sir Francis, who married Hester, the daughter of Peter Warburton, of the Grange, in Cheshire, Esq; but died without issue, in August 1674, at Durham, where he was chancellor.

On 7 October 1641, at the age of 24 Sir John married Catherine daughter and co-heiress of Stephen Norcliffe, Esq., of York. A year later on 24 October 1642, Lady Goodricke gave birth to a son and heir, Henry who was baptised at Hunsingore on 5 November the same year.

Notes

Footnotes

Citations

References

Goodricke Baronets

• Burke, John & Burke, Bernard (1844). A genealogical and heraldic history of the extinct and dormant baronetcies of England, Ireland and Scotland, Part 1, Edition 2, J. R. Smith.
• Carpenter, Stanley D. M. (2005). Military leadership in the British civil wars, 1642-1651: "the genius of this age", Routledge . ISBN 0714655449
• "Incidents in the lives of some of the Goodrickes" An update of Charles Alfred Goodricke`s Narrative of Goodricke Family History. Edited By Antony A Goodricke Young, Edited and Illustrated by Michael B Goodrick. "Chapter 6. Sir John Goodricke and the Civil War".
• Wotton, Thomas (1741). The English baronetage:: containing a genealogical and historical account of all the English baronets, their descents, marriages, and issues; memorable actions, both in war, and peace; religious and charitable donations; deaths, places of burial, and monumental inscriptions; collected from ..., Volume 2,Printed for Thomas. Wotton, at the Three Daggers and Queen's-Head, against St. Dunstan's-Church, in Fleet-Street., 1741.
• Rushworth John (1708). Mr. Rushworth's Historical Collections: Abridg'd and improv'd. From January 1642 to April 1646, Volume 5.

Civil War

The siege of Bradford took place on Sunday, 18th December 1642. A contemporary account of the event was written by the parliamentarian Joseph Lister that will be found at (page 18) of my Goodricke family history. Probably this account ought to be accepted with caution. From other authorities we hear that Sir William Savile, Sir Marmaduke Langdale, Sir John Goodricke, Colonel Eure and others commanded the royalists in person. Their numbers are differently estimated, fourteen of fifteen hundred according to the periodicals of the time, seven or eight hundred according to Sir Thomas Fairfax's own estimate. Sir Thomas Fairfax (in his memorials) gives the following brief account of this affair - (vide York A. & T. Socy. Journal Vol. 8 (l884) p. 207).

"The first action we had been at Bradford. We were about three hundred men, the enemy seven or eight hundred, and two pieces of ordinance. They assaulted us; we drew out close to the town to receive them; they had the advantage of the ground, the town being encompassed with hills, which exposed us more to their cannon, from which we received some hurt. But our men defended those passages by which they were to descend so well, they got no ground of us, and now the day being spent they drew off, and retired to Leeds."

Lister records that those engaged on the Royalist side were Colonel Eure, Major Carew, Sir Francis Howard, Captain Hilliard, Colonel Edrington, Colonel Goring, Sir William Savile, Sir Marmaduke Langdale, Sir Thomas Glenham, Sir John Goodricke, Sir Ingram Hopton, Captain Neville, Captain Batt and Captain Binns, each in command of his own troops. Lister reports that Captain Binns was mortally wounded and died at Leeds two days afterwards. Major Carew was made prisoner. The wounded were Sir John Goodricke who

"got a bastinado"

and had his horse killed with a scythe, Colonel Goring, and about a hundred soldiers.

After the sharp contest at Bradford, which resulted so adversely for the Royalists, they retired to Leeds followed by Sir Thomas Fairfax. Sir Thomas found, however, that they had abandoned the town and had gone to York. Still advancing upon them, Fairfax took this post at Tadcaster and, his force being increased to 1,000 men, he resolved to keep the pass at Wetherby and with that view Sir Thomas went to Wetherby with 300 foot and 40 horse. The Royalists surprised him there at six o'clock in the morning, but after a sharp encounter they retired. The Royalists made another attempt after this, but they were defeated, Sir Thomas Fairfax following them for several miles and taking many prisoners. Sir John Goodricke and Captain Hilliard were among the captured.

These officers were immediately conveyed to Manchester, then in the hands of the Parliamentarians, where they were placed in confinement. On 21st January 1643 the Commons assembled in Parliament ordered it:

"That the Petition of Mr. Stockdale shall be taken into consideration in due time for his relief. And do further order that Sir John Goodricke, who plundered the said Mr. Stockdale to a great value, and is now a prisoner in Manchester, be not exchanged, or any other ways enlarged, until he make full satisfaction to the said Mr. Stockdale for the wrongs and injuries done unto him, for his losses and damages sustained by the said plundering." (Commons Journals).

Sir John emphatically denied having taken any part in the plundering of Mr. Stockdale's property, affirmed that he was never at his house nor upon his lands since the war began nor any of his troops by his command or with his knowledge. (Royalists Composition Papers, lst Series. Vol. 113, p.p. 47, 107, Record Office).

It was during Sir John's confinement at Manchester that his mother, Dame Jane Goodricke sent him his father's Bible in French printed in 1622, on the fly leaf of which she wrote: -

“

Son John,

I have sent you to Manchester your father's French Byble a jewel to which you are no stranger. This book was the delightful study of his freedom and trust it may bee the profitable delight of your confinement by the assistance of God's most Holly Spirit is the Hearty desire and shall be the humble prayers off

Your loving mother,

Jane Goodrick.

Post p.s. What you find written of your worthy Father's Hand be careful to preserve, for I part not willingly with any of his manuscripts."

”

The following is added in Sir John's handwriting: -

“

This Bible I bought at Tours in France Anno Ani 1638, and brought it with me into England as a present to my Father; after whose death it was sent to me by my mother, being Prisoner of War in Manchester, as the best companion in solitude.

John Goodricke.

I have found by experience that The Bible is most profitably read when a man reads it in his mother Tongue, however he understands it in foreign languages and (as the food we are accustomed to) is soonest digested into solid nourishment.

”

This very interesting relic of Sir John is still preserved with jealous care at Ribston Hall. At this time Leeds was in possession of the Parliamentary Army under Lord Ferdinando Fairfax, York being in the hands of the Royalists with the Earl of Newcastle who had a large number of Parliamentarian prisoners.

Fairfax had made overtures with the object of obtaining the release of the prisoners at York by an exchange for those held at Manchester but from a joint letter from Sir John Goodricke and Captain Hilliard written at Manchester on 4th May 1643 and addressed to Lord Fairfax at Leeds (Harl. M.S. 7001 p. 162) It is seen that Newcastle would not accept the terms (app.12). As stated Lister reported that the officers wounded in the attack on Bradford were Sir John Goodricke and Colonel Goring. We have just seen that Sir John was subsequently captured and conveyed to Manchester. Colonel Goring escaped and shortly afterwards defeated Fairfax at Seacroft Moon, near Leeds, (March 1643), but in the May following he was taken prisoner at Wakefield on the capture of the town by Fairfax. (Vide Chapter VII p.51)

It appears that Sir John was transferred from Manchester to safe custody in the house of Lord Petre in London whither Colonel Goring was also sent as on 14th August 1643 an order was passed in Parliament for them both to be sent to Lord Fairfax at Hull to be disposed of as his Lordship thought fit, but in the meantime they were removed to the Tower of London. Goring, however, was successful in effecting an exchange in April 1644 and was liberated, several further orders concerning Sir John's imprisonment were passed by the Commons, the last being on 18 October 1643 when it was ordered that the Lieutenant of the Tower should deliver him on board the ship "Desire" laden with ammunition for Hull to be handed over to Lord Fairfax at that place. This order, however, was not carried out and Sir John continued in imprisonment in the Tower, where Archbishop Laud had been lingering in confinement for the past three years.

In August 1644, Catherine, Lady Goodricke, Sir John's young wife died at Ribston, and was buried on the 27th of that month in the vault beneath the Chapel there - (Hunsingore Parish register). The news of this sad event must have been heard with the deepest sorrow by the imprisoned husband whose health was beginning to be impaired by the close confinement in the Tower surrounded as it then was by the pestiferous moat which at that time acted as the chief drain constantly causing outbreaks of fever and sickness of various descriptions.

On 10th January following (1645), early in the morning, the old Archbishop Laud was led forth to the scaffold he who had once seemed to hold the destinies of the Church in England in the hollow of his hand. Little as those who sent him to the block imagined it, there was a fruitful seed in his teaching which was not to be smothered in blood, and if the immediate object for which Laud had striven could never be permanently realized, his nobler aims were too much in accordance with the needs of his age to be baffled. It is little that every parish church in the land now, two centuries and a half after the years in which he was at the height of power - presents a spectacle, which realizes his hopes. It is far more that his refusal to submit his mind to the dogmatism of Puritanism, and his appeal to the cultivated intelligence for the solution of religious problems, has received an ever-increasing response, even in regions in which his memory is devoted to contemptuous obloquy. (Gardiner II, 108).

"We thank God,"

writes Bishop Collins in his "Laud Commemoration" volume,

"For his noble care of the poor, and his large and generous aims for the English race, afor his splendid example of diligent service in Church and State for this work was the great promoter of learning of his age."

On the very day of Laud's execution the use of the Prayer book was forbidden under penalties and the Directory for Public Worship substituted for it. It was also made a punishable offence to kneel at the reception of the Holy Communion, or to use any kind of symbolism in sacred things, such as the ring in marriage; and when any person departed this life, the dead body was to be interred without any kind of religious ceremony nor were the friends allowed to sing or read, or pray, or kneel, at the grave. The holy and beautiful petitions of our liturgy had to give place to long and tedious harangues from illiterate fanatics, have two and three hours duration and the observance of Church festivals were strictly forbidden. Religious anarchy was fast developing indeed!

In January 1645, driven almost to despair, Sir John Goodricke made a determined attempt to escape from the Tower which was packed with Royalist prisoners at this time, for nearly all the most prominent prisoners made by the Roundheads were consigned to those walls. This distressed community numbered among them Colonel George Monk, afterwards Duke of Albemarle who had been committed in 1643, Sir John Hotham and his son, charged with attempting to give Hull over to the Royalists, Sir Alexander Carew, Governor of Plymouth imprisoned on a similar indictment, Lord Maguire, Colonel McMahon, and

"gallant Cavaliers in plenty filled the cells"!

At the period of which I am now writing there had been no less than four executions on Tower Hill between 1 December 1644 and the end of February 1645, in addition to the Archbishop. The unhappy victims were Sir A. Carew, December 23, 1644; the two Hothams, January 1645; and Lord Maguire. Lord Maguire, an Irish Royalist had escaped from the Tower with Colonel Macmahon in August 1644. Both were re-captured, Macmahon being hanged and quartered at Tyburn, 1645, while Maguire was beheaded on Tower Hill 20 February 1645. There had been many escapes from the Tower walls at this time, the details of which we possess, but the exact means employed by Sir John Goodricke for the successful accomplishment of his design I have not yet discovered.

His escape is recorded in three periodicals of the time: -

• The "Mercurius Civicus: of Jan. 25th to Feb. lst 1644-5
• The "Parliament Scout" of Jan. 26th to Feb. 2nd.
• The "Weekly Account" No. 22. Thursday, lst Feb.

He was disguised as a butcher and was proceeding to Oxford to join the Royalists when he was overtaken, captured by Captain Barksted (the regicide) and conveyed to Windsor and then again to the Tower. When taken (Tuesday, 30 January 1644-5) he was on horseback, disguised in the habit of a butcher and seated behind another man. In his pocket were found eighty pieces of gold coin. The exact date of his re-imprisonment in the Tower I have not discovered but there he was securely kept until March in the following year, (1646) fifteen more months.

The poverty of the King was no greater than the poverty the gentlemen and noblemen who surrounded him at Oxford or who were suffering for his cause in the Tower and elsewhere. Whether their Estates lay in the enemy's country or not, their rents remained unpaid and the distress amongst the loyal gentry was very great and was marked by the increasing number of those who took the "Covenant" at Westminster and compounded for their own property by the payment of heavy fines.

Probably some day in the future, as the voluminous records in the Public Record Office are gradually more and more opened out, some detailed account of Sir John's escape and re-capture may be revealed and a thrilling story laid bare in which, of course, others - probably his relatives, may have played a conspicuous part. In the meantime we must be satisfied with the account I have just given as all that is at present authentically known. Like hundreds of others all over the country Sir John was becoming heartily weary. Upwards of three years of close confinement in the Tower had told most seriously on his health and he resolved on following the course of compounding for his Estate and, if possible, obtaining his release from the terrible position he was in. Consequently about the beginning of November 1645, Sir John drew up his petition to Parliament but this was not presented to the house until 22nd December following. (Vide. Goodricke pp. 20 to 23 and App. p. 13.). The Commons made an order the same day, that Sir John's petition be referred to the Committee for report.

On 29th December 1645, Sir John was conducted from the Tower to Westminster and took the National Covenant which was the step necessary as a preliminary to any further proceedings. On 2nd February in the next year, 1646, the Committee for the West Riding of York issued their certificate concerning Sir John's Estate, (Goodricke p. 21) and on 23rd March 1646 the House of Commons passed an order accepting the sum of £1,200 as

"a fine for his delinquency, his offence being bearing arms against the Parliament."

The sequestration was therefore removed and on 26th March 1646 the Commons passed the order

"That Sir John Goodricke, now Prisoner in the Tower (having compounded for his Delinquency, and Discharge of his sequestration, and the said Composition being accepted by this House) that he have his Enlargement, and be discharged from any further Restraint or Imprisonment."

On 6th August 1646 the House of Lords on 25th of the same month confirmed the Commons passed an “Ordinance” of pardon to Sir John and this. (App. 13).

There was certainly not much room for complaint as to the despatch of Sir John's case by the Commons when the business had been introduced in the House, but there was a decided touch of irony in the Common's resolution that the 1,200 fine had to be paid over by the Committee at Goldsmith's Hall to Mr. Thomas Stockdale "towards satisfaction of his losses" which were reported by the committee to amount to the sum of £5,216 a considerable sum in those days. This portion of the order must have possessed some sting for Sir John inasmuch as he had protested that he had taken no part in or had any knowledge of the destruction at Mr. Stockdale's house. However, the precise manner of the disposal of Sir John's fine was immaterial really, since by an order dated lst April 1643 the Commons had declared that the sequestered estates of "Delinquents" should go to the maintenance of the public affairs. ("Sarcastic notices of the Long Parliament" by I.C. Hotten. A rare work in Guildhall Lib. A.C. 5.)

Mr. Stockdale was one of the members of Parliament for Knaresbrough (elected 1642) and his residence was Bilton Hall, near Harrogate. He died in 1653 and was buried in Knaresbrough Church. He was a strong partisan of the Parliament and an intimate friend of Lord Fairfax with whom he kept up a correspondence. (Sir John's composition Papers are preserved in original at the Public Record office, London, In "Royalists Composition Papers" lst series, Vol. 113, p.p. 47, 107 and 2nd series, Vol. 4, p.p. 246, 249, etc. These are printed at p.p. 73 to 80 of the Yorkshire Arch. Socy's Record Series Vol. 15. printed in 1893, which, of course, is more accessible than the volumes in the Public Record Office. The resolutions of the parliament can be seen in the journals of the House of Commons Vols. II, III & IV, and the Journals of the House of Lords 25th August 1646. Vol. VIII, p.p. 470, 472).

It should be noted that the fine of £1,200 was subsequently increased on 22 November 1650 by £143.10.0. making a total of £1,343.10.0. (Vide. Y.A.S. Vol. 15. p. 80)

Sir John was now released from the Tower, March 1646, having been a prisoner of war continuously form January 1643, and we can easily picture to ourselves the joy with which he would be welcomed back to Ribston and the loving embraces of his aged mother whose anxiety during the whole time of her son's imprisonment must have been almost past endurance. And there was the little son and heir, Henry, now approaching four years of age, to be presented virtually for the first time to his father! But there was a sad blank, there was no wife to enfold him in her arms, and notwithstanding the great joy of feeling his freedom once more, the homecoming must have had its pangs of sadness hard to bear and suppress by a man of Sir John's temperament and age for he was only verging on thirty years.

But there was little now to be done at home, Hunsingore Hall, one of Sir John's residences had been completely destroyed by the enemy and the country was in such a condition of disturbance and uncertainty and almost entirely in the hands of the puritanical parliamentary army that it would appear as if order, peace and prosperity would take years to establish and what was more - Sir John's fine had been accepted by the Parliament and his person released from imprisonment in the Tower on the undertaking that he gave his honourable word and good security

"Never hereafter to act or doe anything to the prejudice of the State,"

and this undertaking he had given, and

"his word was his bond."

Moreover the War was not over and the condition of the royalists was becoming worse and worse. The Parliament was now forcibly levying further contributions from the gentry and land owners for the purpose of continuing the War, and no sooner had Sir John reached his home than he received a peremptory order from the "committee for advance of money" to contribute to Parliament a further sum of £1,000 as his assessment towards the parliamentary army war chest!

Sir John, however, deemed it wise to place himself beyond the reach of the parliament and, looking to the conditions of his release, out of the reach of the Royalists too, and the possible temptation to again join them, and had consequently gone abroad. In nearly all the old Baronetages it is stated that Sir John effected his escape from the Tower to France where he remained until the Restoration, but this is obviously incorrect in the face of the accounts in the newspapers of the time of his escape and re-capture, and the voluminous documents in the Record Office relating to his composition and release from the Tower in March 1646. It seems, however, that his sojourn at home was short, for we find him a visitor at the English College at Rome in June 1647, and again at Ribston in March 1649. He appears to have ignored the odious tax levied upon him for the maintenance of the war by the Parliament but whether this was evasion implemented by his absence from the country or not we cannot say and now on 20th February 1649 an order was passed by the Committee to again sequester his estate in consequence of continued non-payment. Francis Goodricke, Sir John's brother now comes on the scene and deposes 8th March 1649 to his debts amounted to £1,290 and that Sir John had sold portions of his lands to the value of £45 a year to enable him to meet the composition of £1,200 in 1646. On 15th March 1649 this tax was reduced to £250 but on 22nd idem Sir John, apparently then at Ribston, appealed and on 5th April 1649 it was finally ordered that he was to pay £150 at once, and £50 in one month, the remainder to be respite. It was on 22nd November 1650 that he was fined a further sum of £143.10.0. in connection with his original fine in 1646 and on this date (22 November 1650) he appears to have been at Ribston.

Early in the year 1648 Dame Jane Goodricke, Sir John's mother, died at Ribston at the age of sixty-five, but whether Sir John was then at home or abroad is uncertain. Her sons Savile and Francis Goodricke proved her will at York in June 1648.

There is further evidence that Sir John was in residence at Ribston in 1652 as in that year he and his brother Francis jointly erected the beautiful white marble tablet in the chapel to the memory of their ancestors and to Catherine, Lady Goodricke, who died in 1644.

Before closing my story of Sir John's activity during the Civil War

"THE SACKING OF BASING HOUSE. 11th October 1645.[SNIP]

Regicide and Interregnum

To return to Sir John

The Prayer-book was forbidden by law to be used even in private houses and Evelyn in his diary describes a service in London at which he and his wife were present when the parliamentary soldiers held their muskets against them as they went up to receive the sacrament - as if they would have shot them at the Altar. Seven thousand of the clergy, not reckoning curates, were ejected from their livings - all the Bishops were ejected only nine of them surviving the Commonwealth and eighteen dying in poverty, one (Wren of Ely) having been imprisoned for eighteen years. As the great majority of the clergy were married men it has been computed upon good authority that fully thirty thousand persons were turned out to starve!

About the year 1653 Sir John Goodricke married for his second wife Elizabeth, widow of William, third Viscount Fairfax, of Gilling Castle, Co. York, and daughter of Alexander Smith Esq., of Sutton, Co. Suffolk, and by her he had an only son, John, born 16th October 1654 who eventually succeeded to Ribston in 1705 and was the third Baronet.

The place where Sir John was married and the exact date of that event I have not been able to discover.

Little remains to be recorded about Sir John. He was returned as Member for Thirsk in the Parliament called by Richard Cromwell to meet on 27th January 1659.

Restoration

At the Restoration Sir John was elected member for the county of York, 25th March 1661. He was Deputy Lieutenant for the West Riding 1662, 1667 and 1668; these commissions are still at Ribston.

He died at Ribston in 1670, his Will, bearing date 19th September 1669 being proved at York 25th November 1670. His widow survived until 1692 and resided at Moulsham Hall, Co. Essex.

His eldest son Sir Henry, 2nd Baronet, succeeded Sir John in Title and Estates then twenty-eight years of age.

