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===Contemporary corporate media lobby===
===Contemporary corporate media lobby===
[[Image:US-FCC-AltLogo.svg|thumb|150px|right|Logo of the Federal Communications Commission]]
[[Image:US-FCC-AltLogo.svg|thumb|150px|right|Logo of the Federal Communications Commission]]
Throughout most of its history, the U.S. [[Federal Communications Commission]] (FCC) has been a relatively invisible part of the U.S. government, known mostly to industry stakeholders, lobbyists, and officials.<ref name="Digital Destiny">{{cite book|last=Chester|first=Jeff|title=Digital destiny: new media and the future of democracy|year=2007|publisher=New Press|location=New York}}</ref> With the general public not knowing its practices and responsibilities, this has given a tremendous advantage to those knowledgeable of the FCC’s practices and organized enough to influence them. <blockquote>
Throughout most of its history, the U.S. [[Federal Communications Commission]] (FCC) has been a relatively invisible part of the U.S. government, known mostly to industry stakeholders, lobbyists, and officials.<ref name="Digital Destiny">{{cite book|last=Chester|first=Jeff|title=Digital Destiny: New Media and the Future of Democracy|year=2007|publisher=New Press|location=New York}}</ref> With the general public not knowing its practices and responsibilities, this has given a tremendous advantage to those knowledgeable of the FCC’s practices and organized enough to influence them.<ref name="Digital Destiny" />
<blockquote>
<p>The FCC has long been the second home to a legion of (lawyers and lobbyists) [...] whose occupation is convincing the staff and commissioners to approve policies that benefit a particular company or industry.</p>
<p>The FCC has long been the second home to a legion of (lawyers and lobbyists) [...] whose occupation is convincing the staff and commissioners to approve policies that benefit a particular company or industry.</p>
<p>—[[Jeff Chester]], executive director of [[Center for Digital Democracy]]<ref name="Digital Destiny" /></p>
<p>—[[Jeff Chester]], executive director of [[Center for Digital Democracy]]<ref name="Digital Destiny" /></p>
</blockquote>
</blockquote>
There is evidence that the FCC continues to be influenced by the corporate media lobby.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Obar|first=Jonathan A.|title=Beyond cynicism: A review of the FCC’s reasoning for modifying the newspaper/broadcast cross-ownership rule|journal=Communication Law & Policy|year=2009|volume=14|issue=4|pages=479–525}}</ref>