Bramhall

• The works of the Most Reverend Father in God, John Bramhall, D.D., sometime ..., by John Bramhall p. 451

• and so soon as he was gotten into Hull to fill their houses with billetters, and tell them it was policy of state to promise fair till they were in possession;Bramhall: [The Mayor and burgesses petitioned the Parliament that they might not be forced to give billets; but in vain. See the Perfect Diurnal of Passages in Parliament, from Jan. 31 to Feb. 7, 1641-2, p. 3.]

• or for his father to hold a pistol to the breast of the king's lieutenant,Bramhall: [Charles complained of Sir John Hotham's "seizing his" (the King's) "wine and other provisions for his house, and scornfully using his servant whom he sent to require them, saying, It came to him by Providence and he will keep it; and so refusing to deliver it, with threats, if he or any other of his fellow-servants should again repair to Hull about it;"—in his Answer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons July 1642, Exact Collect,, pp. 4/1,472. It does not appear to what anecdote Bramhall alludes.]

• to beat and imprison their persons, to banish them from their habitations, to drown their corn and meadow, to burn their houses, to rob them of their goods,Bramhall: [Compare His Majesties Answer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons July 1642, Exact Collect, p. 472 ;—his Speech to the Gentry of Yorkshire; Aug.4. 1642, ibid. p.489;—the Humble Petition of the Nobility and Gentry of the County of York to the Parliament, in Drake's Eborac., p. 156;—and the Petition of Holdeness July 6. 1642, to his Majesty, in Rushw., vol. v. p. 641. And the King's Proclamation of July 8, 1642, declaring his purpose of going to Hull in person, and "the true occasion and end" of his so doing, in Exact Collect., pp. 453-455.]

and allow the owner but ten pounds out of a thousand for the maintenance of himself, his Wife, and children, to suffer his officers to charge an honest woman with felony for coming into her own house, because her husband was a delinquent, and Sir John had disposed his goods.

• If you desire to know where was the first forcing of billets? It was at Hull. --Bramhall: [See the King's Declar. of Aug. 12, 1642, Exact Collect, p. 543.]
• Where was the first plundering of goods ? At Hull.
• July 5. The first drowning of Discourse grounds ? At Hull. -- Bramhall: [1642. The king had "cut the river that brings fresh water to Hull July 4" (Perfect Diurnal, July 4 to July 11. 1642); and Sir John Hotham immediately flooded the grounds round the town by letting in the Humber upon them. The Parliament, by Declaration a few days afterwards, promised compensation to the owners and farmers whose property had been thus destroyed. (Exact Collect., pp. 459, 460).]
• July 9. The first burning of houses -— At Myton near Hull: -- Bramhall: [1642. "The hospital of the Charter-house and all Myton then standing (consisting of many houses in the lanes) were blown up and destroyed, least the Royalists might take possession of them." Briggs, Hist of Hull, c. xv. p. 167.1
• July 27. The first shedding of blood? At Anlaby near Hull; and, to aggravate the matter, in a time of treaty and expectation of peace. -- Bramhall: [1642. "On Wednesday night late . . there sallied out of Hull 40 Horse and about 150 foote and fell upon the Cavaliers' trenches at Anlaby, where all the souldiers deserted them save two who stood centinell, and. . were slaine." Some Speciall Passages from Hull, Anlaby, and Yorke, truly informed Munday the 1st. of August 1642, p. 4. 4to. Lond. See also the King's Declar. of Aug. 12 (Exact Collect., p. 558), and Whitelocke's Memor. p. 59. The latter however has confused the skirmish just mentioned with another a few days later; where the rebels, 400 in number, were headed by Sir John Hotham and Sir John Meldram, and which is mentioned (Aug. 2, 1642) as having occurred on "the last fast day," in a pamphlet entitled Some Speciall Passages from London, Westminster, York, Hull, &c., from Aug. 1. to Aug.9, 1642, p. 3, and in the Perfect Diurnal from Aug. 1. to Aug. 8, 1642, p. 4.]
• They say the first men banished from their habitations, were Mr. Thornton, Mr. Cartwright, Mr. Perkins, Mr. Fairburne, Mr. Kerny, Mr. Topham, Mr. Watson, Mr. Dobson, of Hull. -- [Briggs, Hist, of Hull, cc. xv. xvi. pp. 148, 176. " Perkins" is a mistake for Parkins, and " Watson" apparently for WatAinson.]
• They say the first imposition of four pound a ton upon some kind of commodities was at Hull: and wish that the father had been translated into Lincolnshire with the son, that Yorkshire might have sung, "Latentur Cceli", &c.'[The younger Hotham passed over from Hull into Lincolnshire in April 1643 with a detachment of the rebel garrison (see a pamphlet entitled Certain Letters from Sir J. Hotham, Young Hotham, the Major of Hull, and others, intercepted and brought to Court to his Majesty April 16, 1643, pp. 8, 10); where he was defeated April 11. by Col. Cavendish at Ancaster (Mercur. Belgic, or A Brief Chronologie of the Battails, Sieges, &c. &c, from the beginning of this Rebellion to March 25,1646,—the author was Dr. Bruno Ryves;—Mercur. Aulic, pp. 194, 195, for Sunday April 16;—Dugdale's Short View, c. xviii. p. 185).

Timeline

• Military leadership in the British civil wars, 1642-1651: "the genius of this age", Stanley D. M. Carpenter, Routledge, 2005. ISBN 0714655449, 9780714655444, p. 39
  • Can be used to creat a time line:
  • 1 April Earl of Newcastle, Lord general of the Kings forces in the north, issues a proclamation which demands that all arms be surrendered to York or Tynemouth Castle within 26 hours in the city of York and within 4 days in the rest of the county. ( Carpenter p. 39
  • 5 April Thomas Stockdale and others petitioned Charles to return to London (Carpenter p. 39)
  • 8 April Charles plan for a personal body guard from royalists in Cheshire for a campaign against Irish rebels.(Carpenter p. 39)
  • 19 April a Militia Bill passed by the House of Lords -- Charles offers an alternative, Officers under the control of Parliament. Never likely to be accepted by late April 1642 (Carpenter p. 39).
  • 22 A petition by the citizens of York for arms from Hull to the armoury in York (Carpenter p. 39).
  • 23 April Charles marches on Hull and is prevented from entering by Sir John Hotham. Charles calles Hotham a traitor (Carpenter p. 39).
  • Charles retreats to near by Beverley and remains there for three weeks (see Wikipedia link)-- not right spends one night there (Sheahan p.214).
  • 24 April Charles returns to York.(Sheahan p.214)
  • 28 April Parliament declare Charles's calling Hotham a traitor illegal and issues the Militia Ordinance (Carpenter p. 39).
  • 2 May Charles summons the gentry of Yorkshire to a meeting (takes place on 3 June)
  • 12 May Letter from citizens of Hull request that the two sides get together against the Irish (Carpenter p. 40).
  • 14 May Charles issues a warrant summoning the Yorkshire's horse to York (Carpenter p. 40).
  • 23 May Petition from Parliament requesting the disbandment of the Kings bodyguard (Carpenter p. 40).
  • By Late May Sir Robert Strickland's 600 strong trained band regiment in York along with Sir Francis Wortley's troop of horse Carpenter p. 40).
  • 27 May Charles summons the gentry of Yorkshire to a meeting on Heworth Moor.(Lewis, Samuel (1831), A topographical dictionary of England: comprising the several counties, cities, boroughs, corporate and market towns, parishes, chapelries, and townships, and the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, and Man, with historical and statistical descriptions; illustrated by maps of the different ..., Volume 4, p. 601)
  • Parliament orders Sheriffs to suppress the raising of men for the king (Carpenter p. 40).
  • 3 June meeting on Heworth Moor(Lewis, p. 601).
  • Royalist Fowkes plot to gain Hull by subterfuge and bribery.: Mr. Beckwith, of Beverley, sent a letter to his son-in-law, an officer, named Fowkes, who was Lieutenant to Captain Lowenger, a Dutchman, then in command under Sir John Hotham at Hull, requesting him to come to Beverley. (Sheahan pp. 55,56)
  • 19 June the Nineteen Propositions possible because so many royalists have left London. It proposes transferring sovereignty from the Crown to Parliament. (Carpenter p. 40).
  • Parliament raises money by borrowing at 8% and some other financial measures (Carpenter p. 40).
  • Late July Sir John Goodrick 250 horse Sir Francis Wortley engaged to raise 2 regiments of trained bands for the Siege of Hull (Carpenter p. 41)
  • Late June early July Yorkshire split four to one for the Royalists (Carpenter p. 41).
  • >A small ship called the Providence, lands supplies at Keyingham Creek, on the Holderness coast for the King purchased from Holland with Queen's and Crown's jewels.Clarendon 287,A History of Kingston on Hull from Bulmer's Gazetteer (1892)
  • Sorty by the garrison at Hull for the purpose of taking the vessel and seizing her cargo; but the trained bands of Holderness warmly opposed them, and drove back the detachment.(Sheahan (1857), p. 58)
  • 2nd of July
    • A troop of horse passed through Beverley to Holderness to secure supplies for the King.(Sheahan 1857, p. 214)
    • A company of foot soldiers, called Strickland's regiment, consisting of about 800 men, under the command of Lieut.-Col. Duncombe, was placed to secure a strong post at Hull Bridge, on the side of Beverley, Sheahan 1857, p. 214
  • 4th July King moves court to Beverly, now his military headquarters (Sheahan p.215).
  • 4th First fighting in Manchester. Royalist Lord Strange refused entry resulting in 2 days of skirmishing with muskets (Carpenter p. 41).
  • July 5. The first drowning of Discourse grounds ? At Hull. -- Bramhall: [1642. The king had "cut the river that brings fresh water to Hull July 4" (Perfect Diurnal, July 4 to July 11. 1642); and Sir John Hotham immediately flooded the grounds round the town by letting in the Humber upon them. The Parliament, by Declaration a few days afterwards, promised compensation to the owners and farmers whose property had been thus destroyed. (Exact Collect., pp. 459, 460).]
  • July 9. The first burning of houses -— At Myton near Hull: -- Bramhall: [1642. "The hospital of the Charter-house and all Myton then standing (consisting of many houses in the lanes) were blown up and destroyed, least the Royalists might take possession of them." Briggs, Hist of Hull, c. xv. p. 167.1
  • 12 July
    • Charles published a proclamation, which he sent to the Parliament with a message to signify his intention to besiege Hull(Strickland)
    • Parliament resolved to raise an army and appointed Robert Devereux Earl of Essex Captain-General (Carpenter p. 41).
  • Charles advances on Hull with 400 horse and 700 foot (Carpenter p. 41).
  • Mid July Royalists use night attacks to try to storm Hull (Carpenter p. 41).
  • July 27. The first shedding of blood? At Anlaby near Hull; and, to aggravate the matter, in a time of treaty and expectation of peace. -- Bramhall: [1642. "On Wednesday night late . . there sallied out of Hull 40 Horse and about 150 foote and fell upon the Cavaliers' trenches at Anlaby, where all the souldiers deserted them save two who stood centinell, and. . were slaine." Some Speciall Passages from Hull, Anlaby, and Yorke, truly informed Munday the 1st. of August 1642, p. 4. 4to. Lond. See also the King's Declar. of Aug. 12 (Exact Collect., p. 558), and Whitelocke's Memor. p. 59. The latter however has confused the skirmish just mentioned with another a few days later; where the rebels, 400 in number, were headed by Sir John Hotham and Sir John Meldram, and which is mentioned (Aug. 2, 1642) as having occurred on "the last fast day," in a pamphlet entitled Some Speciall Passages from London, Westminster, York, Hull, &c., from Aug. 1. to Aug.9, 1642, p. 3, and in the Perfect Diurnal from Aug. 1. to Aug. 8, 1642, p. 4.]
  • Problems with the Kings trained bands, which pillage some of the Yorkshire countryside (Carpenter p. 41).
  • King puts new offices in charge of the trained bands, these officers force some of the men to join the Royalists besieging York. But the problems with the local trained bands convinces Charles he needs a national army. (Carpenter pp. 41,42).
  • 17 August Charles issues a proclamation that he will raise the Royal Standard at Nottingham on 22 August (Carpenter p. 42).
  • 18 August Charles raises the siege of Hull and decamps for Nottingham (Carpenter p. 42).
  • >29 September Treaty of Neutrality (Yorkshire)

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• England on edge: crisis and revolution, 1640-1642, by David Cressy p. 402

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• Crawford/bib Ryl Tudor V1 p. 253

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• The modest ambition of Andrew Marvell: a study of Marvell and his ... Patsy Griffin - 1995 p. 21

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• A topographical dictionary of England: comprising the several counties ... p. 616

Early in the year 1642, the breach between Charles I. and his parliament widening daily, the former, with his son, Prince Charles, the prince elector, and several noblemen, departed from London, and, on the 18th of March, arrived at York, whither most of the nobility and gentry of the North of England, and many from the southern provinces resorted to offer their services to him. On the 23rd of April, the king, attended by two or three hundred of his servants, and many gentlemen of the county, left York, and about noon reached Hull, which, by order of the parliament, had been garrisoned by troops under the command of Sir John Hotham, who steadily refused to admit the king, and the latter returned in disappointment to York. Having mustered about three thousand foot and nearly eight hundred horse, and having procured arms, &c, from Holland, Charles determined to commence the war by an attempt on Hull, and, with that view, left York for Beverley, where he summoned the trained bands of the neighbouring districts. By cutting the banks of the Humber, thus covering with a considerable depth of water the meadows and pastures to the distance of two miles on every side of Hull, Sir John Hotham for some time prevented all access to the town, the garrison of which, about the middle of July, received powerful reinforcement by sea, and, at the end of the same month, in a vigorous sally, defeated the beleaguering forces, and compelled them to raise the siege. The king, after a stay of five months at York, departed from that city to erect his standard at Nottingham ; but, before his departure, as danger was apprehended from the garrison of Hull, the citizens entreated His Majesty to constitute the Earl of Cumberland military commander of the county, and to appoint Sir Thomas Glemham governor of the city, which was readily granted. Sir Thomas Fairfax and Captain Hotham, son of the governor of Hull, advanced so far from that town towards York as to fortify Tadcaster and Wetherby, and twice repulsed Sir Thomas Glemham in two vigorous assaults which he made upon the last-mentioned place. The success of the parliamentarians induced the royalist gentry of Yorkshire to solicit succours from the Earl of Newcastle, who had raised a considerable force in the north, and who immediately marched to their assistance, entering York on the 30th of November, with six thousand men and ten pieces of artillery. The Earl of Cumberland then resigned his commission to the Earl of Newcastle, who, with four thousand of his men, drove the enemy from Tadcaster, while his lieutenant-general, the Earl of Newport, with two thousand men, took Wetherby. In 1643, on January 16th, Colonel Slingsby, with a force of about six hundred royalists, defeated Sir Hugh Cholmley and his troops at Guisborough. On the 23rd of the same month, Sir Thomas Fairfax, with a strong force, took the town of Leeds by assault; and the same commander, having led reinforcements into Bradford, was there besieged by the Earl of Newcastle, who made unsuccessful attempts to storm the town in several places : Sir Thomas having, however, exhausted

his ammunition, offered to capitulate, but his terms being refused, he made his escape by cutting his way through their lines with fifty horse. On the 22nd of February, Queen Henrietta Maria landed at Bridlington quay, with a considerable quantity of artillery and small arms, and was thence escorted to York by the lord general, the Earl of Newcastle : after remaining there for three months, she proceeded to meet the king, under the escort of the same nobleman, who, for this service, was created a marquis. This commander having driven Sir Thomas Fairfax out of Beverley with great slaughter, appeared with his whole force before Hull, on the 2nd of September, and immediately commenced an arduous siege, which, as well as the defence, was conducted with all the military skill of that age, and with the most determined resolution : it continued nearly six weeks, and many were slain on both sides : the parliamentarians, however, being masters of the sea, and having a squadron on the Humber, the town received ample supplies by water, which rendered its reduction by famine impossible ; and the Marquis of Newcastle, after sustaining a grand sortie, made on the 11th of October, was obliged to raise the siege.

History of Hull

Sheahan History of Hull 46 end of page 47

• Sheahan (1857). History and Topography of the City of York, the East Riding of Yorkshire, and a portion of the West Riding of Yorkshire, ... Vol. vol. 2 of 2. Printed for the publishers by John Green. {{cite book}}: |volume= has extra text (help); Text "James Joseph" ignored (help) pp. 46-...

But the storm was fast gathering, by which the whole kingdom was so speedily to be convulsed. In 1639 the Mayor of Hull was ordered by Captain Legg, the master of the King's armoury (who had been sent by the King to take a strict survey of the strength of the place), to erect magazines and military stores for his Majesty's service; and also to repair the walls and gates, build drawbridges, cleanse the ditches of the town and garrison, and, in fact, to put the town in a regular posture of defence. To defray the expenses attending these repairs, an assessment was laid both upon the town and county of Kingston-upon-Hull; but the inhabitants of the latter refused to contribute their allotted proportion, and a spirited law suit between the town and county was the consequence, which was at length decided in favour of the Corporation, after it had cost the parties ten times the sum the repairs amounted to. The fortifications having been put in a state of defence, the old Manor Hall, which at that time belonged to Henry Hildyard, Esq., of Winestead, was rented of that gentleman for the King's use, and converted into a magazine. Soon after these were sent down 50 pieces of large ordnance, with all their carriages, Sic.; 200,000 muskets, carbines, pistols, and swords; 14,000 spades, shovels, and wheelbarrows, with powder, shot, and match, to the value of upwards of £6,000. Mr. Boswell, too, his Majesty's resident in Holland, purchased arms there, and sent them to Hull to be laid up in the magazine. These consisted of 300 head-pieces, 300 pikes, crosslets, and firelocks, 1,200 muskets, 1,500 belts and bandaliers, 400 spades and shovels, 103 pick-axes, 6 brass cannon, and 7 pestards ; 30 barrels of powder, 24 barrels of musket shot, 400 cannon balls, and a proportionate quantity of matches; six four-wheeled carriages, shod with iron, besides some halberts and black bills. In this year the King raised 2,000 horse, to be employed in the expedition against the Scotch, and as they were to receive their arms from the magazine at Hull, they were quartered for some time in the neighbouring towns of Beverley, Cottingham, Hedon, &c.

Sheahan History of Hull 47

During the King's stay at York, in 1639, he paid a visit to Hull. No sooner did the Corporation receive intimation of his intention to visit their town, than a hall was summoned, and it was ordered that his Majesty should be received with the greatest demonstrations of loyalty and joy; that the Mayor, Aldermen, and Recorder, should attend without Beverley-gate to deliver to the King the keys of the town, and go through the other formalities usual upon such occasions; that a railed platform should be made for forty people, with a convenient place to kneel on, the station appointed for the Mayor and Recorder to be somewhat higher than the rest, and the platform to be covered with rich carpeting; that there should be a strong guard to receive his Majesty; that the private soldiers should be clothed with all possible expedition; that the ramparts and walks along the walls being very uneven, and in many places full of holes, should directly be levelled; and that the gentry and principal inhabitants of the town should be requested to receive the King in their best attire.

Sheahan History of Hull 48

Scarce was everything prepared when news arrived of his Majesty's approach, and everybody repaired to their posts. Charles having been met on the confines of the county by the Sheriff, and escorted to the town, was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy and sincere affection, at that gate where he afterwards met with a reception of a very different nature. Being arrived at the gate, Mr. Thorpe, Recorder (afterwards a Jndge, and very inimical to the King), as the organ of the Corporation, addressed him in one of those hyperbolical and adulatory speeches which bodies corporate are so prone to offer to Majesty. He told him that the town of Kingston-uponHull was always faithful and true, and that in respect of the zealous and loyal affections of the people, it was " not only walled, but also garrisoned with fire; not dead, nor sleeping ; not unanimated, like senseless flints, but continually vivacious, waking, ardent, apparent, and sensible in their courageous and boiling heat for his Majesty's long life, welfare, and happiness; so that as the town was not only his by name but also by nature, so it should ever remain to be."

After reminding him that he had there a magazine of all military provisions of his own royal collecting, he is told by the Recorder that he had at Hull, " a richer, a more noble, and safe prize, even a magazine of hearts, faithful and true, extending the whole town over, which renders its stronger for his Majesty's service, than if it was encompassed with walls of brass and iron." This fulsome address, in which the King is also told that it is more difficult to address him than to address the King of Kings, conclnded thus:—" May your Majesty live for ever and ever, and may all the thorns in your travels grow up into crowns; may your battles be always crowned with laurels; and may good success always attend your actions and desires. May years be added unto your days, and length of time, till time shall be no more; and that your continuance amongst us may be still an ornament and blessing to the present age, and an eternal admiration, blessing, and glory, to all that are yet to come."

This bombastic speech being ended, the Mayor welcomed his Majesty to his " royal town of Hull," and with much ceremony delivered up to the King that emblem of royalty, the mace, together with the sword and the keys of the town gates, all of which were, of course, returned with a suitably reply. The Mayor then presented him with a rich and elegant ribbon, several yards long, saying, " Vouchsafe, great Sir, to accept the emblematic bond of our obedience, which is tied as fast to your Majesty, your crown, and the church, as our souls are to our bodies, and we are resolved never to part from the former until we part from the latter." The King ordered the ribbon to be tied in a knot, and he afterwards wore it in his hat, calling it his "Hull Favour." A purse of curious workmanship, containing 100 guineas, was also presented to his Majesty. The Mayor then on horseback, carrying tin: mace on his shoulder, escorted the King and his numerous retinue to the quarters prepared for them, amidst the lond acclamations of the people, the soldiery, and the trained bands, with which the streets were lined. The King was sumptuously entertained, and lodged that night at the house of Sir John Lister (25, High Street), and in the morning he took an accurate survey of the fortifications of the town, and the defensive works which were then going forward, under the superintendence of Captain Legg.

Sheahan History of Hull 49

He then visited the garrison, where the guns were fired at his approach ; nml after expressing his satisfaction at what he had seen, he dined with Sir John Lister, and in the afternoon, attended by the Mayor, the Aldermen, and the chief burgesses, to the limits of the county, he returned to join his army, which was then about to march against the Scots. That night he lodged at Beverley, and the next day he reached York, whence he marched with a part of the army to Neweastle-upon-Tyne, from which place he ordered Lord Holland to write a letter of thanks to the magistrates of Hull, expressing his regard for the kind reception given to him, stating also that he is willing to grant any reasonable demand that might be required for the benefit of the town ; but how all this ended, the sequel will show.

A treaty was soon after conclnded between Charles and the Scots, and the kingdom was flattered with illusive prospects of peace. When the Scots rose again in rebellion, and entered England with a numerous army in the following year (1640), the Mayor ordered the Castle and Blockhouses to be put in a posture of defence; preparations were made for a siege; and a strong chain was every night drawn across the mouth of the haven.

The King returned to York and had his army encamped there, and for the greater security of that ancient city, a large quantity of arms, ammunition, &c., were sent thither from the magazine at Hull.

On the 6th of September Sir Thomas Glemham, Knt., was appointed Governor of this town by the King, and a regiment of foot was ordered to be sent here under his command; but to the letter of the Earl of Strafford, announcing this appointment, the magistrates replied, " That there could not be two governors of their town at one and the same time; that by the charters granted them by Edward VI., the Mayor for the time being was their only rightful governor; that to admit another was a breach of their privileges and

charters; and, if drawn into a precedent, might prove of dangerous consequence." The Earl of Strafford repeated the request, that the keys of the town might be given up to Sir Thomas Glemham, whom his Majesty, " in his princely care for the safety of the town," had appointed an extraordinary Governor there; and requested the magistrates " not to dispute their interest at this present time in that particular, but to submit to his Majesty's good pleasure." The Mayor and Aldermen however yet persisted in their refusal to admit Sir Thomas as their Governor; and the King, not well pleased with their procedure, sent them a message that he intended to be in Hull on the 30th of the same month, and requested them to prepare for his reception. But whether it was to avoid the expense attending a royal visit, or that they apprehended they should be obliged to submit to the King's directions, does not appear; but the fact is, that Sir Thomas was immediately admitted Governor, and had the keys of the town, Castle, and Blockhouses, immediately delivered to him, and Charles declined his proposed visit. A regiment of 1,000 men also accompanied the Governor, and joined the garrison, and thus was the town of Hull, with its magazine and stores, for the present fully secured for his Majesty's use.

Sheahan History of Hull 50

In the assembly known in history as the Long Parliament, Sir John Lister, Knt., and Mr. Harry Vane were members for Hull; William Strickland, Esq., and John Allured, Esq., for Hedon; Sir John Hotham, Knt., and Michael Warton, Esq., for Beverley; and young Hotham represented Scarborough. Sir John Lister, however, died in a few weeks after his election, and Peregrine Pelham, Esq., succeeded to his seat in Parliament. The Commons again refused the necessities of the King, and the King's army was disbanded in August, 1641. The troops were discharged that were quartered at Hull, the Governor, Sir Thomas Glemham, resigned his office, and the artillery, ammunition, and stores, which had been sent to the camp at York, were returned to Hull, and deposited in the magazine as before. The difficulties between the King and the Parliament daily increased, and preparations were made to decide the matter by force of arms. In this situation of affairs, which party soever should be fortunate enough to secure Hull, would gain a decided superiority, at least, in the outset of the contest. The King, in order to secure his " royal town " to his interest, sent the Earl of Neweastle to take possession of it in his Majesty's name, but the magistrates, unmindful of their former declaration, " that they would adhere to his Majesty, against all his enemies, with the utmost of their lives and fortunes," refused to receive the King's General, and after a little hesitation and delay admitted Sir John Hotham as Governor, by order of the Parliament.

Sheahan History of Hull 51

The King now fixed his residence at York; and when Sir John Hotham, his son, and about 800 soldiers, took possession of Hull, he seemed at first to take no notice of it. Soon after this, the Commons, anxious to get closer possession of the military stores at Hull, proposed to the Lords to have them removed to London, but the latter would not agree to the proposal without the sanction of the King. The Lords and Commons therefore petitioned his Majesty, requesting him to permit the stores of arms and ammunition to be removed from the magazines at Hull to the Tower of London; under the pretence that they could be kept there " for less charge, and more safety: and could be transported hence with much more convenience for the service of the kingdom of Ireland." To this petition the King sent a long reply, complaining that a garrison and a Governor had been placed at Hull without his consent, and refusing to accede to the request of the Parliament. Lord Clarendon owns that one of the chief reasons why the King came down into the north, was to seize upon Hull, which at that time was the most important fortress in the whole kingdom; and its vast magazine, which far exceeded the collection of warlike stores in the Tower of London. The two Houses seemed to have penetrated into his design, for as soon as it was known that he was actually gone to York, they began to apprehend the town of Hull would be in danger, and therefore Sir John Hotham received the strictest orders not to allow foreign ships to enter the port without strict examination into their strength, burden, &c.; and to see that no English forces or other forces whatever, should enter the town, but those already appointed to be the garrison there. At the same time the Parliament instructed the Lord Admiral to take special care to guard the seas, and to search all ships coming from Holland to Hull; and the Lord Lieutenants and High Sheriffs of the northern counties were ordered by both Houses to suppress all forces which shall be raised in those parts without the direction of Parliament; and to take special care of Hull, Neweastle, and other towns on those coasts.

The 23rd of April, 1642, is a memorable period, not only in the annals of Hull, but in the history of the kingdom, as on that day the Parliamentarian party committed the first act of open hostility towards their monarch. Early in the morning of that day, the King, attended by his son Prince Charles, and about 300 of his servants, as well as a great number of the county gentlemen, set out from York to Hull, and when he was within about four miles of that place, he despatched an officer (Sir Lewis Davis) to inform the Governor that he intended that day to dine with him. On receipt of this unexpected message, Sir John Hotham consulted with Mr. Pelham, the M.P. for Hull, and others of his friends, and the result of their conference was a fixed determination not to suffer the King to enter the town. They therefore sent a messenger " humbly to beseech his Majesty to decline his intended visit, since the Governor could not, without betraying the trust committed to him, set open the gates to so great a train as he was at present attended with." The King incensed at this message continued to advance, and Sir John ordered the bridges to be drawn up, the gates to be closed, the soldiers to stand to their arms on the walls, the cannons to be charged, and the inhabitants to be confined to their houses till sunset. About eleven o'clock the King arrived at the Beverley-gate, and surprised to find all things in readiness for the reception of an enemy, called for the Governor, who appearing on the walls, he commanded him, on his allegiance, to open the gate and admit his Sovereign. Hut the Governor, with many professions of duty and several expressions of fear, told his Majesty " that he durst not open the gates to him, being intrusted by the Parliament with the safety of the town." The King told him, " that he believed he had no order from the Parliament to shut the gates against him, or to keep him out of the town ; " to which he replied, " that his Majesty's train was Bo great, that if it were admitted he should not bo able to give a good account of his trust to those that employed him." Charles then proposed to enter with twenty of his attendants only, and that the rest should stay without the gates, but this proposal was refused. The King then desired him " to come out of the gates that he might confer more particularly with him, and assured him, on his royal word, of safety and liberty to return," but this request also the Governor refused to comply with; whereupon his Majesty, in a spirited remonstrance, told him that for this gross act of disobedience, which was likely to cause much bloodshed and many calamities, he would immediately proclaim him a traitor, and proceed against him as such. Sir John, then falling upon his knees, talked confusedly of the trust he had received from the Parliament, and prayed " that God would bring confusion upon him and his, if he were not a faithful and loyal subject; " but in conclusion he plainly denied his Majesty admission into the town.f The King continued before the gate till four o'clock, and having giveu Sir John oue hour to take his final resolution, his Majesty returned to the gate, and receiving the same answer as before, he ordered two heralds at arms to proclaim the Governor a traitor, and all those who obeyed him guilty of high treason. Here was a change indeed ! Three years since, the people of Hull were frantic with joy at the sight of their " royal master." The English language was found almost inadequate to the supply of words necessary for the formation of the fulsome compliments with which he was theu greeted. Now he stood a suppliant before that same gate at which he then so prondly received the " Hull favour," and he craved admittance into his " royal town " in vain! Charles, being thus repulsed, lodged that night at Beverley, and the next morning he sent a herald to Sir John, summoning him once more to open the gates on pain of being proclaimed a traitor, but the herald, like his royal master, proved unsuccessful, and the King, filled with mortification and disappointment, was obliged to return to York.

It is remarkable that the Duke of York, afterwards James II., together with the Prince Elector of Palatine (the King's nephew), the Earl of Newport, Lord Willoughby, Sir Thomas Glemham, and others, were actually dining at the Trinity House, whilst Sir John Hotham was parleying with the King at the gate. On the previous day they entered Hull undiscovered along with the crowd of the country people (it being market day), under the pretence of viewing the town; and being recognised, they were received and entertained by the Mayor and Governor, with all the respect duo to their rank. The Duke of York and his friends were suffered to go out of the town, and join the King's party without the gates, nt one o'clock in the afternoon.

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Highly incensed at the affront put upon him, Charles immediately sent an express with a message to both Houses of Parliament, explanatory of his motives for going to Hull, and demanding justice against the Governor of that place, for his treasonable refusal to obey the royal commands; but instead of punishing that officer, or replying to the King's complaint, Parliament bestowed upon him and his supporters a vote of thanks; and passed a resolution to the effect, that as Sir John Hotham had done nothing but in obedience to the commands of the Houses of Lords and Commons, that the King's declaring him a traitor-—being a member of the lower house—was a high breach of the privilege of Parliament; and without due process of law was against the liberty of the subject and the law of the land. The Parliament then ordered two ships of war immediately to Hull, under the command of the Earl of Warwick ; and a committee of both Houses was sent into the north, to take care of those parts, and of Hull; and in particular to thank Sir John Hotham, the commanders and soldiers under him, together with such of the inhabitants as had shewn a favourable disposition to the cause in which they were engaged ; and to assure them that particular care should be taken to reward them according to their deserts.(Parlinmenlary History, vol. x., p. 461.)

the Parliament attributes its conduct towards the King, to the influence, which they affect to fear, the wicked councils of " some in near trust and authority about him," will or may have upon his Majesty. They charged the King's friends, which they termed the malignant party, with drawing him into places of strength, remote from his Parliament; with exciting the people to commotions, under pretence of serving his Majesty against his Parliament; and they told the King that, " lest this malignant party, by the advantage of the town and magazine of Hull, should be able to go through with their mischievous intentions," that they commanded the town of Hull to be secured by a garrison, under the government of Sir John Hotham, requiring him to keep the same for the service of his Majesty and his kingdom. Upon these grounds they justified Sir John Hotham's refusal to admit his Majesty, and declared him clear of the odious crime of treason. The garrison of Hull was then much augmented, so that there was little ground for hope that the King could obtain possession of it; indeed the probability was greater that Sir John Hotham should take York, than his Majesty could recover Hull. Charles, therefore, resolved to put himself in a posture of defence. In ordor to do this, he summoned the gentry of Yorkshire to meet him at York, and to them he declared his apprehension of danger, and his wish to have a guard for his person, " but of such persons, and with such circumstances, as should administer no occasion of jealousy to the most suspicious; and wished the gentlemen of quality who attended, to consider and advise of the way." A guard of honour of 200 gentlemen was immediately formed, under the command of the Prince of Wales, whose Lieutenant-Colonel was Sir Francis Wortley. His Majesty had also a regiment of 600 foot of the trained bands, commanded by Sir Robert Strickland.

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The Parliament then declared " that the King was levying forces to subdue them," and fears and jealousies were instilled into the minds of the people, by means of various pamphlets, which were dispersed throughout the kingdom. One of them, published by the authority of Parliament, had this singular title—"Horrible news from York, Hull, and Neweastle, concerning the King's Majesty's intent to take up arms against the Parliament; with his Majesty's threatenings to imprison the Lord Fairfax, Sir Philip Stapleton, and the rest of the Committee appointed by the Parliament to sit at York; and the joint vote of both Houses concerning the same." Another pamphlet was styled—" More news from Hull; or a most happy and fortunate prevention of a most hellish and devillish plot, occasioned by some unquiet and discontented spirits against the town of Hull, endeavouring to command their admittance by casting balls of wild f,re into the town, which by policy and treaty they could uot retain." Amongst the curious reports fabricated about this time, and industriously circulated, to inspire terror and keep the town of Hull in a constant state of alarm, was, that Lord Lord D unbar kept a great number of horses and armed men in spacious vaults under the ground, in order to surprise the town at night; that a Lincolnshire gentleman, of the name of Terwhit, was ready to assist them, with 300 men in complete steel armour; and that the Spaniards were expected, with a fleet, to their assistance. This extraordinary report furnished grounds for considerably increasing the garrison, and parties were sent out to plunder the Royalists, under pretence of searching for arms and getting intelligence. The Purliament determined to remove the magazine from the town of Hull to the Tower of London, and a warrant was sent down to Sir John Hotham to deliver it to the Admiral, the Earl of Warwick, for that purpose; but the captains of the ships in the port received a command from the King at York, directing them, " on their allegiance not to put on board any part of the magazine, &c.;" consequently the military stores were not then removed.

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The King finding that the Parliament openly supported Sir John Hotham; and not being in a position to take Hull by a regular assault, for want of artillery, arms, and ammunition, attempted to gain possession of the town by a speedier and more easy way—by private application to some of the officers who had command in the town. In execution of this design he made use of Mr. Beckwith, of Beverley. That gentleman sent a letter to his son-in-law, an officer, named Fowkes, who was Lieutenant to Captain Lowenger, a Dutchman, then in command under Sir John Hotham at Hull, requesting him to come to Beverley, as he had something of concern to advise him about. Fowkes handed this letter to Mr. Robert Stockdale, secretary to Sir John, begging him to shew it to that officer, and to request permission for him to attend to the invitation contained therein, and promising at the same time to give a particular account of what had passed. Sir John readily granted what was desired, and on the Lieutenant's return from Beverley, he stated to him that in Mr. Beckwith's parlour he was introduced to fourteen or fifteen gentlemen, who proposed to him to conspire with his Captain to deliver up Hull to the King, by secreting opening the gates at some convenient time to be fixed upon ; and promised that his Captain should have £1,000. per annum settled on him and his heirs for ever, and £1,000. in ready money; and that £500. per ann. should be settled upon him (Fowkes) and his heirs, and £500. in money.

The Lieutenant seemed to comply with their request; and it was arranged that he should correspond with Mr. Beekwith. With many thanks and

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promises of great reward for his lidelity to the Parliament, Sir John ordered him to proceed in the plan; and he drew up a letter, which was transcribed by Fowkes, addressed to Beckwith, the purport of which was, " that he found his Captain very compilable, and should give them advice as they proceeded, how the business might best be accomplished." Several letters then passed to humour the design till the Governor thought l,t to bring the affair to an issue, and this was done by a letter written as usual, by Sir John, and transcribed by Fowkes, to this effect:—That on Tuesday next his Captain would command the main guard, and he the north gate, his Majesty would that afternoon send from York 1,000 horse, and 500 foot to be mounted behind the horsemen for the sake of expedition, and that they should be at Hull at two o'clock in the morning. They were, moreover, with a small party to give the alarm at Myton-gate, and with the main body to advance to the North gate, where he would give them entrance, so that they might march to the main guard, which Captain Lowenger would deliver into their hands, and thus the town become theirs without hazard. On this proposal being agreed to by Mr. Beckwith, the Governor called a council of war, and opened the whole matter to them. Most of the members who composed this council were for permitting the King's forces to enter the town, and then to cut them to pieces, but Sir John would not agree to this bloody proposal, humanely remarking " that he would never wantonly shed blood when it was in his power to save it." At one o'clock on Monday night, Sir John dispatched his secretary with a letter to the King at York, informing him of the discovery of the design, and also intimating that " he might spare himself the trouble of carrying on the contrivance." Parliament now passed a vote of thanks to Sir John Hotham, and declared Beckwith a delinquent, and guilty of a crime little less than high treason. Accordingly an officer was despatched who seized him at York, but he was immediately rescued by the King's directions, his Majesty at the same time observing, "that when the Parliament gave him justice against Sir John Hotham, he would deliver Beckwith up to them." Clarendon observes, "that it was thought very ridiculous to standers by, that Sir John Hotham should be justified for keeping the town against the King, and another gentleman be voted a delinquent for designing to recover it to its allegiance.

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The Parliament then published a very voluminous remonstrance—"a kind of war with the pen, which preceded that of the sword," addressed to the people at large; which, according to Clarendon, wrought more upon the minds of men than all the Parliament had before done; and notwithstanding the King's prohibition to the contrary, and without the least regard paid to his remonstrances and complaints, the magazine at Hull was conveyed to London, and deposited in the Tower. In a few days after the publication of the above remonstrance, Charles issued a lengthy reply, both of which arc printed in TickelTs History of Hull. Messages, remonstrances, and declarations between the King and the Parliament, were now frequent; and so conscious was Charles that he had a decided superiority, that ho dispersed everywhere the papers of the Parliament together with his own, that the people might he more enabled by comparison to form a proper judgment between them; whilst, on the other hand, the Parliament, while they distributed copies of their own, were anxious to suppress the King's compositions.(* Rushworth, vol. v., p. 751. Vol. n. )

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In a long answer to one of the last declarations of Parliament, the King reproached the two Houses for their illegal proceedings against him. He said that the keeping him out of Hull by Sir John Hotharn, was an act of high treason; and that taking away his magazine and ammunition from that place, contrary to his express command, was an act of violence against him ; and, in both cases, he told them that by the help of God and law he would have justice, or lose his life in requiring it. He maintained that the military stores at Hull were his private property, he had bought them with borrowed money previously to the Scottish invasion; that the town was his, for it had belonged to the Crown, and was still held by royal charter; and that the fortress was his, because to him belonged all the fortresses within the kingdom. But it was idle to talk of legal rights at a time when few, if any, hopes of peace were entertained; when a real though disguised war was already raging between the parties; and when each side was endeavouring to throw on the other the odium of commencing a civil war.

"Many people," says the Earl of Clarendon, "believe that the King too long deferred his recourse to arms, and that if he had raised forces upon his first repulse at Hull, his service would have been very much advanced; and that the Parliament would not have been able to have drawn an army together; " and the same noble historian gives us a reason for this dilatory proceeding in the King:—he tells us " that he had not at that time one barrel of powder, nor one musket, nor any other provision necessary for an army; and what was worse, was not sure of any port to which they might be securely assigned; nor had he money for the support of his table for the term of one month." However the Queen, by the sale of her own and the crown jewels in Holland, together with the assistance of the Prince of Orange, purchased a supply of arms and ammunition, and a part of it was sent in a small ship

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called the Providence, which, to avoid being taken, had been, by the captain's directions, run on ground in Keyingham Creek, on the Holderness coast Sir John Hotham having received intelligence of her arrival at that place, detached a strong party from his garrison at Hull for the purpose of taking the vessel and seizing her cargo; but the trained bands of Holderness warmly opposed them, and drove back the detachment. The Providence was then unloaded, and the arms and ammunition were safely escorted to his Majesty at York, by the trained bands of the country.