The strong, direct relationships that have developed over the years between regulators and corporate media lobbyists,<ref name="Zorack">{{cite book|last=Zorack|first=J.L.|title=The lobbying handbook|year=1990|location=Washington, D.C.}}</ref> is essential to greater influence.<ref name="Zorack" /> It goes much deeper than the idea that the lobby has simply been around for a while. Members of the FCC have traditionally had strong connections to industry.<ref name="Digital Destiny" /> As the job of an FCC commissioner or staffer is often highly technical, and specific knowledge of the dynamics of the telecommunications and media industries must be known, commissioners are often plucked out of high-paying jobs in the industry. History has shown, due to the fact that FCC Commissioners are appointed only to five-year terms, that there is a revolving door between the Commission and industry.
There is evidence that the FCC continues to be influenced by the corporate media lobby.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Obar|first=Jonathan A.|title=Beyond cynicism: A review of the FCC’s reasoning for modifying the newspaper/broadcast cross-ownership rule|journal=Communication Law & Policy|year=2009|volume=14|issue=4|pages=479–525}}</ref> The strong, direct relationships that have developed over the years between regulators and corporate media lobbyists, is essential to greater influence.<ref name="Zorack">{{cite book|last=Zorack|first=J.L.|title=The lobbying handbook|year=1990|location=Washington, D.C.}}</ref> It goes much deeper than the idea that the lobby has simply been around for a while. Members of the FCC have traditionally had strong connections to industry. As the job of an FCC commissioner or staffer is often highly technical, and specific knowledge of the dynamics of the telecommunications and media industries must be known, commissioners are often plucked out of high-paying jobs in the industry. History has shown, due to the fact that FCC Commissioners are appointed only to five-year terms, that there is a revolving door between the Commission and industry.<ref name="Digital Destiny" />
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
<p>[T]hey usually go directly to work for the media or telecommunications businesses after they leave office.</p>
<p>[T]hey usually go directly to work for the media or telecommunications businesses after they leave office.</p>
<p>—[[Jeff Chester]], executive director of [[Center for Digital Democracy]]<ref name="Digital Destiny" /></p>
<p>—[[Jeff Chester]], executive director of [[Center for Digital Democracy]]{{sfn|Chester|2007|p=49}}</p>
</blockquote>
</blockquote>
FCC commissioners often become influential lobbyists after their terms expire. Many of the lobbyists that frequent the FCC’s office are, "not infrequently including ex-commissioners and ex-chairs".<ref name="Digital Destiny" />
FCC commissioners often become influential lobbyists after their terms expire. Many of the lobbyists that frequent the FCC’s office are, "not infrequently including ex-commissioners and ex-chairs".{{sfn|Chester|2007|p=47}}
<blockquote>
<blockquote>
<p>Every former (FCC) chair for the last three decades has gone to work in one way or another with the media and telecommunications industry.... As one aide to an FCC commissioner privately remarked, ‘People leave here on Friday and are lobbying me the following Monday!</p>
<p>Every former (FCC) chair for the last three decades has gone to work in one way or another with the media and telecommunications industry.... As one aide to an FCC commissioner privately remarked, ‘People leave here on Friday and are lobbying me the following Monday!</p>
<p>—[[Jeff Chester]], executive director of [[Center for Digital Democracy]]<ref name="Digital Destiny" /></p>
<p>—[[Jeff Chester]], executive director of [[Center for Digital Democracy]]{{sfn|Chester|2007|p=50}}</p>
</blockquote>
</blockquote>
Politicians and businesses want the most knowledgeable and well-connected individuals working for them, which keeps the pool of potential hires quite small. The most influential lobbying strategy&nbsp;– access&nbsp;– is an advantage of the corporate media lobby.<ref name="Zorack" />
Politicians and businesses want the most knowledgeable and well-connected individuals working for them, which keeps the pool of potential hires quite small. The most influential lobbying strategy&nbsp;– access&nbsp;– is an advantage of the corporate media lobby.<ref name="Zorack" />
Line 72: Line 72:
====Notable examples====
====Notable examples====
*[[Newton N. Minow|Newton Minow]]&nbsp;— After leaving the Commission, he became a partner at [[Sidley Austin]] LLP, one of US' largest [[law firm]]s. In more recent years, he has served on the boards of media companies such as [[CBS]] and [[Chicago Tribune]]. He has also worked with [[advertising agency|advertising companies]] including [[Draftfcb|Foote, Cone & Belding]].<ref name="Digital Destiny" />
*[[Newton N. Minow|Newton Minow]]&nbsp;— After leaving the Commission, he became a partner at [[Sidley Austin]] LLP, one of US' largest [[law firm]]s. In more recent years, he has served on the boards of media companies such as [[CBS]] and [[Chicago Tribune]]. He has also worked with [[advertising agency|advertising companies]] including [[Draftfcb|Foote, Cone & Belding]].<ref name="Digital Destiny" />
*[[E. William Henry]]&nbsp;— Chairman from 1963 through 1966 who became an industry lawyer after leaving FCC.
*[[E. William Henry]]&nbsp;— Chairman from 1963 through 1966 who became an industry lawyer after leaving FCC.<ref name="Digital Destiny" />
*[[Dean Burch]]&nbsp;— Chairman from 1969 to 1974 who also became an industry lawyer after leaving FCC. After practicing as an industry lawyer, he left his practice to run [[Intelsat]], an organization that manages [[communications satellite|global communications satellites]].<ref name="Digital Destiny" />
*[[Dean Burch]]&nbsp;— Chairman from 1969 to 1974 who also became an industry lawyer after leaving FCC. After practicing as an industry lawyer, he left his practice to run [[Intelsat]], an organization that manages [[communications satellite|global communications satellites]].<ref name="Digital Destiny" />
*[[Richard E. Wiley|Richard Wiley]]&nbsp;— Chairman from 1974 to 1977. He is still described today as the FCC’s "sixth commissioner" His law firm [[Wiley Rein|Wiley Rein & Fielding]] LLP has represented both industry advocacy groups as well as numerous media [[conglomerate (company)|conglomerates]] including [[Time Warner]], [[Gannett]], [[Clear Channel]], [[CBS]], [[Verizon]], [[Microsoft]] and [[General Electric]]. In recent years, Wiley has become extremely influential and has "supplied more lawyers to the important telecommunications posts in the [[Bush administration]] than any other firm". Former Wiley Rein & Fielding associates were also appointed to important posts in the White House as well as various [[United States Cabinet|cabinet]] positions during the Bush administration. Other former Wiley associates have also been advisers to some [[United States Senate|US Senators]], including [[Bill Frist]]. Even former FCC chairman [[Kevin Martin (FCC chair)|Kevin Martin]] worked for Wiley Rein & Fielding at one point.
*[[Richard E. Wiley|Richard Wiley]]&nbsp;— Chairman from 1974 to 1977. He is still described today as the FCC’s "sixth commissioner".{{sfn|Chester|2007|p=53}} His law firm [[Wiley Rein|Wiley Rein & Fielding]] LLP has represented both industry advocacy groups as well as numerous media [[conglomerate (company)|conglomerates]] including [[Time Warner]], [[Gannett]], [[Clear Channel]], [[CBS]], [[Verizon]], [[Microsoft]] and [[General Electric]].{{sfn|Chester|2007|p=53}} In recent years, Wiley has become extremely influential and has "supplied more lawyers to the important telecommunications posts in the [[Bush administration]] than any other firm". Former Wiley Rein & Fielding associates were also appointed to important posts in the White House as well as various [[United States Cabinet|cabinet]] positions during the Bush administration.{{sfn|Chester|2007|p=54}} Other former Wiley associates have also been advisers to some [[United States Senate|US Senators]], including [[Bill Frist]]. Even former FCC chairman [[Kevin Martin (FCC chair)|Kevin Martin]] worked for Wiley Rein & Fielding at one point.<ref name="Digital Destiny" />