The King, with an army of about 3,000 foot and 1,000 horse, raised and paid partly by the nobility and gentry of the country, removed from York to Beverley, to which place he summoned the neighbouring trained bands to attend him. The court remained some days at Beverlev, from which place Charles published a proclamation, which he sent to the Parliament with a message to signify his intention to besiege Hull, unless they delivered it up to him. He also specified a day by which he would expect their answer at Beverley; but on the 12th of July, being the very day the message and proclamation were sent from Beverley, both Houses voted "that an army should be immediately raised, and that the command of it should be given to the Earl of Essex.

Meanwhile as soon as Sir John Hotham heard that the King was at Beverley and intended to march against Hull, he dispatched three messengers in quick succession, requesting his Majesty not to turn his arms against the town. for, he added, "that it was his, and all its inhabitants his loyal and faithful subjects, who were resolved always to continue such." But the King, who thought he had no great reason for placing much reliance on the Governors professions of attachment, thought proper to detain the messengers.

The Governor now called a council of war, by which it was determined that the surrounding country should be laid under water, in order to render all access to the town impracticable to the royal army. This resolution of the council was, the very same evening, carried into effect; the sluices were pulled up, and the banks, both of the Humber and the Hull, so cut, that the next morning, by the aid of the spring tides, the meadows and pastures, for the extent of two miles on every side of Hull, were covered to a considerable depth with salt water. The town was then put in the best state of defence. The hospital of the Charter House, and several houses in Myton Lane, were demolished, to prevent the besiegers from lodging in them; the fort at the south end was well furnished with iron guns, and one brass basilisk, seventeen feet long, which weighed 7,000 lbs. and the walls were well fortified with brass and iron guns. The town's ditch before the walls was both broad and deep and over this ditch lay three drawbridges at Myton, Beverley, and the North gates; and before each gate was a battery.

Whilst the garrison of Hull was making every preparation for a resolute defence of the town, the King had 200 men employed in cutting trenches, to divert the current of fresh water that supplied the town of Hull, and to convey it into the Humber. To prevent succours from being introduced into the town by water, 200 horse, commanded by Lord Willoughby, of Eresby, and Sir Thonas Glemham, were detached to the Humber side in Lincolnshire; and two forts were erected, one at Paull, a village five miles below Hull, and the other at Hessle Cliff, about the same distance above it. These forts were well mounted with cannon to command the Humber.

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The Parliament being informed of the state of affairs, gave orders that 500 men should be immediately sent by sea to Hull, to be followed by 1,500 more, as soon as they could be got ready; and some ships of war were also ordered down to scour the Humber. About the middle of July (1642), these recruits, together with a considerable sum of money, and a great store of provisions, arrived in the Humber, passed the fort at Paull without any material damage, and landed safely at Hull. Whilst some fruitless negoeiations between the King and his Parliament were pending, his Majesty made a journey to Nottingham and Leicester, to secure the affections of these places; and on his return to the army before Hull, he received an answer from the Parliament, containing a refusal of some propositions which he had offered.

The siege of Hull having now commenced, Sir John Meldrum, a Scotch officer of reputation, was sent down by the Parliament to assist Sir John Hotham, and greatly distinguished himself in the defence of the town. Cannonading commenced on both sides, but no considerable slaughter was made on either side; and in order to inflame the troops in the garrison against the royal cause, reports were raised in the town that the King contemplated measures of the greatest cruelty against the inhabitants, and that should he succeed in carrying the place, as he intended, by storm, every person, without respect to age, sex, or condition, was to be put indiscriminately to the sword. About the end of July, 500 of the troops in the garrison, under the command of Sir John Meldrum, made a desperate sally or sortie from the fortress, and attacked the King's forces with so much spirit, that a great part of his foot, consisting chiefly of the trained bands, fled on the first onset, so that the horse, seeing themselves thus shamefully deserted, retired towards Beverley with considerable loss, several being killed and wounded, and about thirty taken prisoners. Elevated by this good success, together with a fresh supply of troops, which arrived from London, the garrison many several other furious and successful sallies, in one of which the Royalists were driven out of the village of Anlaby; and a barn, belonging to Mr. Legard, which was used as a storehouse for a portion of the King's ammunition, was destroyed. In one of these skirmishes between the garrison and the King's forces, the Earl of Newport, who commanded the latter, was forced off his horse by a cannon ball, and thrown into a ditch, where, being in a state of insensibility, he nearly perished in the water before relief could be afforded him.

After repeated disasters, and having no ships of war to bombard the town from the river, nor to prevent supplies of men and provisions being conveyed into it, Charles found that all attempts to reduce it were ineffectual. He, therefore, called a council of war, and by their advice he resolved to raise the siege, and draw off his forces. This attempt on Hull having entirely failed, the Royalists retired to Beverley, where the trained bands were dismissed, and his Majesty, with his court and the rest of the army, returned to York.

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It appears that in the siege of Hull the King relied for success less upon the effciency of his own army, than upon the treachery of the Governor, with whom he had previously entered into a private treaty for surrendering the town ; and to all who were not in the secret, it was a matter of surprise that he being so ill provided with everything necessary for an expedition of such importance, should have attacked one of the strongest fortresses in the whole kingdom, which was well provided with a numerous garrison. But his Majesty's reason for removing his court to Beverley, and undertaking this enterprise, was in pursuance of a plan formed between Sir John Hotham and Lord Digby, son of the Earl of Bristol. This young nobleman, in whom the King placed the highest confidence, had been sent over from Holland by the Queen, to concert with the King a plan of operations.*(Clarendon.)

On his return he was taken prisoner by the Parliament's ships, and carried into Hull, where, under the disguise of a Frenchman, he remained for some time unknown. Pretending that he could give private information of the King's designs, he was introduced to Sir John Hotham, to whom he had the romantic hardihood to propose the surrender of the town to his Majesty. The manner in which the Governor received this extraordinary proposal, encouraged him to press the negociation ; and it was at length agreed between them, that the King, at the head of his small army, should attack the town, and that Sir John should deliver up the fortress at the f,ring of the first shot. Having thus far succeeded, Lord Digby was sent by the wavering Governor to York, to concert with the King measures for the enterprise. However,

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through the pusillanimity, the inconstancy, or the inability,* of Sir John Hotham, or perhaps from the union of these, the whole project proved abortive. Upon his Majesty's retreat to York, he left a body of troops at Beverley, to secure that town to his interest; but even this party a few days after was beaten from thence by a strong detachment, sent from the garrison at Hull, commanded by Colonel Boynton, nephew to Sir John Hotham.

The fruitless attempt of the King to recover Hull, proved an incredible damage to the inhabitants of the adjacent country, by the loss they sustained by the inundation of their land; and though both Houses of Parliament declared that the occupiers of those lands should have ample satisfaction for the loss they had sustained; yet, as such persons as were suspected of being favourable to the royal cause then, or formerly, had been exempted, few of the sufferers received any recompense at all; since the fact was, that most of the people of the neighbourhood, with the other inhabitants of Holderness, were well known to be attached to the King's service, and had recently concurred in a petition to his Majesty, complaining of this as well as of various other illegal actions of which Sir John Hotham had been guilty.

History of Beverly

Strickland Page 214 History of Beverly

Stickland http://www.archive.org/stream/historyandtopog00whelgoog#page/n228/mode/1up

the 2drd of April, 164d. After that memorable repulse Charles retired to Beverley, and lay there that night. From Beverley the unfortunate Monarch returned to York. The Parliament having now proceeded to active preparations for war, the King in his own defence was obliged to follow their example in the best manner he could. The Queen, having disposed of the Crown jewels, as well as her private jewels, in Holland, purchased a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition, and sent them by the ship Providence to England. These stores were landed in Kayingham Creek, in Holderness, and on the 2nd of July, 1643, a troop of horse passed through Beverley to Holderness to secure them for the King. On the same day a company of foot soldiers, called Strickland's regiment, consisting of about 800 men, under the command of Lieut.-Col. Duncombe, was placed to secure a strong post at Hull Bridge, on the side of Beverley, that the town might not be subject

• Tickell'8 Hull, p. 878.

Strickland Page 215 History of Beverly

to any sudden attack from the garrison at Hull. The soldiers having taken forcible possession of the house of William Cuthbert, at Hull Bridge, about midnight, were joined by the Earl of Newport, the Earl of Caernarvon, and several other noblemen, including Sir Thomas Gower, then High Sheriff of Yorkshire. This company remained there for about ten days, and was succeeded by Colonel Wyvil, with about 700 soldiers, who then took possession of that poet, On the 4th of July the King removed his court from York to Beverley, and took up his residence at the house of Lady Gee,(FOOTNOTE:This was a large mansion, the site of which is said to be the ground upon which now stand the Bar Houses and the residence of Dr. Sandwith.) with Prince Charles and the Duke of York. Three or four regiments, under the command of Sir Robert Strickland and Lieut.-Col. Buncombe, formed a guard of honour about his person, and the Earl of Lindsey was invested with the chief command of the royal army which was stationed there.

The reduction of Hull was the object the King had in view in removing his court to Beverley, and during the siege of that place Beverley was the head-quarters of his Majesty. Before he proceeded to lay siege to Hull, he published a proclamation, dated 8th of July, 164d, explaining his views and intentions; and three days afterwards he sent a message from Beverley to both Houses of Parliament entreating the members to return to their allegiance. The court of this monarch in his adversity was very splendid. He was attended by all his faithful nobility; not one, says Clarendon, remained at York; besides a numerous retinue of private gentlemen. FOOTNOTE 2 FOOTNOTE The following is a list of the nobility who formed the monarch'& court at Beverley on the present occasion. The Lord Keeper the Duke of Richmond; Marquises of Hartford and Hamilton; Earls of Bath, Berkshire, Bristol, Cumberland, Carlisle, Caernarvon, Cambridge, Clare, Dorset, Devonshire, Dover, Huntingdon, Lindsay, Newport, Northampton, Southampton, Salisbury, Monmouth, Newcastle, Thanet, and Westmorland; Lords Andover, Coventry, Chandos, Charles Howard of Charlton, Dunsmore, Capell, Mowbray, Strange, Longaville, Fauconbridge, Rich, Lovelace, Paulet, Newark, Saville, Seymore, Paget, Mohun, Faulkland, and Oray of Ruthin; Mr. Secretary Nicholas; Lord Chief Justice Bankes; Mr. Comptroller, and Mr. Chancellor of the Ex- chequer. — Drake's Ebor., pp. 160, 166.

It is to be regretted that the town's records contain no information relative to the King's residence here during the siege of Hull. The confusion the place was in at the time, the subsequent plunder of the town, and eventual flight of the Mayor, it is very probable prevented the official acts of the Corporation being properly registered, and may account for the deficiency.

When all attempts to reduce Hull failed, the King returned to Beverley, but the rebels followed him by a circuitous route, and unexpectedly crossing the imperfect ditches at

216 HISTORY OF BEVERLEY.

816 HISTORY OF BEVERLEY.

the North Bar, beat down the sentinels, and penetrated into the very centre of the town, before the Royalists were aware of the pursuit. Charles having taken refuge in the Hall-garth, the troops gave the rebels battle in the streets. Disappointed in their design of securing the King s person, thej made but a feeble resistance, and soon fled with precipitation back to Hull.

Charles and his court now retired to York, leaving a body of troops to secure Beverley to his interest ; but this party was beaten from the place by a strong detachment sent from Hull, headed by Colonel Boynton, nephew to Sir John Hotham. The town of Beverley was now in a deplorable state. All labour was suspended ; and the authorities, who were then divided in opinion respecting the merits of the dispute between the King and the Par- liament, were at a loss how to conduct themselves in this pressing extremity. Mr. Poulson truly remarks that whatever might be the predilection of the inhabitants for either of the great parties engaged in the contest, they were compelled to yield to circumstances. The open situation of the town, unpro- vided with fortifications, or the means of making any effectual resistance, alternately subjected it, from its proximity to Hull, to the commands and exactions of both Royalists and Parliamentarians.

When Sir John Hotham formed the design of abandoning his own party, and embracing the King's cause, the town of Beverley was garrisoned by about 1,000 Parliamentarian soldiers, under the command of Col. Boynton ; and the next day after the capture of Hotham in the streets of Beverley, a rescue was attempted by a body of the Royalist soldiers, who invested the town for that purpose, but were repulsed with considerable loss.*

The kingdom now exhibited the sad spectacle of cities beleaguered, villages plundered and burnt ; and the face of the country displayed a shocking pic- ture of waste and desolation. Beverley was converted into a depot for prisoners ; and being situated between York and Hull — ^the former possessed by the Royalists, and the latter by the republicans — the inhabitants were subjected to the consequence of every vicissitude of both the contending parties. Lord Fairfax, the Parliamentarian General, having been appointed Gk)vemor of Hull, sent his son Sir Thomas to the command of the garrison of Beverley, consisting of 25 troops of horse, and 2,000 footf The Earl of

• The attempt to bribe lieutenant Fowkes, son-in-law to Mr. Beckwith, of Beverley ; together with the defection of Sir John Hotham, and his son, Captain Hotham, firom the cause they had espoused, and their secretly negodating to deliver up Hull, Beverley, and Lincoln, to the Royalists ; together with the flight and capture of Sir John at Beverley, will be found detailed in our account of the siege of Hull.

f Rushworth's Collections, vol. v., p. 280. Fairfax himself states that he had at Beverley but ** the horse and 600 men."

Penny cyclopaedia of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful ..., Volume 27

Penny cyclopaedia of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful ..., Volume 27

By Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge (Gre p.704 

Some of the earliest movements in the civil war by which Charles I. was dethroned took place in this county, Charles having, early in the year 1642, left London for York, where his adherents flocked to him. Hull was then garrisoned by Sir John Hotham for the parliament, and he, in April, 1642, refused to admit the king, who went t.t demand entrance. Charles thereupon determined to raise forces for an attack upon Hull, and summoned the traineJ bands in the neighbourhood of Beverley; but Hotham cu' off access to Hull by breaking through the banks of the Humber, and flooding the country for two miles round the town, which thus gained time, and received reinforcements in July, when, by a vigorous attack upon the forces of the king, he was compelled to raise the siege. When, after a few months, Charles removed from York to Nottingham, he made Sir Thomas Glemham governor of York, and the earl of Cumberland military commander of the county. Tadcaster and Wetherby were successively fortified by the parliamentarians, and Glemham was defeated in two attacks upon the latter town; but subsequently the chief command of the king's forces being given to the earl of Newcastle, who brought strong reinforcements, Wetherby and Tadcaster were taken, and the parliamentary forces received other defeats. In 1643 Leeds was taken for the parliament by Sir Thomas Fairfax, who subsequently took possession of Bradford, where he was besieged by the ear! of Newcastle, who failed in his attempts to carry the place by storm, but subsequently obtained possession owing i the exhaustion of the ammunition of the garrison, Fairfax escaping with a party of horse by cutting his way throuri the ranks of the besieging army. In the same year QuecHenrietta Maria landed at Bridlington with a supply o' arms, which were safely conveyed to York, where aie remained three months. The earl of Newcastle, was created a marquis for his services in escorting the queen to Charltt when she left York. He subsequently defeated Fairfax tl Beverley, and laid siege to Hull; but though he continue: the siege with his whole forces for about six weeks, tht natural advantages of its position enabled the garrison t» hold the town, and at length to compel him to abandon his attempt. In the following year, 1(544, Fairfax gair.'-a battle against the royal forces near Selby, and afterwank with the Scottish forces of the earl of Leven, laid siege t: York ; but receiving intelligence of the approach of Prince Rupert, they raised the siege after it had been conlin-:. from April 19 to June 30, and went to Marston Moor

English history By James Goodeve Miall

Yorkshire illustrations of English history By James Goodeve Miall [10]311

When Charles I. (a.d. 1633), surrounded by the crowd of the Commons, uttered the following sentence, so expressive of the despotism of the king and of his ignorance of the temper of his people—" Remember that Parliaments are altogether in my power for their calling, sitting, or dissolution; therefore, as I find the fruits of them good or evil, they are to continue or not to be"—he proclaimed the knell of his own dynasty. The king, soon after, determined to visit Scotland, and stayed for some days at the Hull Manor. Soon after this, the demand for ship-money was made. It roused the nation to resistance, and when Charles added to his other mistakes the folly of attempting to impose a liturgy upon the people of Scotland, the war between king and people was indeed begun. Hull was selected as the fittest place for receiving military stores, and a large quantity of such materials was sent thither. In 1639, the king spent a month at York, and from thence paid a visit to Hull. He was received with great honours, and, as he entered the town, the cry was raised " God save and bless the king and send him victory over all his enemies !" A laudatory and indeed sycophantic address was prepared, with a purse of a hundred guineas, and from Hull he proceeded to Beverley and York, on his way to Newcastle.

In the following year the Scotch entered England with a large army and threatened York. The stores laid up in Hull were now greatly increased, and the royal forces were encamped on both sides of the river Ouse. At this time Straiford sent to Hull, expressing his Majesty's pleasure that Sir Thomas Glemham should be governor of the town. But this the inhabitants resisted, pleading that they were entitled to elect their own officer. The king therefore determined to visit Hull in person. Whereupon, either to avoid the expense of a royal visit, or from fear of the consequence of their refusal, Glemham was appointed. Charles now invited the peers of the realm to meet him at York. If he intended by this measure to set aside the Commons, he was frustrated; for his movement was answered by so many petitions to summon a parliament that he found it no longer in his power to refuse. The Long Parliament was summoned on the third of November, 1640. Among its members were Sir J. Lister and Harry Yane, for Hull ; W. Strickland and J. Allured, for Hedon ; Sir J. Hotham and M. Wharton, for Beverley; and — Hotham, Jun., for Scarborough.

The king and his Parliament now became antagonistic forces, and both parties used their strongest endeavours to secure Hull to their cause. The Parliament appointed Sir John Hotham governor ; the king, the Earl of Newcastle. The popular influence prevailed. By the advice of Sir Harry Vane, the fortifications of Hull were greatly strengthened. The possession of this fortress now became a point of contention between the king and his subjects. The Parliament petitioned the king to remove his military stores from Hull to the Tower, but to this the king would not consent; though he complained of the appointment of Hotham as governor. A counter-petition was got up in the north, signed by Wortley, Wentworth, and others, that the supplies might remain at Hull, for the security of the northern parts of the kingdom.

Charles at length (a.d. 1642) came to York in person, with the intention of seizing Hull. Meanwhile the Parliament was not idle, but sent an express to Hotham to allow no foreign ships to enter his port without careful examination, and prepared to remove the military stores to the Tower. The king now saw that there was no time to be lost, and resolved himself to visit this much contested port. Before going in person, however, he sent his brother, the Duke of York, with a small suite. They contrived to get within the town on a market day, unobserved. But they were soon recognised, and received the usual respectful attentions— were invited to dine with the Mayor, and on the next day, with the governor. But early on that day the king himself appeared, with a train of two or three hundred servants and gentlemen, and as he drew near the town, sent a messenger to inform the governor that he intended to dine with him. The crisis was a formidable one ; and, after consultation, a message was sent humbly praying the king to forego his visit, since the governor could not faithfully admit so great a train. But Charles advanced; only, however, to find the bridges drawn up, the gates shut, and the town in a posture of defence. The hour was about eleven. The king demanded the governor, whom he commanded on his allegiance, to open the gates to his sovereign. The governor, kneeling on the wall, pleaded the orders of Parliament, and the size of the royal train. Charles then proposed to enter with twenty only. It was declined. He asked the governor to come without the gates. That, too, was refused. The king then. set before the governor the enormity of his conduct, and declaring that he should be at once proclaimed a traitor, advised him to think again before such risks were encountered. Hotham was much moved ; he well might be. He trembled much; but he durst not admit the king. After some delay, the Duke of York was allowed to leave the town. Hotham was proclaimed a traitor. Charles retired to Beverley. The demand for admittance was the next day renewed, with the same result. The civil war had now begun in fact, though not yet in name.

The end approached rapidly. The Parliament laid hold of the militia and the navy, whilst the king, who had reason to apprehend being besieged at York, formed a body guard of gentlemen of the county, under the command of Sir F. Wortley, and put 600 of the trained bands under the colonelship of Sir T. Strickland. Charles's great lack was, however, of ammunition, for the seizure of Hull had greatly embarrassed him; it not only deprived him of his stores, but prevented his landing a fresh supply for which the Queen had pledged the royal jewels in Holland. Charles resolved, therefore, to make a new attempt on Hull, by endeavouring to bribe some of the principals of the garrison. But the scheme failed, and Hotham himself made known to the king the failure of the new experiment. Soon after the military stores were removed by the Parliament to London. To the great joy of the lloyalists, however, a little ship laden with ammunition contrived to land at Kayingham Creek, and the contents were conveyed in safety to the king at York.