==References==
==Notes==
{{Reflist|colwidth=30em}}
{{Reflist|colwidth=30em}}

==References==
*{{cite book|last=Chester|first=Jeff|title=Digital Destiny: New Media and the Future of Democracy|year=2007|publisher=New Press|location=New York|ref=harv}}


{{Public policy}}
{{Public policy}}

Revision as of 12:40, 16 April 2011

Direct lobbying refers to attempts to influence a legislative body through direct communication with a member or employee of the legislative body or with a government official who participates in formulating legislation.[1] This is different from grassroots lobbying, (or indirect lobbying) which still has the main goal of influencing decision-makers, but through direct communication with the general public, who in turn, contacts and influences the official. [2] In the United States, Washington, D.C. is the home to many firms the employ this strategy, with more than 12,986 lobbyists currently residing in the area (as recorded by the Center for Responsive Politics).[3] In 2010, the total amount spent on lobbying in the United States was $3.49 billion.[4] Over 100 interest groups lobby in order to keep their political views in the politic sphere. Among these are unions, environmentalists, pro-choice, pro-life, tobacco, education, and gun rights groups.[5]

Theory

Lobbying, a standard method used to influence or change a piece of legislation, is a common practice at all levels of legislature, from the United States Congress down to local legislation. [6] If those lobbying do not state their position and ask for influence, it is not technically considered lobbying.[7] During the direct lobbying process, the individual presenting the suggestions to the legislator may choose to introduce new statistics to inform the legislator of any recent information that might otherwise be missed.[8] Another common use of direct lobbying is to persuade the general public about a ballot proposal. In this case, the public is considered to be the legislator. Unlike grassroots lobbying, which influences the public opinion, this aspect of direct lobbying attempts to alter the legislature before it is placed on the ballot.[9] Communications regarding a ballot measure are also considered direct lobbying.[10]

The goals of lobbyist most commonly used are:[11]

  • To facilitate market entry through the adoption of new rules, or the repeal or revision of old ones.[11]
  • To remove regulatory obstacles to the growth of ones company.[11]
  • To stop others from attaining regulatory changes that would harm ones company's business or cause.[11]

Although judicial employees are not allowed to take part in lobbying, judges and clerks do receive gifts that are subject to federal gift and lobbying laws. These gifts include being a keynote speaker at a conference and receiving awards given by a legal organization. [12]

According to a meta-analysis, it was discovered that direct lobbying is used alongside grassroots lobbying.[13] There is evidence that groups are much more likely to directly lobby previous allies rather than opponents.[6] Allies are also directly lobbied if a counter lobby is brought to light.[14] The results suggest that groups lobby in ways designed obtain the most influence for their view.[13] When groups have strong ties to a legislator's district, those groups will use a combination of grassroots and direct lobbying, even if the legislator's original position does not support theirs, which may help groups expand their supportive coalitions.[13] When strong district ties are not present, groups tend to rely on direct lobbying with committee allies, because they assume that their political friends will be drawn to participate with the lobbyist view.[13]

Spending

Lobbying sectors

The top sectors for lobbying as of 2010 are financial, insurance, real estate, with $4,405,909,610 spent on lobbying.[15] Health is the second largest sector by spending, with $4,369,979,173 recorded in 2010.[15] The top lobbying clients from 1998-2010 are the US Chamber of Commerce with $738,825,680, American Medical Association with $243,277,500, and General Electric with $236,580,000.[15]

Interest groups

An array of interest groups take part in political influence, whenever an opportunity arises, such as a health care reform, election, and economic reform.[5] These groups include opposing view-points, such as pro-life, and pro-choice, and other strongly controversial issues.[5]

Abortion policy interest groups spend significant money on lobbying. Pro-choice groups spend more on lobbying than pro-life groups.[16] When pro-life groups donate to politicians, they donate most of their spending to Republican representatives.[17] During the 2008 election period, pro-choice organizations spent $1.7 million on lobbying efforts and pro-life groups spent approximately $607,550. [17] Pro-life groups such as the Susan B. Anthony List contributed $1,937,124 and the National Pro-Life Alliance spent $241,999, in the 2009-2010 fiscal year. [18] Two of the most active pro-choice groups, Planned Parenthood and NARAL Pro-Choice America, spent a total of $1,237,197 on lobbying in 2009-2010. [16]

Education centers, such as school districts, colleges, and universities are not allowed to directly lobby, however they are allowed to be represented by associated individuals in the field.[19] The interest group does not include teacher unions. [19] Spending from the education group increases around election periods, and has been increasing in the last couple of years. [19] During the 2008 election period, education donated 82% of $54.7 million to the Democratic party, with increases in Democratic support by the education group in the following years. [20] University of California spend $1,264,704 on lobbying, making it the top spender for the 2009-2010 period.[19] Followed by, Harvard University with $709,532 and Stanford University with $618,475. [19]

The oil and gas sector companies are among one of the groups that are the biggest spenders on lobbying, especially with the recent Deepwater Horizon oil spill putting restrictions on their ability to offshore drill.[21] During the 2008 elections oil companies spent a total of $132.2 million into lobbying for law reform. [21] The three biggest spenders are Koch Industries($1,931,562), Exxon Mobil($1,337,058) and Chief Oil & Gas($1,192,361).[22]

Interest group lobbying is split by political affiliation.[23] In 2010, the top industries spending for the Democratic Party are lawyers and law firms with $49,226,482, followed by health professionals with $22,000,497 and the retirement industry with $21,674,025. [23] The largest percentage supporters of the party are industrial unions (98% DEM, 2% REP), building trade unions (93% DEM, 8% REP), and the public sector unions (91% DEM, 9% REP).[23] In 2010, the top industries spending for the Republic Party are the retirement industry($17,304,174), health professionals($16,080,916) and investment industries ($12,151,945).[23] The largest percentage supporters of the party are business services(70% REP, 30% DEM),and lawyers and law firms (82% REP, 18% DEM).[23]

Lobbying laws

Lobbying Disclosure Act

The Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995 (2 U.S.C. 1601) was passed by the U.S. Senate and signed into law by President Bill Clinton on December 15, 1995.[24] Under a revision done on January 1, 2006, the Act state that any lobbying entity must be registered with the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives. The registration must occur within 45 days after the individual lobbyist makes a first plan to contact, or lobby, to the President, Vice President, or any highly ranked Federal official. Those that do not follow in accordance with the Disclosure Act are penalized, including fines of over $50,000 and being reported to the United States Attorney.[25]