Charles now began the siege of Hull in earnest. His head-quarters were at Beverley, whence he directed operations. A proclamation prohibited, on pain of death, the carrying of provisions into the fortress. Troops were sent into Lincolnshire to prevent supplies on that side ; trenches were cut to carry off the fresh water, and forts were built to prevent arrivals of food by the river. On the other hand, the governor fortified the walls, removed the Charter-house Hospital and many buildings at My ton, lest they should afford refuge to the lloyalists, and laid the whole of that side of the town under water. The Parliament strengthened Hotham's force, and used their command of the Humber to some purpose ; they intercepted a letter from the king to the Queen in Holland; they took prisoners some of the king's officers when crossing the river in a boat, and they kept a continual fire from the walls upon any Royalists who might appear within gun-shot. The king was too weak to accomplish much against such a fortress, and the marvel was that he had attempted it at all. But this afterwards explained itself.

Lord Digby, on his way to the Queen in Holland, had been taken by one of the Parliament's ships, and sent to Hull. During his imprisonment in that town, he contrived to gain the ear of the governor. Hotham had hoped to obtain the command of the northern Parliamentary forces, but was beginning to doubt of the appointment. Digby endeavoured so to influence him as to obtain the rendition of Hull to the king. Nor were his efforts altogether vain. He obtained the promise, that if the king would attack Hull, though with a weak force, it should be surrendered. By what means the plot failed is unknown; perhaps Hotham was too narrowly watched. The king, however, was compelled to withdraw his forces, and to raise the siege. On the 25th of August, 1642, the royal standard was set up at Nottingham. The sword was now drawn in every shire of the kingdom.

Almost all the gentry of Yorkshire sided with the king. They brought into the field, at their own expense, their retainers and husbandmen, many of them accustomed to field exercises, and therefore good riders, but many of them dissolute and abandoned. They constituted thus a body, good at a charge, but not capable of much steady endurance on the defensive; and though they warred for loyalty, and so far as their leaders were concerned self-preservation, they wanted the deep enthusiasm arising from a strong and powerful conviction. On the other hand, Lord Ferdinando Fairfax, of Denton, near Burley, and his son, Sir Thomas Fairfax, of Nun-Appleton, were almost the sole gentry who espoused the popular side. These two were appointed to the command of the army of the north. Their followers were mainly the middle-classes, men engaged in trade, who had long groaned under the evils of tyranny and spiritual oppression, fearing and hating the domination of the Stuarts, and obeying, in their opposition, the impulses of an overwhelming religious conviction. The majority of the manufacturers were but imperfectly armed, availing themselves of every implement offensive and defensive which fell in their way. Both sides were undisciplined in military tactics ; the Royalists were held together by a kind of feudal bond; the Roundheads by the similarity and intensity of their religious purposes.

The king's troops had been early sent into the manufacturing districts of the West Riding, where the royal cause was unpopular, to watch the inhabitants, and to prevent their combinations on the opposite side. But after the civil war had begun they were removed. The impression, however, which their loose habits and lawless proceedings had left upon the minds of the inhabitants, greatly damaged their cause, and in some cases the dread they created drove the inhabitants from their homes.

No town of the West Riding was more conspicuous for its attachment to the Parliamentary cause than Bradford. It was the seat of an active manufacturing industry, and having once formed almost the centre of the ancient district of Elmete, had been accustomed to value the sweets of liberty. As it stood upon no great highroad, but was deeply embosomed amidst ancient forests, it was less liable to outward influences than, other towns in its vicinity ; Leeds (for instance), where was a mixed population of Roundheads and Malignants. Bradford was essentially Puritan in its character and habits, and long retained this distinction with consistency. It therefore, with Halifax, was regarded as the stronghold of the Parliamentary cause.

As soon as the civil war began, Bradford, relieved of the Royalist troops, took measures to fortify itself against future attacks. But as Sir Thomas Fairfax afterwards said, the town was untenable. Surrounded by hills, the invention of artillery rendered its effective defence impossible. That the town and its inhabitants were not altogether destroyed is a striking proof, not only of the imperfect weapons of war in use at that time, but of the extreme unskilfulness with which they were then applied.

Bradford was the scene of the first action between the Royalist and Parliamentary forces in the West Riding. The king's troops, (stationed at Leeds), observing the inhabitants of that town intent upon

fortifying themselves and upon summoning aid from their neighbourhoods, especially Halifax and Bfngley, resolved to secure the place. They marched troops . accordingly to the hill above the church (Undercliffe), where they encamped ; and from that advantageous position attacked- the town, bringing several pieces of cannon to bear upon it. But the Bradford men defended themselves bravely. One of the guns of the attacking party burst, and at the same time a very heavy storm of sleet and snow came on, which, beating full in the faces of the Royalists, disconcerted them, and they retreated again to Leeds.

One of the first efforts of the Parliamentary army when formed was to keep all communication open between Hull, their great garrison, and the towns of the West Riding which were well affected to their cause. With this view the road to London, which was the communication between York and Nottingham, was jealously guarded. Sir Thomas Fairfax was sent to take possession of Wetherby with three hundred foot and forty horse, and Lord Fairfax held the pass at the bridge at Tadcaster. The governor of York, Glemham, fell upon the former with almost the effect of a surprise, but was repulsed. Soon after, the Earl of Newcastle, recently appointed the Royalist Commander-in-Chief, fell with a large force on Lord Fairfax at Tadcaster, at the same time dispatching the Earl of Newport to encounter his son at Wetherby. But the younger Fairfax had joined his father and the Royalist colonel found no foe. The skirmish at Tadcaster was severe. A large quantity of ammunition was expended, though few persons were slain. The Royalists were victorious, and the Fairfaxes retreated to Selby. The Earl of Newcastle then marched upon Pontefract, which he held, keeping up his communications, through Ferrybridge and Sherburn, with York, whilst Fairfax, though still in communication with Hull, was cut off from the West Riding.

Sir "W. Saville, with a large Royalist force, now attacked the town of Bradford. He was accompanied by the Earl of Newport, and by Glemham, Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and several others. The Bradford people obtained from Halifax a military man to command them. They employed the church as a fortress, and in the tower they placed their best marksmen. The besiegers planted their cannon, on Barker-end, so as at once to command the church and the principal street of the town, but neither received much damage; another proof of the ineffectiveness of artillery as managed at the beginning of this war. The besieged defended themselves with much vigour, firing principally at the officers, who seem to have been, much braver than their men, and consequently suffered severely. After five hours fight the Royalists were worsted, and were pursued in their retreat for a considerable distance from the town. The Earl of Newport, heading a detachment, came down upon the church, but fell into an ambush. lie cried out for quarter. One Ralph Atkinson, told him he should have " Bradford quarter; " by which he meant instant death. That phrase was long remembered.

After his defeat at Tadcaster, Sir T. Fairfax, eluding the Royalists by a night-march, came with parties of horse and foot to Bradford, " a town very untenable; but for their good affection to us," he says, " deserving all we could hazard for them." At this time Leeds and Wakefield were both held by the Royalists, and the skirmishing parties of the opposite forces were constantly meeting. Sir T. Fairfax brought with him three hundred foot, but these he considerably increased at Bradford; till the number amounted to eight hundred. As the Parliamentary party were much disheartened by their recent want of success, he resolved to attempt Leeds. The bridge at Kirkstall having been broken down, his troops crossed the river at Apperley, and attacked Sir W. Saville. The watchword was characteristic—" Emanuel! " Many of the men were new recruits, " having," says Fairfax, " been taken up about Bradford and Halifax only the Saturday before," but they stood to their work bravely. Leeds was taken, with five hundred prisoners and much ammunition, January 23rd, 1643. Sir "W. Saville narrowly escaped with his life.

The Earl of Newcastle now feared lest his communications should be intercepted. He therefore moved upon York, and Sir T. Fairfax joined his father at Selby. They advanced to Tadcaster, endeavouring to maintain the pass at Wetherby, where Sir T. Fairfax was stationed with three hundred foot and forty horse. Here the Royalists fell upon them with a superior force, but the accidental blowing up of a magazine, upon Fairfax's side, led them to conclude that the Parliamentarians had cannon (though they had none), and struck into them a panic, causing a general rout.

In the month of February (20th), the Queen, who had pledged in Holland the crown jewels, and had obtained in return a large amount of ammunition for the Royal service, determined to return to England. She, therefore, embarked under the protection of a Dutch fleet, under Van Tromp. The Parliamentary navy had some suspicion of this movement, and kept several ships cruising about the eastern coast. At the time of the Queen's arrival, however, the Parliament's fleet was at Newcastle. When they received notice of the Queen's approach they immediately sailed for Bridlington, resolved that, if they could not prevent the landing, they would annoy the Queen's party. In expectation of her coming, the Earl of Newcastle had moved his forces towards the east coast. The Queen was scarcely on shore when, as the night closed, four of the Parliament's vessels appeared before the town, and began a cannonade, aimed especially at the house in which she was lodged. These vessels were under Admiral Batten, who, as the Queen had been pronounced a traitress, thought killing no murder. The vessels of Von Tromp were too large to approach the shore for the Queen's defence. Some of the barshot penetrated the Royal chamber, so that she was compelled, with her suite, to leave her bed, and take refuge behind the banks of the river, where the shot flew around her, and one of her servants was killed.* Henrietta was received by her party with the utmost respect and attention, and after remaining a fortnight at Boynton Hall, near Bridlington (where batteries were raised for the defence of the port, though no further attack ensued), she left for York, where she arrived on March 8th. She carried with her the plate of the house (in the absence of the proprietors) for the king's use—he being then without money, and left her own portrait in its place. During her stay one of the captains of the five vessels, by which she had been bombarded, was taken. As he was being led to execution, the queen asked what it meant. On being told, she said, " Ah ! but I have forgiven him all that, and, as he did not kill me, he shall not be put to death on my account." This generosity touched many hearts, and proved extremely serviceable to the Royal cause. The Earl of Newcastle, for his attentions to her Majesty and his service to the Royal cause, was created a Marquess.

Treaty of Neutrality (Yorkshire)

An account northern parts dispositions at that time

When the king left Yorkshire, he appointed sir Thomas Glemham, at the desire of the gentlemen of that county, as was before remembered, to stay in York, to order and command those forces, which they should find necessary to raise, to defend themselves from the excursions of Hull, whence John Hotham the younger infested the country more than his father (Sir John Hotham); who was willing enough to sit still in his garrison, where he believed he could make advantage upon the success of either party: and they who were most inclined to the parliament (whereof the lord Fairfax and his son Thomas were the chief; from whom the king was so far from expecting any notable mischief, that he left them all at their own houses, when he went from thence; and might, if he had thought it requisite, have carried them away prisoners with him) were rather desirous to look on, than engage themselves in the war; presuming that one battle would determine all disputes, and the party which prevailed in that would find a general submission throughout the kingdom. Clarendon stated that "I believe, there was scarce one conclusion, that hath contributed more to the continuance and length of the war, than that generally received opinion in the beginning, that it would be quickly at an end". During that summer there was only one visible difference between the parties that was clearly obvious to the country, which was about the militia, the king appointing it to be governed and disposed by the Commission of Array, and Parliament by their Militia Ordinance; that many gentlemen in the shires what ever party they were inclined to support agreed that in their region that all in their location should be content to sit still, without engagement to either party. This seemed very reasonable to the parliament party in Yorkshire as they were not really carried away with a passion to military confront the royalist party as they judged that the majority of gentry in the county were for the King, for, besides the lord Fairfax, there were in truth few of good reputation and fortune, who supported Parliament. On the other hand, the king's party thought their work done by it; for they having already sent two good regiments of foot, the one under colonel John Bellasis, younger son to the Lord viscount Falconbridge, and the other under Sir William Pennyman; and two regiments of dragoons, the one under Colonel Sir Edward Duncombe; the other, Colonel Doyley Gower; besides three or four good troops of horse; and the king being at that distance, that they could not send him farther supply; they thought they had nothing to do, but to keep the country in such a peace, that it might do the king no harm by sending men to the Earl of Essex, or adhering to the garrison of Hull; and concluding, as the other did, that the decision between the king and Parliament would be at the first encounter.

Articles of neutrality agreed in Yorkshire between both parties

Upon these deliberations, articles were solemnly drawn up, at Rothwell, near Leads consented to and subscribed on 29 September, by Sir Thomas Fairfax, and Henry Bellasis, the heir apparent of the lord Falconbridge, who were the two both knights of the shire who served in parliament for Yorkshire, nearly allied together, and of great kindness till their several opinions and affections had divided them in this quarrel: the former adhering to the parliament; the latter, with great courage and sobriety, to the king.

With them, the principal persons of either party subscribed the articles, and gave their mutual faiths to each other, that they would observe them ; being indeed no other than an engagement of neutrality, and to assist neither party.

Of all the gentry of Yorkshire, there were only two dissenters on the parliament side; young Hotham, and Sir Edward Rhodes; who, though of the better quality, was not so much known, or considered, as the other.

Parliament's refutation

John Hotham the younger, and sir Edward Rhodes quickly found seconds enough; for the parliament no sooner was informed of this transaction, than they expressed their detestation of it, and gently in words (though scornfully in matter) reprehending the lord Fairfax, and his party, "for being cozened and overreached by the other;" they declared,

that none of the parties to that agreement had any authority to bind that country to any such neutrality, as was mentioned in that agreement; it being a peculiar and proper power and privilege of parliament, where the whole body of the kingdom is represented, to bind all, or any part thereof: that it was very prejudicial and dangerous to the whole kingdom, that one county should withdraw themselves from the assistance of the rest, to which they were bound by law, and by several orders and declarations of parliament: that it was very derogatory to the power and authority of parliament, that any private men should take upon them to suspend the execution of the ordinance of the militia, declared by both houses to be according to law, and very necessary, at that time, for the preservation of the peace and safety of the kingdom. And therefore, they said, they thought themselves bound in conscience to hinder all father proceedings upon that agreement; and ordered, that no such neutrality should be observed in that county. For if they should suffer particular counties to divide themselves from the rest of the kingdom, it would be a means of bring

all to ruin and destruction.

— Houses of Parliament.

And therefore they farther declared, that

neither the lord Fairfax, nor the gentlemen of Yorkshire, who were parties to those articles, nor any other inhabitants of that county, were bound by any such agreement; but required them to pursue their former resolutions, of maintaining and assisting the parliament, in defence of the common cause, according to the general protestation wherein they were bound with the rest of the kingdom, and against the particular protestation by themselves lately made; and according to such orders and commissions as they should receive from both houses of parliament, from the committee of the lords and commons appointed for the safety of the kingdom, or from the earl of Essex, lord general.

— Houses of Parliament.

And, lest this their declaration should not be of power enough to dissolve this agreement, they published their resolution, and directed that

Mr. Hotham and sir Edward Rhodes should proceed upon their former instructions; and that they should have power to seize and apprehend all delinquents that were so voted by the parliament, and all such others, as delinquents, as had, or did shew themselves opposite and disobedient to the orders and proceedings of parliament.

— Houses of Parliament.

Immediate aftermath

Upon Parliament's declaration, and vote, not only young Hotham fell to the practice of acts of hostility, with all licence, out of the garrison at Hull: but the lord Fairfax himself, and all the gentlemen of that party, who had, with that protestation, signed the articles, instead of resenting the reproach to themselves, tamely submitted to those unreasonable conclusions; and, contrary to their solemn promise and engagement, prepared themselves to bear a part in the war, and made all haste to levy men.

Upon so great a disadvantage were the king's party in all places; who were so precise in promises, and their personal undertakings, that they believed they could not serve the king, and his cause, if their reputation and integrity were once blemished, though some particular contract proved to his disadvantage: whilst the others exposed their honours for any present temporary conveniences, and thought themselves absolved by any new resolution of the houses, to whose custody their honour and ingenuity was committed. The present disadvantage of this rupture was greater to the king's party there, than to the other. For (besides that many, who concurred with them very frankly and solicitously in the neutrality, separated themselves from them now there was a necessity of action) they had neither money to raise men, nor arms to arm them; so that the strength consisted in the gentlemen themselves, and their retinue; who, by the good affections of the inhabitants of York, were strong enough to secure one another within the walls of that city. Then the earl of Cumberland, in whom the chief power of command was to raise men and money in a case of necessity, though he was a person of entire devotion to the king, was in his nature inactive, and utterly inexperienced in affairs and exigents of that nature.

On the other hand, the opposite party was strengthened and enabled by the strong garrison of Hull, whence young Hotham, on all occasions, was ready to second them with his troop of horse, and to take up any well affected person who was suspected to be loyal; which drove all resolved men from their houses into York, where they only could be safe.

The other could have what men more they desired from London, and both ready money from thence to Hull, and ordinances to raise what they would in the county to pay them. Leeds, Halifax, and Bradford, three very populous and rich towns, (which depending wholly upon clothiers too much maligned the gentry,) were wholly at their disposition. Their neighbours in Lincolnshire were in a body to second them, and Sir John Gell was on the same behalf possessed of Derby, and all that county, there being none that had the hardiness yet, to declare there for the king. So that, if sir John Hotham's wariness had not kept him from being active, and his pride, and contempt of the lord Fairfax, upon whom the country chiefly depended, hindered him from seconding and assisting his lordship; or if any man had had the entire command of those parts and forces, to have united them, the parliament had, with very little resistance, been absolute masters of all Yorkshire; and, as easily, of the city itself. But their want of union in particulars,' though they agreed too well in the main, gave the king's party time to breathe, and to look about for their preservation. Thereupon they sent to the Earl of Newcastle for assistance; offering, "if he would march" into Yorkshire, they would join with him, and be "entirely commanded by him;" the Earl of Cumberland willingly offering to wave any title to command.

It was before remembered, that, when the king left York, he had sent the Earl of Newcastle, as a person of great honour and interest in those parts. to be governor of Newcastle; and so to secure that port, that the parliament might neither seize it, nor the Scots be bribed by it to come to the assistance of their brethren. Which commission from the king his lordship no sooner executed, without the least hostility, (for that town received him with all possible acknowledgments of the king's goodness in sending him,) but he was impeached by the house of commons of high treason. From his going thither, (which was in August,) till toward the end of November, the earl spent his time in disposing the people of Northumberland, and the bishopric of Durham, to the king's service, and to a right understanding of the matters in difference; in the fortifying Newcastle, and the river; whereby that harbour might only be in the king's obedience; in raising a garrison for that place, and providing arms for a farther advance of the king's service. Then he provided for the assistance of his friends in Yorkshire, whose condition grew every day more desperate. For the parliament, finding the inconveniences of having no commander in chief in those parts, had caused their generalissimo, the Earl of Essex, to send a commission to the lord Fairfax, "to command all the forces of Yorkshire, and the adjacent counties, in chief;" by which, in less time than could be reasonably imagined, he was able to draw together an army of five or six thousand horse and foot; so that York must presently have been swallowed up.

But, in the beginning of December, the earl of Newcastle marched to their relief; and having left a good garrison in Newcastle, and fixed such small garrisons in his way, as might secure his communication with that port, to which all his ammunition was to be brought; with "a body of near three thousand foot, and six or seven hundred horse and dragoons, without any encounter with the enemy, (though they had threatened loud,) he entered York; having lessened the enemy's strength, without blood, both in territories and men. For, as soon as he entered Yorkshire, two regiments raised in Richmondshire and Cleveland dissolved of themselves; having it yet in their choice to dwell at home, or to leave their houses to new comers. The earl being now master of the north as far as York, thought rather of forming an army, and providing money to pay it, than of making any farther progress in the winter; and therefore suffered the lord Fairfax to enjoy the southern part of that large rich county, till the spring, and the improvement of his conditions should enable him to advance: yet few days passed without blows, in which the parliament forces had usually the worst.

References

• Edward Hyde Clarendon (Earl of). The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England: To which is Added an Historical View of the Affairs of Ireland, Edward Hyde Clarendon, Clarendon press,1826 pp. 435–443

regicide

Walter Peace, Notes tending to illustrate the history of the primitive Christian Church in ..., p. 82

---

The English reformation and its consequences (1901) p. 250–255

"A Declaration of the Sentence and Deposition of Elizabeth, the vsurper and pretensed Quene of England."

[Tiwney's Dodd vol. iii. p. xliv. I have abridged it in places.]