Public Charity Lobbying Law

Logo of the Internal Revenue Service

The Public Charity Lobbying Law gives nonprofit organizations the opportunity to lobby without losing their nonprofit status with the Internal Revenue Service. Under Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code, nonprofit organizations are not allowed to use a "substantial" part of their spending on lobbying, with substantial spending amounting to about 5% of the organization's revenue.[26] Organizations must elect to use the Public Charity Law, and when so doing, the spending on lobbying may increase to 20% for the first $500,000 of their annual expenditures, followed by 15% for the next $500,000, up to 1 million dollars.[26] Organizations must file a Form 5768 with the IRS to monitor the expenses of the organization. Another aspect to the elected law are the spending restrictions between grassroots lobbying and direct lobbying. [26]No more than 20% can be spent on grassroots lobbying at any given time, while 100% of the lobbying expenditures can be on direct lobbying.[26]

Honest Leadership and Open Government Act

The Honest Leadership and Open Government Act is a bill that was signed on September 15, 2007 by President George W. Bush, amending the Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995.[24] Included in the bill are certain provisions that require a semi-annual report of lobby spending by organizations and quarterly lobbying reports which strengthens the public awareness of lobbying. It also places restrictions on gifts for Congress members and provides for mandatory disclosure of earmarks in expenditure bills.[27] The act puts restrictions on the revolving door in direct lobbying.[27]

We recommend the U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia complete efforts to develop plans for a structured approach to focus limited resources on those lobbyists that continually fail to file as required or are otherwise not in compliance.

—Recommendation of the General Accounting Office to Congress on September 2008[28]

Corporate media lobby

The American corporate media lobby, which has included the National Association of Broadcasters (founded in 1922) and the American Newspaper Publishers Association (founded in 1887, now a part of Newspaper Association of America), has been involved in the shaping of media ownership regulations since the early days of the industry.[29] In that time, they have repeatedly sought their own interests, in many cases at the expense of the public interest.[30][31]

Contemporary corporate media lobby

Logo of the Federal Communications Commission

Throughout most of its history, the U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) has been a relatively invisible part of the U.S. government, known mostly to industry stakeholders, lobbyists, and officials.[32] With the general public not knowing its practices and responsibilities, this has given a tremendous advantage to those knowledgeable of the FCC’s practices and organized enough to influence them.[32]

The FCC has long been the second home to a legion of (lawyers and lobbyists) [...] whose occupation is convincing the staff and commissioners to approve policies that benefit a particular company or industry.

—Jeff Chester, executive director of Center for Digital Democracy[32]

There is evidence that the FCC continues to be influenced by the corporate media lobby.[33] The strong, direct relationships that have developed over the years between regulators and corporate media lobbyists, is essential to greater influence.[34] It goes much deeper than the idea that the lobby has simply been around for a while. Members of the FCC have traditionally had strong connections to industry. As the job of an FCC commissioner or staffer is often highly technical, and specific knowledge of the dynamics of the telecommunications and media industries must be known, commissioners are often plucked out of high-paying jobs in the industry. History has shown, due to the fact that FCC Commissioners are appointed only to five-year terms, that there is a revolving door between the Commission and industry.[32]

[T]hey usually go directly to work for the media or telecommunications businesses after they leave office.

—Jeff Chester, executive director of Center for Digital Democracy[35]

FCC commissioners often become influential lobbyists after their terms expire. Many of the lobbyists that frequent the FCC’s office are, "not infrequently including ex-commissioners and ex-chairs".[36]

Every former (FCC) chair for the last three decades has gone to work in one way or another with the media and telecommunications industry.... As one aide to an FCC commissioner privately remarked, ‘People leave here on Friday and are lobbying me the following Monday!