"SIXTVS the Fifte, by Gods prouidence the vniuersal pastor of Christes flocke, to whome by perpetual and lawful succession, apperteyneth the care and gouernemēt of the Catholike Church, seinge the pittyfull calametyes which heresy hath brought into the renoumed cuntryes of Englande and Irelande, of olde so famouse for vertue, Religion, and Christian obedience; And how at this present, through the impietie and peruerse gouernemēt of Elizabeth the pretensed Quene, with a fewe her adhearētes, those kingdomes be brought not onely to a disordered and perillouse state in them selues, but are become as infected members, contagious and trublesome to the whole body of Christendome: . . . Therfore our Holy Father, desyringe as his duty is, to prouide present and effectuall remedy, inspired by God for the vniuersall benefite of his Churche, moued by the particuler affection which him selfe and many his predecessors haue had to these natyons,

And solicited hj the Zeloos and importunate instance of sundry the most principall persones of the same, hath dealt earnestly with diuers Princes,

• and specially with the mighty and potent Kinge

Caiholike of Spaine, . . . that he will employe those forces which almighty God hath giuen him, to the deposition of this woman, and correctio of her com- plices, so wicked and noysome to the worlde ; and to the reformation and pacification of these king- domes, whence so greate good, and so manifold publike commodeties, are like to ensue.

"And to notefy to the world the iustice of this acte, and giue full satisfaction to the subiects of those kingdomes and others whosoeuer, and finally to manyfest Gods iudgements vpon sinne ; his Holy- nes hath thought good, together with the declara- tory sentence of this womans chasticement, to publish also the causes, which haue moued him to precede against her in this sorte. First for that she is an Heretike, and Schismatike, excomuni- cated by two his Holines predecessors ; obstinate in disobedience to God and the See Apostolike; presuminge to take vpon her, contrary to nature, reason, and all lawes both of God and man, supreme iurisdiction and spirituall auctority ouer mens soules. Secondly for that she is a Bastard, con- ceyued and borne by incestuous adultery, and ther- fore vncapable of the Kingdome, aswell by the seuerall sentences of Clement the 7. and Paule the 3. of blessed memory, as by the publike declaration of Kinge Henry him selfe. Thibdly for vsurpinge the Croune witiiout right, hauing the impediments mentioned, and contrary to the auncyent acorde made betwene the See Apostolike and the realme of England . . And Fvbther for that with sacrilege and impiety, she contineweth violating

252 THE REFORMATION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.

the Bolemne Othe made at her coronation, to main- teyne and defende the auncyent priueleges and eccle- eiasticall libertyes of the lande. For Many and greuous iniuiyes, extorsions, oppressions, and other' wronges, done by her, and suffered to be done against the poore and innocent people of both cuntryes. For sturringe vp to sedition and rebel- lion the subiects of other nations about her, against their lawful! and naturall princes . . . For harbor- inge and protectinge Heretikes, fugetiues, rebelles, and notorious malefactors, with greate iniury and preiudice of diuers comon wealthes : and procuringe for the oppressio of Christendome and disturbance of comon peace, to bringe in our potet and cruell enemy the Turke, For so longe and barbarouse persecution of gods saints, aflictinge, spolynge, and imprisoninge the sacred Bishops, tormentinge, and pittyfuUy murtheringe numbers of holy Preists, and other catholike persons. For the vnnatural and iniust imprisonment, and late cruelty vsed against the most gracyous Princesse, Mary Quene of Scotland^ who vnder promise and assurance of protection and succor, came first into Englande. For abolishinge the trew Catholike religion ; prophaninge holy Sacramets, Monasteryes, Churches, Sacred persons, Memories of saints, and what els so euer might helpe or further to eternal saluation : And, in the Comon welth, disgraceing the auncyent Nobility, erecting base and vnworthy persons to all the Ciuile and Ecclesiastical Dignetyes, sellinge of lawes and iustice. And finally exercysinge an absolute Tyrannic, with high offence to almighty God, oppressyon of the people, perdition of soules, and ruine of those cuntryes.

""Wherfore, these thinges beinge of such nature and qualety, that some of the make her vnable to

APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS. 253

reigne, others declare her vnworthy to Hue; His Holinesse, in the almighty power of God, and by Apostolical auctority to him committed, doth renewe the sentece of his predecessors Pius 5. and Gregory the 13. tooching the Excomunication and deposition of the sad Elizaheih: and further a newe doth Excommunicate, and depriue her of all her auctority and Princely dignety, and of all title and preten- syon to the said Croune and kingdomes of England and Ireland ; declaringe her to be illegittimate, and an vniust vsurper of the same ; And absoluinge the people of those states, and other persons whatsoeuer, from all Obedience, Othe, and other bande of Subiection vnto her, or to any other in her name. And further doth straitely commaunde, vnder the indignation of almighty God, and payne of Ex- comunication, and the corporal punishmet appoynted by the lawes, that none, of whatsoeuer condition or estate, after notice of these presents, presume to yeilde vnto her, Obedience, fauor, or other suc- curse ; But that they and euery of them concurre by all meanes possible to her chastisement. To the ende, that she which so many wayes hath forsaken God and his Churche, beinge now destitute of worldly comforte, and abandoned of all, may acknowledge her offence, and humbly submitt her selfe to the iudgements of the highest.

" Be it therfobe notefyed to the inhabitants of the said Cuntryes, and to all other persons, that they obserue diligently the premisses, withdrawinge all succor publike and priuate, from the party pursued and her adherents, after they shall haue knowlege of this present : And that forthwith they vnite them selfs to the Catholike army conducted by the most noble and victorious Prince, Alexander Farnesius, Duke of Farma and Flacentia, in name

254 THE REFORMATION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.

of his Maiesty, with the forces that eche one can procure, to helpe and cScurre as ys aforesaid (yf nede shall he) to the deposition and chasticement of the said persons, and restitutio of the holy Catholike faith. Signifyenge to those which shall doe the contrary or refuse to doe this here comaunded; that they shall not escape condigne punishment.

"To PREVENT also the sheadinge of Christiane bloode, and spoyle of the cuntry, which might ensewe by the resistance of some principall offen- ders, Be it knowne by these presents, that it shal not onely be lawfull for any person publike or priuate (ouer and besides those which haue vnder- taken the enterprise) to areste, put in holde, and deliuer yp vnto the Catholike parte, the said vsurper, or any of her complices; But also holden for very good sendee and most highly rewarded, accordinge to the qualety and condition of the party es so deliuered . . . And finally by these presents, fre passage ys graunted to such as wil resorte to the catholike campe, to bringe victuals, munytion, or other necessaryes ; promisinge liberal! paymet for all such things, as shalbe receiued from tbs for seruice of the army. Exhorting withall and straitely commaunding, that al men accordinge to theire force and ability, be redy and diligent to assiste here in; to the ende no occasion be giuen to vse violence, or to punish such persons* as shall neglect this commaundement.

" Our said holy father, of his henignety, arid fauor to this enterjprice, out of the apirituall treasv/rea of the ChurchCj committed to his custody and dispensa- tion, grav/nteth most liberally, to al such as assist^ concurr, or helpe in amy wise, to the deposition and

APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS. 255

punishment of the aboue-named persons and to the reformation of these two Cuntryes, Plenary Indulgence and perdon of all their sinneS, beinge duely penitent, contrite, and confessed, according to the law of God, and vsual custome of Christian people.

"Laus Deo."

Richard Creed

John's brother Richard Creed (fl. 1652–1660) was a servant of the Cromwellian Major-General Harrison. He was a clerk in the admiralty by 1652, and on 21 August 1654 was appointed to succeed his friend John Poortmans as secretary to the generals-at-sea and deputy treasurer. He was still at the admiralty in March 1660, and there is uncertainty over which of the brothers some papers refer to. Richard, like John, was a religious radical, and was recommended to Cromwell as registrar of wills. He is to be distinguished from Major Richard Creed, republican opponent of Charles II.

Richard Creed House of commons vote[11] letter about himmore of the same

"Derbyshire man Captain Richard Creed as his own second-in-command"

"I. FOR, SERVICE IN ENGLAND AND WALES: 1. _Colonels of Horse Regiments_: John Lambert (with Richard Creed for his Major),"[12]

House of Comons 12 October Notes: The letter dated "White-hall, 5 Octob. 1659" is signed: Lambert, John Disborowe. William Packer. John Mason. Richard Creed. Robert Barrow. Monk's answer is dated "Dalkeith, 13. Octob. 1659."[13]

[14] [http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=gbgHAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA23&dq=%22Richard+Creed%22+Lambert#v=onepage&q=%22Richard%20Creed%22%20Lambert&f=false A memoir of Chirk castle, from original MSS.

By Chirk castle p. 23]

"Major Richard Creed, parliamentarian soldier ; eldest son of John Creed of ... 796) ; supported Lambert in his ejection of the parliament 13 Oct. 1659 ..." The letter-book of John Viscount Mordaunt, 1658-1660‎ - Page 60 p. 60

[15] Major Richard Creed, who commanded a troop under Lambert when that general surrendered to Ingoldsby : see 24 April following. He was imprisoned with the rest of the officers, but bis name does not recur in the Diary, nor is it known whether he was related to John Creed, so frequently mentioned hereafter.

song

24 April

Lambert and two of his officers, Ralph Cobbet and Richard Creed, are brought to London; their coach is greeted by jeering crowds. After appearing briefly before the Council of State, the three prisoners are committed to the Tower. A proclamation calls upon fugitive supporters of Lambert to surrender on pain of being declared traitors.

— chronology 1660

The statutes at large: from the Magna Charta, to the end of the ..., Volume 7

By Great Britain, Danby Pickering p. 432

This is the full wording of the Act of Parliament.

Pardon

Henry Hallam, The constitutional history of England, from the accession of Henry VII. to the death of George II. Harper, 1859 p. 406

Four subjects of great importance and some of them very difficult occupied the members of the Convention Parliament from the time of the return of King Charles II until its dissolution in the following December. These were: a general indemnity and legal oblivion of all that had been done during the Civil War and the Interregnum; an adjustment of the claims for reparation which the crown, the church, and private Royalists had to prefer; a provision for the king's revenue, consistent with the abolition of military tenures; and the settlement of the Church. These were, in effect, the articles of a sort of treaty between the king and the nation, without some legislative provisions as to which, no stable or tranquil course of law could be expected.

King Charles, in his Breda declaration (issued on 14 April 1660, had laid down, certain conditions for his restoration, as to some points which he knew to excite much apprehension in England. One of these was a free and general pardon to all his subjects, saving only such as should be excepted by Parliament. It had always been Charles's expectation, or at least that of his chancellor, Clarendon, that all who had been immediately concerned in his father's death should be delivered to punishment; and, in the most unpropitious state of his fortune, while making all professions of pardon and favour to different parties, he had constantly excepted the regicides.

George Monck however, had advised, in his first messages to the king, that none, or, at most, not above four, should be excepted on this account; and the Commons voted that not

Page 292

more than seven persons should lose the benefit of the Indemnity, both as to life and estate; yet, after having named seven of King Charles I's judges, (Thomas Harrison, William Say, John Jones Maesygarnedd, Thomas Scot, John Lisle, Cornelius Holland and John Barkstead) they proceeded in a few days to add several more, who had been concerned in managing his trial, or otherwise forward in promoting his death. So they went on to add on 7 June, the Commons, mindful of the Declaration of Breda, stated they as the Commons could add to the list others who would not be covered by the general pardon. They immediately added John Cooke, Andrew Broughton, Edward Dendy and the "Two Persons who were upon the Scaffold in a Disguise". On 8 June, the Commons voted that "That the Number of Twenty, and no more, (other than those that are already excepted, or sat as Judges upon the late King’s Majesty) shall be excepted out of the Act of general Pardon and Oblivion, for and in respect only of such Pains, Penalties, and Forfeitures, (not extending to Life) as shall be thought fit to be inflicted on them by another Act, intended to be hereafter passed for that purpose". Hallam list them as William Lenthall, Henry Vane the Younger, William Barton, Sergeant-at-law Richard Keble, Oliver St. John, Henry Ireton, Arthur Hazlerig, colonel William Sydenham, John Desboroagh, Daniel Axtell, John Lambert, Christopher Pack Alderman, John Blackwell of "Mortlake, Charles Fleetwood, John Pyne, Richard Deane, Major Richard Creed, Philip Nye clerk, John Goodwin clerk, and colonel Ralph Cobbet; some of them rather insignificant names.

Some thing else

• The diary of Bulstrode Whitelocke 1605-1675 By Bulstrode Whitlocke, Ruth Spalding, British Academy p. 607 "Sir Christopher Packe, a former Lord Mayor of London who was knighted by Cromwell, and Judge Richard Keble, who was reported to have acted arbitrarily against Royalists, were voted to be in the second exception."
• The parliamentary history of England, from the earliest period to the year ... By By William Cobbett, John Wright, Great Britain. Pa
• Cobbett's parliamentary history of England: from the Norman conquest, in ... Cobbett's parliamentary history of England: from the Norman conquest, in ... By William Cobbett
• The parliamentary or constitutional history of England: being a faithful ... By Great Britain. Parliament

• James Challoner 3 sittings
• Thomas Challonern 6 sittings
• John Dove 1 sitting
• John Fry (Dead) six sittings
• Sir James Harrington twice present
• Francis Lasscls there times presnet
• Thomas Lister one sitting
• Sir Henry Mildmay 4 sittings
• William, Lord Monson five
• Sir Gilbert Pickering. three
• Sir Wallop

Extra stuff

This difficult and intricate business on Monday the 11th of June, was pursued daily till '. the 18th, as follows :—

[16] On the 11th, ex-Speaker Lental Sir Henry Vane were put among the Twenty. Th a letter from Monk in Lentliall's behalf; but it went Lenthall notwithstanding, by 215 votes to 126, Clar of the tellers in his favour. There was no diinsion ii case,—

On the 12th, a William Burton, better knoi than now, was made one of the Twenty. Sergeant Keble was named for another, but the question was i

— On the 13th, Oliver St. John, Alderman John In Arthur Hasilrig, Colonel William Sydenham, and John Desboroagh, were added to the list, the only being in the case of Sydenham, who lost by 147 to 1( the 14th, Bnlstrode Whitlocke, who had presented a petition, went through the ordeal and came olf by a 175 to 134 not to put the question. After all, this

The constitutional history of England, from the accession of Henry VII to ...‎ - Page 292

p. 292

They went on to pitch upon twenty persons, whom, on account of their deep concern in the transactions of the last twelve years, they determined to affect with penalties, not extending to death, and to be determined by some future act of Parliament.

As their passions grew warmer,and the wishes of the court became better known, they came to except from all benefit of the Indemnity such of the king's judges as had not rendered themselves to justice according to the late proclamation.* In this state the Bill of Indemnity and Oblivion was sent up to the Lords.f But in that House the old Royalists had a more decisive preponderance than among the Commons. They voted to except all who had signed the death-warrant against Charles the First, or sat when sentence was pronounced, and five others by name, Hacker, Vane, Lambert, Hazlerig, and Axtell. They struck out, on the other hand, the clause reserving Lenthall and the rest of the same class for future penalties. They made other alterations in the bill to render it more severe ;t and with these, after a pretty long delay,

Footnote 4 Jane 30. This was carried without a division. Eleven were afterward excepted by name, as not having rendered themselves, July 9. t

Footnote 5 July 11.

Footnote 6 The worst and most odious of their proceedings, quite unworthy of a Christian and civilized assembly, was to give the next relations of the four peers who had been executed under the Commonwealth, Hamilton, Holland, Capel, and Derby, the privilege of naming each one person (among the regicides) to be executed. This was done in the last three instances; but Lord Denbigh, as Hamilton's kinsman, nominated one who was dead; and, on this being pointed out to him, refused to fix on another (Journal, Aug. 7. Ludlow, iii., 34).

Page 293

and a positive message from the king, requesting them to hasten their proceedings (an irregularity to which they took no exception, and which in the eyei of the nation was justified by the circnmstances), they returned the bill to the Commons.

The vindictive spirit displayed by the Upper House was not agreeable to the better temper of the Commons, where the Presbyterian or moderate party retained great influence. Though the king's judges (such, at least, as had signed the death-warrant) were equally guilty, it was consonant to the practice of all humane governments to make a selection for capital penalties; and to put forty or fifty persons to death for that offence seemed a very sanguinary course of proceeding, and not likely to promote the conciliation and oblivion so much cried up. But there was a yet stronger objection to this severity. The king, had published a proclamation, in a few days after his landing, commanding his father's judges to render themselves up within fourteen days, on pain of being excepted from any pardon or indemnity, either as to their lives or estates. Many had voluntarily come in, having put an obvious construction on this proclamation. It seems to admit of little question, that the king's faith was pledged to those persons, and that no advantage could be taken of any ambiguity in the proclamation, without as real perfidiousness as if the words had been more express. They were at least entitled to be set at liberty, and to have a reasonable time allowed for making their escape, if it were determined to exclude them from the Indemnity. The Commons were more mindful of the king's honour and their own than his nearest advisers. But the violent

Page 294

royalist were gaining ground among them, and it ended in a compromise. They left Hacker and Axtel, who had been prominently concerned in the king's death, to their fate. They even admitted the exceptions of Vane and Lambert; contenting themselves with a joint address of both Houses to the king, that, if they should be attainted, execution as to their lives might be remitted. Hazlcrig was saved on a division of 141 to 116, partly through the intercession of Monk, who had pledged his word to him. Most of the king's judges were entirely excepted; but with a proviso in favor of such as had surrendered according to the proclamation, that the sentence should not be executed without a special act of Parliament.* Others were reserved for penalties not extending to life, to be inflicted by a future act. About twenty enumerated persons, as well as those who had pronounced sentence of death in any of the late illegal high courts of justice, were rendered incapable of any civil or military office. Thus, after three months' delay, which had given room to distrust the boasted clemency and forgiveness of the victorious Royalists, the Act of Indemnity was finally passed.

Ten persons suffered death soon after Eiecution ofward for the murder of Charles regicides. the First, and three more who had been seized in Holland, after a considerable lapse of time.f There can be no reasonable ground for censuring either the king or the Parliament for their punishment, except that Hugh Peters, though a тегу odious fanatic, was not so directly implicated in the king's death as many who escaped ; and the execution of Scrope, who had surrendered under the proclamation, was an inexcusable breach of faith.} But

• Stat. 12 Car. II,, c. 11.

t These were, in the first instance, Harrison, Scott, Scrope, Jones, Clement, Carew, all of whom had signed tho warrant, Cook, the solicitor at the High Court of Justice, Hacker and Axtell, who commanded the guard on that occasion, and Peters. Two years afterward, Downing, ambassador in Holland, prevailed on the States to give np Barkitead, Corbet, and Okey. They all died with great constancy, and an enthusiastic persuasion of the righteousness of their cause.—State Trials.

Pepys says in bis Diary, Oct. 13th, 1660, of Harrion, whose execution he witnessed, " that he looked as cheerful as any man could do in that condition."

} It is remarkable that Scrope had been so particularly favored by the Convention Parliament as to bo exempted, together with Hutchinson and Lascelles, from any penalty or forfeiture by special resolution, June 9. But the Lords put in his name again, though they pointedly excepted Hutchinson ; and the Commons, after first resolving that he should only pay a fine of one year's value of his estate, came at last to agree in excepting him from the Indemnity as to life. It appears that somo private conversation of Scrope had been betrayed, wherein he spoke of the king's death as he thought.

nothing can be more sophistical than to pretend that such men as Hollis and Annesley, who had been expelled from Parliament by the violence of the same faction who put the king to death, were not to vote for their punishment or to sit in judgment on them, because they had sided with the Commons in the civil war.* It is mentioned by many writers, and in the Journals, that when Mr. Lenthall, son of the late speaker, in the very first days of the Convention Parliament, was led to say that those who had levied war against the king were as ЫашаЫе as those who had cut off his head, he received a reprimand from the chair, which the folly and dangerous consequence of his position well deserved ; for such language, though it seems to have been used by him in extenuation of the regicides, was quite in the tone of the violent Royalists.f

A question, apparently far more difficult, was that of restitution and re- _

Restitution

dress. The crown lands, those пГст.т-шшл of the Church, the estates in charchfcul<1< certain instances of eminent Royalists, had

As to Hutcbinson, he had certainly concurred in the Restoration, having an extreme dislike to tho party who bad tamed out the Parliament in Oct., 1659, especially Lambert. This may be inferred from his conduct, as well as by what Ludlow say», and Kennet in his Register, p. 169. Hia wife puta a speech into his mouth as to his share in the kind's death, not absolutely justifying it, but, I suspect, stronger than he ventured to use. At least, the Commons voted that he should not be excepted from the Indemnity "on account of his signal repentance," which could hardly be predicated of the language she ascribes to him. — Compare Mrs. Hutchinson's Memoirs, p. 367, with Commons' Journals, June 9.

• Horace Walpole, in his Catalogue of Noble Authors, has thought fit to censure both these persons for their pretended inconsistency. The case ia, however, different as to Monk and Cooper; and perhaps it may be thought that men of more delicate sentiments than either of these possessed would not have sat upon the trial of those with whom they had long professed to act in concert, though innocent of their crime.

t Сошлют' Journals, May 13, 1660. [Yet the balance of parties in the Convention Parliament was so equal, that on a resolution that receiver! and collectors of public money should be accountable to the king for all moneys received by them since Jan. 30, 1648-9, an amendment to substitute tho year 1642-3 was carried against the Presbyterians by 165 to 150. It was not designed that those who had accounted to the Parliament should actually refund what they had received, but to declaro, indirectly, the illegality of the Parliamentary an thority.—Commons' Journals, June 2.—1845.J

been sold by the authority of the late usurpers ; and that not at very low rates, considering the precariousness of the title. This naturally seemed a material obstacle to the restoration of ancient rights, especially in the case of ecclesiastical corporations, whom men are commonly less disposed to favor than private persons. The clergy themselves had never expected that their estates would revert to them in full propriety, and would probably have been contented, at the moment of the king's return, to have granted easy leases to the purchasers. Nor were the House of Commons, many of whom were interested in these sales, inclined to let in the former owners without conditions. A bill was accordingly brought into the House at the beginning of the session to confirm sales, or to give indemnity to the purchasers. I do not find its provisions more particularly stated. The zeal of the Royalists soon caused the crown lands to be excepti'il. - But the House adhered to the principle of composition as to ecclesiastical property, and kept the bill a long time in debate. At (In- adjournment in September, the chancellor told them, his majesty had thought much upon the business, and done much for the accommodation of many particular persons, and doubted not but that, before they met again, a good progress would be made, so that the persons concerned would be much to blame if they received not full satisfaction; promising, also, to advise with some of the commons as to that settlement, f These expressions indicate a design to take the matter out of the hands of Parliament ; for it was Hyde's firm resolution to replace the Church in the whole of its property, without any other regard to tho actual possessors than the right owners should severally think it equitable to display : and this, as may be supposed, proved very small. No further steps were taken on the meeting of Parliament after the adjournment; and by the dissolution the parries were left to the common course of law. The Church, the crown, the dispossessed Royalists, reentered triumphantly on their lands ; there were no means of repelling the owners' claim, nor any satisfaction to be looked for by the purchasers under so defective a title. It must be owned that the facility with which this was accomplished is a striking testimo [ocr errors]

ny to the strength of the new government, and the concurrence of the nation. This is tho more remarkable, if it be true, as Ludlow informs us, that the chapter lands had been sold by the trustees appointed by Parliament at the clear income of fifteen or seventeen years' purchase.*

The great body, however, of the suffering Cavaliers, who had compound- ,,.

ji r i- J i- i r Discontent

ed lor their delinquency under the of ihe Royordinances of the Long Parlia- ol'st>' ment, or whose estates had been for a time in sequestration, found no remedy for these losses by any process of law. The Act of Indemnity put a stop to any suits they might have instituted against persons concerned in carrying these illegal ordinances into execution. They were compelled to put up with their poverty, having the additional mortification of seeing one class, namely, the clergy, who had been engaged in the same cause, not alike in their fortune, and many even of the vanquished Republicans undisturbed in wealth which, directly or indirectly, they deemed acquired at their own expense, f They called the statute an act of indemnity for the king's enemies, and of oblivion for his friends. They murmured at the ingratitude of Charles, as if he were bound to forfeit his honor and risk his throne for their siikes. They conceived a deep hatred of Clarendon, whose steady adherence to the great principles of the Act of

• Memoirs, p. 229 It appears by some passages in the Clarendon Papers that the Church had not expected to come off so brilliantly ; and, while the Restoration was yet unsettled, would have been content to give leases of their lands.—P. 620, 723. Hyde, however, was convinced that the Church would be either totally ruined, or restored to a great lustre ; and herein he was right, as it tamed out—P. 614.

t Life of Clarendon, 99. I/Estrnnje, in a pamphlet printed before the end of 1660, complains that the Cavaliers were neglected, the king betrayed, the creatures of Cromwell, Bradshaw, and St. John laden with offices and honors. Of the Indemnity he says, "That act made the enemies to the Constitution masters in effect of the booty of three nations, bating the crown and church lands, all which they might now call their own, while those who stood up for tho laws wore abandoned to tho comfort of an irreparable but honorable ruin." He reviles the Presbyterian ministers still in possession, and tells the king that misplaced lenity was his father's rnin.—Rennet's Eegister, p. 233. See, too, in Bomers Tracts, vii., 517, " The Humble Reprelentation of the Sad Condition of the King's Par ty." Alio, p. 557.

Indemnity is the most honorable act of his public life. And the discontent engendered by their disappointed hopes led to some part of the opposition afterward experienced by the king, and still more certainly to the coalition against the minister.

Names

• List of regicides of Charles I
• English Council of State
• Cromwell's Other House

Great Britain. High Court of Justice for the Trying and Judging of Charles Stuart, King of England, Great Britain. Central Criminal Court The trials of Charles the First: and of some of the regicides, Volume 31 of Family libr, J. Murray, 1832, p. 272 List of men tided for high treason

---

XXXIV. Provided also, That this act, nor any thing there in contained, shall extend to pardon, discharge, or give any other benefit whatfoever unto John Lisle, William Say, Sir Hardress Waller, Valentine Walton, Thomas Harrison (soldier), Edward Whalley, William Heveningham, Isaac Pennington, Henry Martin, John Barkstead, Gilbert Millington, Edmond Ludlow, Sir Michael Livesey, Robert Titchbourn, Owen Row, Robert Lilbourn, Adrian Scrap, John Okey, John Hewson (regicide), William Goffe, Cornelius Holland, Thomas Challoner, John Carew (regicide), John Jones, Miles Corbet, Henry Smith (regicide), Gregory Clement, Thomas Wogan, Edmond Harvey, Thomas Scot, William Cawley, John Downs, Nicholas Love, Vincent Potter, Augustine Garland, John Dixwel, George Fleetwood (regicide), Simon Meyn, James Temple, Peter Temple (regicide), Daniel Blagrave, Thomas Wait, John Cook (regicide), Andrew Broughton, Edward Dendy (regicide), William Hewlett (regicide), Hugh Peters, Francis Hacker, Daniel Axtel, nor any of them, nor to those two persons, or either of them, who being disguised by frocks and vizors, did appear upon the fcaffold erected before Whitehall upon the thirtieth of January one thousand six hundred forty and eight

XXXV. But in regard the said Owen Row, Augustine Garland, Edmond Harvey, Henry Smith, Henry Martin, Sir Hardress Waller, Robert Titchbourn, George Fleetwood, James Temple, Thomas Wait, Simon Meyn, William Heveningham, Isaac Pennington, Peter Temple, Robert Lilbourn, Gilbert Millington, Vincent Potter, Thomas Wogan and John Downs, have personally appeared and rendred themselves, (according to the proclamation bearing date the sixth day of June one thousand six hundred and sixty, to summon the persons therein named, who gave judgment and assisted in the said horrid and detestable murder of our said late sovereign, to appear and render themselves) and do pretend thereby to some favour, upon same connived doubtful wards in the said proclamation;

XXXVI. Be it enacted by this present parliament, and the authority of the same, (upon the humble desires of the lords and commons in parliament assembled) That if the said Owen Row,Augustine Garland, Edmond Harvey, Henry Smith, Henry Martin, Sir Hardrefs Waller, Robert Titchbourn, George Fleetwood, James Temple, Thomas Wait, Simon Meyn, William Heveningham, Isaac Pennington, Peter Temple, Robert Lilbourn, Gilbert Millington, Vincent Potter, Thomas Wogan, and John Downs, or any of them, shall be legally attainted for the horrid treason and murder aforesaid; that then nevertheless the execution of the said person and persons so attainted shall be suspended, until his Majesty by the advice and assent of the lords and commons in parliament shall order the execution, by act of parliament to be passed for that purpose.

XXXVII. Except also out of this present act Oliver Cromwell deceased, Henry Ireton deceased, John Bradshaw deceased, and Thomas Pride deceased.

XXXVIII. Provided, That nothing in this act contained shall extend to discharge the lands, tenements, goods, chattels, rights, trusts, and other the hereditaments late of the said Oliver Cromwell, Henry Ireton, John, Bradshaw, and Thomas Pride, or of Isaac Ewer deceased, Sir John Danvers deceased, Sir Thomas Mauleverer, baronet, deceased, William Purefoy deceased, John Blakiston deceased, Sir William Constable, baronet, deceased, Richard Dean deceased, Francis Allen (regicide) deceased, Peregrine Pelham deceased, John Moor deceased, John Aldred, alias Alured, deceased, Humphry Edwards deceased, Sir Gregory Norton, baronet, deceased, John Pain deceased, Thomas Andrews (regicide), alderman, deceased, Anthony Stapely deceased, Thomas Horton (soldier) deceased, John Fry (regicide) deceased, Thomas Hamond deceased, Sir John Bourchier deceased, of and from such pains, penalties and forfeitures, as by one other act of parliament intended to be hereafter passed for that purpose, shall be expressed and declared.

XXXIX. And also excepted out of this present act, William lord Monson, James Challoner, Sir Henry Mildmay, Sir James Harrington, John Phelps and Robert Wallop; all which such persons did act and sit in that traiterous assembly which in the month of January one thousand six hundred forty-eight acted and proceeded against the life of our late sovereign King Charles the First of blessed memory, and are therefore reserved to such pains, penalties and forfeitures, not extending to life, as by another act intended to be passed for that purpose shall be imposed on them.

XL. And also except Sir Arthur Hasilrig, for and in respect only of such pains, penalties and forfeitures, not extending to life, as by one act intended to be hereafter passed for that purpose shall be inflicted and imposed.

XLI. Provided always, That John Hutchison, esq; and Francis Lassels, shall be and are hereby made for ever uncapable to execute any place or office of trust civil or military within this kingdom: and that the said Francis Lassels shall pay unto our sovereign lord the King one full year's value of his estate; any thing herein before contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

XLII.Provided always, That this act, or any thing therein contained, shall not extend to the pardoning, or to give any other benefit whatsoever, unto Sir Henry Vane, John Lambert (general), or either of them but that they, and either of them, are and shall be out of this present act wholly excepted and foreprised.

XLIII. Provided, That if William Lenthal, William Burton (dab page), Oliver Saint-John, John Ireton, alderman, colonel William Sydenham, colonel John Desborow, John Blackwell of Morclack, Christopher Pack alderman, Richard Keeble, Charles Fleetwood, Richard Dean, major Richard Creed, Philip Nye, clerk, John Goodwyn, clerk, Sir Gilbert Pickering, colonel Thomas Lyster (Regicide), and colonel Ralph Cobbet, shall after the first day of September one thousand six hundred and sixty, accept or exercise any office ecclesiastical, civil or military, or any other publick imployment, within this kingdom of England, dominion of Wales, or town of Berwick upon Tweed; that then such person or persons as do so accept or execute, as aforefaid, shall to all intents and purpofes in law stand as if he or they had been totally excepted by name in this act. 25 Car. 2. c. 5.

XLIV. Provided like wise, That all those who since the fifth December one thousand six hundred forty-eight, did give sentence of death upon any person or persons in any of the late illegal and tyrannical high courts of justice in England or Wales, or signed the warrant for execution of any person there condemned, (except colonel Richard Ingoldsby and colonel Matthew Tomlinson) shall be and are hereby made incapable of bearing any office ecclesiastical, civil, or military, within the kingdom of England or dominion of Wales, or of serving as a member in any parliament, after the first day of September one thousand six hundred and sixty.

Notes

Margin notes

Footnotes

References

• Mark Noble 'The lives of the English regicides: and other commissioners of the pretended
• Vol. I Vol. II.

• criticism of Noble

Genocide

Encyclopedia of genocide and crimes against humanity, Volume 2, by Dinah Shelton p. 836

For this reason, the Bavarian Supreme Court acquitted Novislav Djajic of charges that he had aided and abetted the commission genocide, because it could not be proven beyond a reasonable doubt that Djajic knew of the main perpetrators' special intent to destroy the group of the Bosnian Muslims who were his victims, nor could it be shown that he himself had such an intent.

Between the Civil Wars

The Eleven Members, Oliver Cromwell's letters and speeches: with elucidations, Volumes 1-2 By Oliver Cromwell 223 --PBS (talk) 18:32, 3 September 2009 (UTC)

Vote of no addresses

• The failed Treaty of Newport September 1648.
• Vote of No Addresses

In British history, decision of the Long Parliament to break off negotiations with the king. The vote was a response to news of Charles II's Engagement with the Scots. However, by this time power had already passed to the army and the measure was repealed September 1648.

• William Godwin (1826). History of the Commonwealth of England: From Its Commencement, to the Restoration of Charles the Second, Volume 2, Chapter XVI, H. Colburn, pp. 492–496.
• Stanley Leathes et al (1910). The Cambridge modern history, Volume 12, CUP Archive. pp. 347–353

No sooner had the king's answer been brought back by the commissioners who were sent into the isle of Wight, than Cromwel and his associates frankly commenced their operations for changing the form of government of their country from a monarchy into a republic. On the third of January it was moved in the house of commons, that they should declare that they would offer no further addresses or applications to the king, that no addresses or applications should be made by any one without leave of the two houses, and that whoever contravened this order should be liable to the penalties of treason*. Cromwel and Ireton

were two of the principal supporters of these motions'3. Cromwel declared, that the king was a man of great parts, but so false that no one could trust him, and in particular that, while he pretended to be treating with the parliament, he had been engaged in secret treaties with the Scots' commissioners to embroil the nation in a new war, and to destroy the parliament. He concluded, that it was necessary now to enter into new counsels for the settlement of the nation, without having further recourse to the king0. The vote of non-addresses was carried by a majority of 140 to 92. The whole, after several days' debates, was confirmed by the house of lords on the fifteenth, the earls of Manchester and Warwick only having entered their protest against itd.

On the same day that the house of commons passed the vote of non-addresses, they adopted a resolution calculated to fix, and regulate the form of the executive government. This was, that the powers formerly granted to the committee of both kingdoms, relating to the kingdoms of England and Ireland, should henceforth be fully vested in the members of both houses that were of that committee ; substituting at the same time the earl of Kent in the room of Essex deceased, and Nathaniel

b Clement Walker, p. 70. I give no credit to this author's account of their speeches, but simply admit on his authority that they spoke to the question.

0 Clarendon, Vol. Ill, p. 91, 92. d Journals.

Fiennesand sir John Evelyn of Wilts in the room of sir Philip Stapleton and Glyn, two of the eleven impeached commoners6. The other members were the earls of Northumberland, Manchester and Warwick, and the lords Say, Wharton and Roberts, with sir Henry Vane, senior and junior, sir Arthur Haselrig, sir Gilbert Gerard, sir William Armine, Cromwel, St. John, Samuel Browne, Pierrepoint, Wallop and Crewe : in all, seven lords, and thirteen members of the house of commons. This resolution of the house of commons received the concurrence of the lords on the fifteenth of Januaryf. The committee at its first meeting appointed Walter Frost for its principal secretary, and George Rodolph Weckerlin secretary for foreign affairs, each of whom had previously held the same appointments under the committee of both kingdoms*.

It is obvious from the interval between the votes

Forces

Whitehall** of non-addresses by the commons, and its receiving mi,i the fjjg concurrence of the lords, that there was some

1 owcr.

reluctance in the latter body to its adoption. For the purpose of stimulating their resolution, the council of war was induced to publish a declaration, dated on the ninth, expressive of their deter- Chap. initiation to adhere to the parliament in this, and t j_|1 what might further be necessary for settling J648. and securing the kingdom, either without the king, or against himh. And, as this might not be sufficient, it was voted by the commons on the fourteenth, that a body of horse and foot, not less than two thousand, should forthwith be quartered at Whitehall and the Mews'. About the same time a body of forces was also stationed at the Tower. The army, we are told, on this occasion marched through London k.

' Journals.

' Journals. The proper number was twenty-one. To make it complete therefore, Richard Knightley was appointed in the room of sir William Waller expelled, on the twenty-seventh of January. See Journals.

f Journal Book of the Committee of Both Kingdoms, in the State-Paper Office.

Meanwhile, on the same day that the vote of Declaration non-addresses was carried in the commons, a de- claration was ordered to be prepared to shew the reasons upon which this vote was founded'. The declaration was drawn up by Nathaniel Fiennes ; and on the eleventh of February it was finally adopted, and ordered to be printed, not having been sent up to the lords for their concurrence1. The purpose of this representation was to enumerate all the stains and disgraces of the present reign, beginning from the public protection which Charles had given to Buckingham against the accusation of having shortened the days of his father, and enumerating the assistance he had lent to France to subdue the Protestants there,

b Rushworth, Vol. VII, p. 962. ' Journals.

• Journals of Commons, Jan. 27. Rushworth, p. 1011. Clement Walker, p. 79. ' Journal:.

the star-chamber, ship-money, the plot for bringing up the northern army to disperse the parliament, the Irish rebellion, the affair of the five members, the attack at Brentford while the question of a treaty was on the tapis, and' many other particulars. The commons alleged, that they bad seven several times applied to the king with proposals of peace, without effect, and that in the last instance they had simply required his assent to four bills, which they deemed necessary to the public safety, as preliminary to a personal treaty. For all these reasons they had come to a determination to make no more addresses to the king, but to endeavour to the utmost of their ability to settle the present government, in the manner which might best conduce to the peace and happiness of the kingdom m.

Respective Such were the steps taken by Cromwel and his fellows, as introductory to the changing the government of England from a monarchy to a commonwealth. The prejudices of the majority of their countrymen of the present day are in favour of the former. We are told of the well-adjusted balance of authorities in our government, which so happily preserves to us our immunities as citizens. How far the English constitution, with its government by corruption, the gross inadequate- ness of the representation in the house of coin-

puMlc<

" Rushworth, p. 998, 990, 1000.

mons, and the ruling power being in so high a Chap.

degree in the aristocracy, not to mention the evils \ ^

which attend upon the institution of an hereditary Nhs. chief magistrate, is better than a commonwealth, it is no part of the purpose of the present work to discuss. The people of this country now enjoy a considerable portion of personal liberty; but the same institutions that secure this to us, render our national character phlegmatic, selfish, and glaringly deficient in public spirit and public virtue. There have been men who entertained the sentiment, Tumultuosa libertas tranquittitati probrosa. anteponenda est, and who would have preferred that political system, which favoured the generation of generous sentiments and an elevated tone of thought, to the fullest and most undisturbed security of person and property that human society ever knew.

Changes in the political government and con- Reasoning! stitution of a country will, by men of an humane puMkansof and conscientious temper, be proposed with caution, and endeavoured to be executed with wariness and moderation. But, where important alterations are absolutely required, those persons are scarcely to be censured, who, in the improvements they meditate, should carry forward their thoughts to the best, to that system which will operate in a way the most auspicious to moral courage and social virtue. England can hitherto History or scarcely be said to have exhibited any political

VOL, II. 2 K

state that should excite the partiality and attachment of an enlarged and reflecting mind. Under the feudal system the lords only had a species of equality and power, while the cultivators of the soil were slaves. When that system declined, the wars of York and Lancaster succeeded ; and it was difficult to say what party would finally prove the stronger, in the close of that universal embroilment and confusion. In point of fact the ascendancy of the Tudors followed ; and, though there then existed among us many of the elements and materials of freedom, the administration was for the most part despotic. It needs no great stretch of fairness and penetration to enable us to say, whether the government of the first two Stuarts was such, as a true friend of man would have wished to see revived and perpetuated. Demerits of Charles, so the firmest and most masculine spirits " **' of the age pronounced, had forfeited his title to the crown of a free people. He was a lover of arbitrary power (we will not lay much stress upon that); he had shewn himself in a variety of instances a man whose engagements and protestations were no way to be relied on. He had waged war upon the representative body delegated by the nation ; nothing could extinguish the hostility of his spirit; he had applied himself to arm his partisans in every part of the empire, the Catholics of Ireland, and hireling forces from every quarter of the world, to work his will upon the nation. It is-

not a light thing fora sober and magnanimous Chap. people willingly to place at their head, and endow ^*'_j with royal prerogatives, a man who for successive 1648. years had shed their blood in the field, and sought to subdue their resistance and their courage. Another consideration most material in the case, was the passion of a great majority of the nation for religious reform, and the aversion with which they regarded the old hierarchy. Surely, if change, if a new system can ever be commendable, a more favourable opportunity could not have tunity' offered itself. The commonwealthsmen were P«rt»ity

with which

earnest to try, of what stuff their countrymen were republican- made, and whether, as Montesquieu says", they regarded. had virtue enough to fit them for, and to sustain, a popular government. The master-spirits of this time were not contented with the idea of a negative liberty, that should allow every man to obey the impulses of his own thought, and to use his powers of body and mind as he pleased ; they aspired to a system and model of government, that was calculated to raise men to such excellence as human nature may afford, and that should render them magnanimous, frank, benevolent and fearless, that should make them feel, not merely each man for himself and his own narrow circle, but as brethren, as members of a community, where all should sympathise in the good or ill fortune, the sorrows or joys, of the whole.