—Jeff Chester, executive director of Center for Digital Democracy[37]

Politicians and businesses want the most knowledgeable and well-connected individuals working for them, which keeps the pool of potential hires quite small. The most influential lobbying strategy – access – is an advantage of the corporate media lobby.[34]

Notable examples

Notes

  1. ^ "'Direct' and 'Grass Roots' Lobbying Defined", IRS, accessed March 20, 2010.
  2. ^ "What is lobbying?", Glsen, accessed March 14, 2011.
  3. ^ "Number of Lobbyists in Washington". numberof. Retrieved 7 April 2011.
  4. ^ "Lobbying Database". OpenSecrets. Retrieved 7 April 2011.
  5. ^ a b c "Interest Groups". Open Secrets. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
  6. ^ a b Hojnacki, Marie (1998). "Organized Interests and the Decision of Whom to Lobby in Congress". American Political Science Review. 4. 92: 775. {{cite journal}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  7. ^ "What is lobbying?", Glsen, accessed March 14, 2011.
  8. ^ "Lobbyist", Princeton Review, accessed March 14, 2011.
  9. ^ "Lobbying FAQ", Charles Stewart Mott Foundation, accessed March 14, 2011.
  10. ^ "Lobbying Laws". Unitedway Miami. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
  11. ^ a b c d Krasnow, Erwin (2001). FCC Lobbying: A Handbook of Insider Tips and Practical Advice. Telecommunications Reports International.
  12. ^ "Federal Laws". Lobbying Laws. Retrieved 13 April 2011.
  13. ^ a b c d Hojnacki, Marie (Nov 99). "The Who and How of Organizations' Lobbying Strategies in Committee". Journal of Politics. 61 (4): 999. {{cite journal}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Check date values in: |date= and |year= / |date= mismatch (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  14. ^ Austen-Smith, David (1992). "Competitive lobbying for a Legislator's vote". Social Choice and Welfare. 1. 38 (57): 229. {{cite journal}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  15. ^ a b c "Lobbying Spending by Sector". OpenSecrets. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
  16. ^ a b "Abortion Policy/Pro-choice". Open Secrets. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
  17. ^ a b "Pro-life background". OpenSecrets. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
  18. ^ "Abortion Policy/Pro-Life". Open Secrets. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
  19. ^ a b c d e "Education". OpenSecrets. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
  20. ^ "Education group background". OpenSecrets. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
  21. ^ a b "Oil and Gas Background". OpenSecrets. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
  22. ^ "Oil Spending". OpenSecrets. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
  23. ^ a b c d e "Top Industries Spending". OpenSecrets. Retrieved 14 April 2011.
  24. ^ a b Babington, Charles (2007-09-15). "Bush Signs Lobby-Ethics Bill". Washington Post. Retrieved 2011-04-08. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  25. ^ "The Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995". US Department of Labor. Retrieved 7 April 2011.
  26. ^ a b c d "Section 501(c)(3) organizations". IRS. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
  27. ^ a b "Honest Leadership and Open Government Act of 2007". Common Cause. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
  28. ^ "Lobbying Disclosure". U.S. GAO. Retrieved 15 April 2011.
  29. ^ McChesney, Robert (1993). Telecommunications, mass media, & democracy: the battle for. New York: Oxford.
  30. ^ Everett, M.L. (1973). "FCC license renewal policy: the broadcasting lobby versus the public interest". Southwestern Law Journal. 27: 325–339.
  31. ^ McChesney, Robert (2004). The Problem of the Media. Chatham, NJ: Chatham House Publishers.
  32. ^ a b c d e f g h Chester, Jeff (2007). Digital Destiny: New Media and the Future of Democracy. New York: New Press.
  33. ^ Obar, Jonathan A. (2009). "Beyond cynicism: A review of the FCC's reasoning for modifying the newspaper/broadcast cross-ownership rule". Communication Law & Policy. 14 (4): 479–525.
  34. ^ a b Zorack, J.L. (1990). The lobbying handbook. Washington, D.C.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  35. ^ Chester 2007, p. 49. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFChester2007 (help)
  36. ^ Chester 2007, p. 47. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFChester2007 (help)
  37. ^ Chester 2007, p. 50. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFChester2007 (help)
  38. ^ a b Chester 2007, p. 53. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFChester2007 (help)
  39. ^ Chester 2007, p. 54. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFChester2007 (help)

References

  • Chester, Jeff (2007). Digital Destiny: New Media and the Future of Democracy. New York: New Press. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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