" Esprit des Loix, Liv. Ill, Chap. iii.

1648.

Leaders of the republican party. Difficulties with which they had to contend.

The most distinguished republicans at this time were Cromwel,Ireton,Vane, Marten, Blake, Dean, Ludlow, Haselrig, Harrison, Rainsborough, Scot, Ewer, Bradshaw, Milton, and Algernon Sidney*.

These men were not wholly unaware of the arduous enterprise in which they were about to launch. The English are a sober, dogged, and cautious people. This island has produced many of the most ardent, aspiring and original geniuses in the records of human nature ; but the general character of the nation has little to do with this. So far as courage goes, we are scarcely surpassed by any race of men in the world. But we are naturally inclined to adhere to " the old paths." Our courage is allied to perseverance and inflexibility ; but it scarcely favours in any considerable degree novelty and enterprise.—It is true, a more favourable season for change could scarcely occur. The king was regarded with aversion by a large portion of his subjects, and with partiality by none but the most avowed royalists. The religious system for which he was disposed to go so great lengths was unpopular; and the opinions on that head to which he was averse, were espoused by a great majority of his subjects.

Character of the English nation.

Not lovers of enterprise.

0 I was prompted to place with these Oliver St. John. But he assures us, in his Case, printed immediately after the Restoration, p. 2, that he was always for a government by king, lords and commons. I know not what to say to this: but I have no right to insert a man's name in this imperishable list, in opposition to his own Assertion.

But the sobriety of the English nation was ex- Chap.

tensively shocked at the projects of the republi- i ' __^

cans. They were not sufficiently enlightened to i648. comprehend the abstract merits of one system and with the" another, that proposed to itself the same end, the ^'political securing the general liberty. Having conquered sclence- the king, and put down his followers, they were disposed to consider how, with the least trouble and uncertainty, they could secure what they had gained. The prejudice in favour of a king, is Prejudices something like the prejudice in favour of an es- royaUy?r° tablished religion. It has its rites and ceremonies, something that appeals to the eye ; and men anticipate with a certain degree of terror what will follow, when that has been taken away. Nor sPeciou« must it be forgotten that Charles's manners were Charles's formal, dispassionate, and in the negative sense characler- (though by no means affirmatively) specious. Though he was secretly drunk with the love of arbitrary power, there was nothing outrageous or intemperate in his demeanour. He was patient in suffering. He shone in adversity, was apparently serene, and seldom complained. And the gross of mankind, who count a very little merit for a great deal in a king, were won with this. Add to which, the generality are accustomed to jealousies regard with suspicion what they do not fully cqmprehend. In proportion to the limited de- gree of public spirit that existed in the country, they listened to the language of public spirit in

1C48.

A nimosity of other parties gainit thorn.

Combined view of tlivir mi

Ken., -sid

tiiuution.

those above them with a certain degree of incredulity. Generals of armies, and the guides of public counsels, must have patronage, and theif authority can scarcely fail to be attended with emolument. At this time therefore, as usually happens almost at all times, there was a loud and reproachful cry that these men were hypocrite*, and that their real object was the loaves and fishes. In a word, the republican leaders were far from having to boast of a general popularity.

To understand the disadvantage under which they laboured, we must unite these general views of the English character in that age, with the determined and fierce hostility they had to encounter in the presbyterians and the royalists.

No government perhaps ever required more transcendant abilities in those by whom it was to be administered, to enable it to bring its projects to a favourable issue, than that of the men who held the reins of power in England in the beginning of the year 1648. They had to encounter the determined and fierce hostility of two great parties, defeated indeed, but still subsisting in formidable strength, the presbyterians and the royalists, in addition to the prejudices and habits of thinking of a vast majority of the people of England in favour of a monarchical executive. They had offended, beyond the power of atonement, the ruling nobility and gentry, and the whole ecclesiastical establishment, of Scotland.

Notes

Footnotes

Citations

References

• Cobbett, William (editor), Cobbett's parliamentary history of England, from the Norman Conquest, in 1066 to the year, 1803 : from which last-mentioned epoch it is continued downwards in the work entitled, "Cobbett's parliamentary debates", Volume 3 (Comprising the period from the Battle of Edge-Hill, in October 1642, to the restoration of Charles the Second, in April 1660). R. Bagshaw London (England) London (England).
• Forster, John. The Statesmen of the Commonwealth of England: With a Treatise on the Popular Progress in English History,Volume 5,Longman, Orme, Brown, Green & Longmans, 1846.
• Jenkins, Philip. The Making of a Ruling Class: The Glamorgan Gentry 1640-1790, Cambridge University Press, 2002, ISBN 0521521947, 9780521521949
• Noble Mark, Robinson G. G. J. and Robinson J. (Paternoster-Row, London, England) Memoirs of the protectoral-house of Cromwell;: deduced from an early period, and continued down to the present time ... collected chiefly from original papers and records ... together with an appendix ... Embellished with elegant engravings, Volume I, printed for G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1787 pp. 370–427
• Noble Mark, Memoirs of the protectorate-house of Cromwell: deduced from an early period, and continued down to the present time, Volume II, Printed Pearson and Rollason, sold by R. Baldwin [etc.] London, 1784.
• Royal, Trevor; "Civil War: The Wars of the Three Kingdoms 1638-1660"; Pub Abacus 2006; (first published 2004); ISBN 978-0-349-11564-1
• Rutt, John Towill (editor). "Diary, of Thomas Burton, Esq. Member in the Parliaments of Oliver and Richard Cromwell from 1656-59 ...: With an introduction containing an Account of the Parliament of 1654; from the Journal of Guibon Goddard,Volume II of IV, H. Colburn, 1828
• Walford, W. S. "Notice of the Roll of Arms belonging to Wilkinson Mathews esq. Q.C.", British Archaeological Association. Volume 17, Central Committee, Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Central Committee, Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Council, Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Royal Archaeological Institute (Great Britain), Longman, Rrown,(sic) Green, and Longman, 1860, pp. 218–223

---

Noble Mark, Robinson G. G. J. and Robinson J. (Paternoster-Row, London, England) Memoirs of the protectoral-house of Cromwell;: deduced from an early period, and continued down to the present time ... collected chiefly from original papers and records ... together with an appendix ... Embellished with elegant engravings, Volume I, printed for G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1787 pp. 370–427 also Volume 2

Further reading

• Oldys, William (editor). The Harleian Miscellany:: A Collection of Scarce, Curious, and Entertaining Pamphlets and Tracts, as Well in Manuscript as in Print, John White, and John Murray, Fleet-Street; and John Harding, St. James's-Street. 1810. pp. 483–507 "A second narrative and the Oath" contemporary pamphlet written by a supporter of the Good Old Cause on the persons sitting in Cromwell's House of Lords.
• Notes and queries, a medium of intercommunication for literary men and general readers, etc, Volume 10, July–December 1908, published at the office, bream's Buildings, Chancery Land, E.C. By John C. Francis and J Edward Francis. p. 112
  • Titles conferred by Cromwell (10 S. x. 49).
    • A list of these will be found in vol. ii. of Noble's Memoirs of the Protectorate House of Cromwell.
    • For an exhaustive list of Cromwell's "Other House" or "House of Lords" see G. E. C.'s Complete Peerage, vol. ii. pp. 84-9.
    • For full particulars of Cromwellian baronets see G. E. C.'s Complete Baronetage, vol. iii. pp. 3 to 9.
    • The knights made by both the Protectors, Oliver and Richard, are enumerated in Dr. W. A. Shaw's Knights of England vol. ii. pp. 223–4.
  • — W.D. Pink, Lowton, Newton-le-Willows.
  • The MS. Journal of the Protectorate House of Lords, in possession of the late Sir Richard Tangye, was published this year for the first time in The House of Lords' Manuscripts, Vol. IV. (New Series), ... . This contains the lists of the different peers attending the meetings of Cromwell's House of Lords, with mention also of the various offices held by them. — R. B. Upton.
  • There is a list of many of these persona (with armorial bearings) in Sir J. Prestwich's Respublica, 1787, at pp. 149 et seqq. — M.

Biography

Gilbert Gerrard, 37. Sir Gilbert Gerrard, bart.—He was alfo a relation The lord by marriage to the Cromwells, through the Barringtons. Cemrd. In the genealogy of the laft family there is fome account given of him. Vide vol. II.

• C. H. Firth Dictionary of National Biography, pp. 413,414. Sources:
  • Authorities cited in the article;
  • De Fonblanque's House of Percy, ii. 368, 430;
  • Collins's Peerage, ed. Brydges.

Notes

Footnotes

Citations

References

• C. H. Firth Dictionary of National Biography, pp. 413,414
• Authorities cited in the article;
• De FonUanque's House of Percy, ii. 368, 430 ;
• Collins's Peerage, ed. Brjdges.]

• User:Magnus_Manske/Dictionary_of_National_Biography/03 pp. 246,247 (also main entry xi, 12)

• http://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Page:Dictionary_of_National_Biography_volume_11.djvu/17&action=edit
• http://www.archive.org/stream/dictionaryofnati11stepuoft/dictionaryofnati11stepuoft_djvu.txt

---

• C. H. Firth. Dictionary of National Biography Volume XI, page 12. Sources
  • Though Heath. A Brief Chronicle of all the Chief Actions so fatally Falling out in the three Kingdoms., first published in 1662.
  • Noble's House of Cromwell, ii. 370-87;
  • Ludlow's Memoirs, ed. 1751 ;
  • Carlyle's Cromwell's Letters and Speeches;
  • Burton's Cromwellian Diary ;
  • Domestic State Papers ;
  • Mercurius Politicus.
• C. H. Firth, 'Claypole , John, appointed Lord Cleypole under the protectorate (1625–1688)', rev. Ivan Roots, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 accessed 8 Aug 2009

Sources:

• Lee, Sidney (1903), Dictionary of National Biography Index and Epitome, pp. 246,247 (also main entry xxxiii 341)
• Mark Noble, Memoirs of several persons and families who, by femails are allied to, or descended from the Protectorate-House of Cromwell, chiefly collected fro original papers and records. T0 which is added a catelogue of such persons who were reased to honors fo grerat employments by the Cromwells, with the lives of many of them. Volume II, Birmingham, Printed by Pearson and Rollanson, 1784. "Chapter 24 John Cleypole, Esq". pp. 249–362 Sources:
  • The life of John Claypole, son-in-law of the protector Oliver, is taken from Vertue's engravings of Simons's works;
  • Rushworth's collections;
  • ordinances and journals of the house of commons;
  • lives of the protector Oliver;
  • Ludlow's memoirs;
  • Wood's fasti;
  • Mr. Pennant's tour from Chester to London;
  • perfect politician, or life of O. Cromwell;
  • Thurloe's state papers;
  • Lilly's life of himself;
  • history of the civil wars of Great-Britain, containing an exact history of the occasion, original, progress, and happy end of the civil war, by an impartial pen, London, 1661;
  • secret history of Europe;
  • history of England, during the reigns of the Stuarts;
  • Toland's life of Harrington, prefixed to his Oceana;
  • biographia briannica, under the article doctor Wren, bishop of Ely.

References

• John Heneage Jesse (1846), Memoirs of the court of England, from the revolution in 1688 to the death of George the Second, Volume 3, Second edition, R. Bentley. p. 142.

Area bombing directive

Nine days before Harris’s appointment, on St Valentine’s Day, 1942, Air Vice-Marshal N. H. Bottomley, Deputy of the Air Staff, wrote to Bomber Command to convey the decision ‘that the primary object of your operations should now be focused on the morale of the enemy civil population and in particular, of the industrial workers’, and that these operations should take the form of ‘concentrated incendiary attacks’. The letter was accompanied by an annex listing ‘selected area targets’, at the top of which was Essen. By attacking it first, ‘the maximum benefit should be derived from the element of surprise’. Like the other prime targets, Duisberg, Düsseldorf and Cologne, Essen was without question an industrial city. Yet the criteria listed for calculating the ‘estimated weight of attack for decisive damage’ were the size and population of the built-up area. Attacks on factories and submarine building yards were to be considered ‘diversionary’, and were to be undertaken preferably ‘without missing good opportunities of bombing your primary targets’ [17]

Maclean

Nicholas Maclean-Bristol. Maclean family of Duart (per. 1493–1598) Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,

English nation

All found with a Google search on ["English nation" site:ac.uk] returns about 261,000 for "English nation"

• The Identity of England by Robert Colls, 2002 A review by Joseph Hardwick
• The English Nation: The Great Myth, Sutton Publishing, 1998 Edwin Jones, Reviewed by: Glenn Burgess, University of Hull.
  • Authors Response: Edwin Jones
• The Making of English National Identity, by Krishan Kumar, 2004 A review by Joseph Hardwick
  • another review by Robert Colls, Professor of English History School of Historical Studies, University of Leicester
• In Search of England: Journeys into the English Past, by Michael Wood, 2000, A review by Joseph Hardwick --Mentions a number of other books that might be interesting.

Open University paper:

• 2 The making of the UK: 2.1 England
• 3 Nation, state and nation-state 3.1 What makes a nation, a state or a nation-state?
• 3 Nation, state and nation-state 3.2 Sub-state forms of nationalism
• 2 The making of the UK 2.5 Summary of Section 1 "England, Scotland and Wales are nations."

• ‘Set in the Silver Sea’: English National Identity and European Integration Anthony Smith, London School of Economics. University of Oxford Politics and international relations. Workshop: National Identity and Euroscepticism: A Comparison Between France and the United Kingdom Friday 13 May 2005.

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Google search of ["English ethnic group" site:ac.uk] returns 5 from ac.uk for "English ethnic group".

Google search of ["English ethnicity" site:ac.uk] about 176 from ac.uk for "English ethnicity" But remove one paper and the number drops to 24 from ac.uk for "English ethnicity" -"English Ethnicity and Race in Early Modern Drama" There are are some useful papers there. This one (What is the Postcolonial? Anglican Identities and the Postcolonial by Robert J.C. Young (HTML)) argues that it is the CoE that has done much for the multiculturalism English identity.

Another paper (Locating research informants in a multi-ethnic community: ethnic identities, social networks and recruitment methods by Catherine Campbell and C. McLean at the London School of Economics) is worth quoting(See pages 24,25):

The task of recruiting 'white English' informants was fundamentally different to that of recruiting from the African-Caribbean and Pakistani-Kashmiri informants for a number of reasons, each of these related to what has been referred to as the ‘invisibility’ of white English identity. Crucially, this invisibility operates so that white English people tend not to recognise their own ethnicity as forming the basis of mutual and common identification amongst white English people themselves. Many of our white English informants had difficulty conceptualising what an ethnic identity would actually mean for them. The ‘invisibility’ of white English as an ethnic identity had three distinct consequences for our recruitment strategies which we discuss in turn.

Firstly, in our town of interest, no organisations exist for a specifically ‘white English’ ethnic group, in contrast to the many ethnically-specific groupings which facilitated our access to African-Caribbean and Pakistani-Kashmiri community members. As the mainstream or dominant ‘ethnic’ group, white English people were everywhere and nowhere – they were the majority in virtually all wards bar our two wards of interest, but to make contact with them was difficult. Consequently, our researchers approached groups and organisations that were not focused on ethnic identity, but on more general interest issues that applied to the whole (inter-ethnic) community.

Secondly, a research interest in ‘white English’ has racist undertones to many community members. While ethnicity is seen as a positive resource for ethnic minorities, thinking about the majority group in terms of ethnicity may be seen as racist. A particular incident encountered by our white English research team in their efforts to recruit through adverts in a local newsagents illustrates this problem. While our other researchers had put adverts in shop windows without remark, attempts by the interviewers to distinguish a 'white English' group for recruiting purposes was seen as exclusionary, racist and offensive by ethnic minority residents and the shopkeeper ultimately had to remove the advert.

Thirdly, defining who exactly would qualify as a 'white English' person proved difficult both for recruiters and for potential informants. In contrast, ‘African-Caribbean’ and ‘Pakistani-Kashmiri’ were categories which were generally easy to define and with which people self-identified fairly unambiguously. In planning the research, the research team had anticipated that people who identified with ‘white English’ would be those who were white, and who had been born in England, which would differentiate this group from other white residents, such as those from Ireland or Eastern Europe. However, a far wider range of people described themselves in this way. Thus, we identified, by telephone, one volunteer who described herself as white English, only to find, on meeting her, that she had a Bengali father and was dressed in traditional Bengali dress. Another young participant also described himself, quite definitively, as white English, although he had an Italian father. Subsequently, his self-constructed ethnic and national identity appeared to shift throughout the narrative of his interview.

Contrast that with "The English in Scotland - contemporary English migration to Scotland; anglophobia; racism; sport; national identity; English ethnicity in Scotland - political, economic, social and cultural impact (my research dispells many myths about Scotland's largest minority group)." Doctor Murray Watson's Press media guide at the University of Dundee

This another paper ( [http://www.iser.essex.ac.uk/files/iser_working_papers/2008-26.pdf Who are the UK's minority ethnic groups? Issues of identification and measurement in a longitudinal study] Jonathan Burton, Alita Nandi, Lucinda Platt "Institute for Social and Economic Research", University of Essex, No. 2008-26, September 2008 page 17) with lots on this issue but specifically this quote

In the UK context, national identity can also refer to particular association with one of the four countries of the UK: England, Wales, Scotland or Northern Ireland. Thus national identity can offer one dimension of belonging that does not necessarily presuppose other aspects of ethnic identity, but implies the possibility of multiple identities – or multiple dimensions – for example to see oneself as Scottish (upbringing, language/accent, politics, local affiliation) does not preclude also seeing oneself as Black and/or Indian and/or British.

New Model Army's Rendezvous, or General Assemblies

• Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches By Oliver Cromwell, Thomas Carlyle p. 275
• Sir William Clarke, Puritanism and Liberty, being the Army Debates (1647-9) from the Clarke Manuscripts with Supplementary Documents From A Representation of the Army (14th June)
• Map route

Two representatives, called Agitators, were elected from each regiment. The Agitators, with two officers from each regiment and the Generals formed a new body called the Army Council which after a rendezvous (meeting) on Newmarket and Triplo heaths near Cambridge on Friday and Saturday 4th and 5th June 1647 issued "A Solemne Engagement of the Army, under the Command of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax" to Parliament on 8 June making their concerns known, and also the constitution of the Army Council so that Parliament would understand that the discontent was Army wide and had the support of both officers and other ranks. This Engagement was read out to the Army at a general Army rendezvous on 5 June.—It was while the Army was assembling for its revenue, that George Joyce seized King Charles I from Parliament's custody at Holdenby House and bought him to Fairfax's headquarters on Triplo Heath (8 miles south of Cambridge, and now spelt Thriplow Heath), a move that weakened Parliament's position and strengthened the Army's.

Having come under the influence of London radicals called the Levellers, the troops of the Army proposed a revolutionary new constitution named the Agreement of the People, which called for almost universal male suffrage, reform of electoral boundaries, power to rest with the Parliament which was to be elected every two years (by the people), religious freedom, and an end to imprisonment for debt.

Increasingly concerned at the failure to pay their wages and by political maneuverings by King Charles I and by some in Parliament, the army marched slowly towards London over the next few months. In late October and early November at the Putney Debates the Army debated two different proposals. The first was the Agreement of the People; the other was "The Heads of the Proposals", put forward by Henry Ireton for the Army Council. This was a constitutional manifesto which included the preservation of property rights and would maintain the privileges of the gentry. At the Putney Debates it was agreed to hold three further rendezvous.

Genocide

• Law Against Genocide By David Hirsh p. 54 critique of of strategic bombing and holocaust as genocides as proposed by Markusen and Knof. Many definitions.

Bombing campaign

Strategy for defeat : the Luftwaffe 1933-1945, By AIR UNIV MAXWELL AFB AL, Williamson Murray Published by DIANE Publishing ISBN 1428993606, 9781428993600

The 88mm flak 36 weapon seems to have required an average expenditure of 16000-plus shells to bring down one aircraft flying at high altitude 190

"We can wreck Berlin from end to end if the USAAF will come in on it. It will cost us between 400-500 aircraft. It will cost Germany the war."p. 210

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• [18],[19],3,4,5,[[20]]