Polish October: Difference between revisions
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[[Image:Poznan 28 06 1956.jpg|thumb|280px|right|The Poznań protests]] |
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After the death of |
After the death of Polish Prime Minister Bolesław Bierut - known as 'Stalin of Poland'<ref namne="BritBier">"[http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9079145 Bierut, Boleslaw]." [[Encyclopædia Britannica]] Online. 2007. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 12 Apr. 2007</ref> in 1956, a brief period of de-Stalinization began, raising popular hope for reform. In June 1956, [[Poznań 1956 protests|an insurrection]] began in [[Poznań]]. The workers rioted to protest shortages of food and consumer goods, bad housing, decline in real income, trade relations with the Soviet Union and poor management of the economy. The Polish government initially responded by branding the rioters "provocateurs, counterrevolutionaries and imperialist agents". Security forces killed 74 and wounded hundreds of protesters. Soon, however, the party hierarchy recognized the riots had awakened a nationalist movement and reversed their opinion. The rioters became "honest workers with legitimate grievances". Wages were raised by 50% and economic and political change was promised.<ref name="RaW">Rothschild and Wingfield: ''Return to Diversity, A Political History of East Central Europe Since World War II'' OUP 2000</ref><ref name=swiatlo>{{cite web | title = The defection of Jozef Swiatlo and the Search for Jewish Scapegoats in the Polish United Workers' Party, 1953-1954 | work = Fourth Convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities | publisher = Harriman Institute, [[Columbia University]], [[New York City]] | date = April 15-17, 1999 | url = http://sipa.columbia.edu/regional/ECE/gluchowski.pdf | format = PDF | accessdate = 2006-10-26}}</ref><ref name="city_background">[http://www.city.poznan.pl/mim/strony/czerwiec56/pages.html?co=list&id=3043&instance=1017&parent=0&lang=en&lhs=czerwiec56 Reasons for the outbreak] from the official city of Poznań website dedicated to 1956 events. Last accessed on [[3 April]] [[2007]].</ref> |
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[[Image:TimeCover10Dec1956.jpg|thumb|180px|''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' magazine, [[December 10]], [[1956]], profiled Gomułka and his economic and political policies, calling him a ''rebellious compromiser''.<ref name=time>{{cite news | title = Rebellious Compromiser | publisher = Time magazine | date = [[1956-12-10]] | url = http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,808728-1,00.html | accessdate = 2006-10-14 }}</ref>]] |
[[Image:TimeCover10Dec1956.jpg|thumb|180px|''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' magazine, [[December 10]], [[1956]], profiled Gomułka and his economic and political policies, calling him a ''rebellious compromiser''.<ref name=time>{{cite news | title = Rebellious Compromiser | publisher = Time magazine | date = [[1956-12-10]] | url = http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,808728-1,00.html | accessdate = 2006-10-14 }}</ref>]] |
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Revision as of 02:57, 13 April 2007
Polish October, also known as October of 1956, Polish thaw or Gomułka thaw, refers to the change in the Polish internal political scene in the second half of 1956. It resulted in Władysław Gomułka's faction acquiring power and in the temporary liberalization of life in Poland. Some social scientists term it a revolution, which while less dramatic might have had an even deeper impact on the Eastern Bloc than the Hungarian Revolution of 1956.[1]
Development
Gomułka's thaw was caused by several factors: the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 and the resulting de-Stalinization and Khrushchev's Thaw, the unexpected death of Polish communist leader Bolesław Bierut in Moscow in 1956, increasing rivalry between various factions of Polish communists, and growing tensions in Polish society, culminating in the Poznań 1956 protests (also known as June '56).[2]
After the death of Polish Prime Minister Bolesław Bierut - known as 'Stalin of Poland'Cite error: The <ref> tag has too many names (see the help page). in 1956, a brief period of de-Stalinization began, raising popular hope for reform. In June 1956, an insurrection began in Poznań. The workers rioted to protest shortages of food and consumer goods, bad housing, decline in real income, trade relations with the Soviet Union and poor management of the economy. The Polish government initially responded by branding the rioters "provocateurs, counterrevolutionaries and imperialist agents". Security forces killed 74 and wounded hundreds of protesters. Soon, however, the party hierarchy recognized the riots had awakened a nationalist movement and reversed their opinion. The rioters became "honest workers with legitimate grievances". Wages were raised by 50% and economic and political change was promised.[3][4][5]
The political change
Edward Ochab, the Polish Prime Minister, invited the now-rehabilitated Gomułka to serve as First Secretary of the Party. Gomułka insisted that he be given real power to implement reforms. One specific condition he set was that the Soviet Marshal Konstantin Rokossovsky, who had mobilized troops against the Poznań workers, be removed from the Polish Politburo and Defense Ministry, to which Ochab agreed. During October's meeting of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) - VIII Plenum - that began on 19 October, the decision was made to rehabilitate Gomułka, who had previously fallen afoul of the Stalinist hardliners' faction, and elect him to the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PZPR.[7][2] The majority of the Polish leadership, backed by the army and also the Internal Security Corps, brought Gomułka and several associates into the Politburo and designated Gomułka as First Secretary of the Party.
The Soviet leadership viewed events in Poland with alarm. A high-level delegation of the Soviet Central Committee flew to Poland in an attempt to block Gomułka's return to the party leadership. It was led by Nikita Khrushchev and included Anastas Mikoyan, Nikolai Bulganin, Vyacheslav Molotov, Lazar Kaganovich, Ivan Konev and others. The negotiations were tense, with both Polish and Soviet troops being put on alert, engaging in 'manoeuvres' and used as thinly veiled threats.[8][1] Gomułka demanded increased autonomy and permission to carry out some reforms but also reassured the Soviets that the reforms were internal matters and that Poland had no intention of abandoning communism or its treaties with the Soviet Union.[1][2] The Soviets were also pressured by the Chinese to accomodate the Polish demands,[9] and increasingly destracted by the events in Hungary.[9][8] Eventually, the Soviets yielded. Gomułka was confirmed in his new position.
Aftermath
Information about events in Poland reached the people of Hungary via Radio Free Europe's news and commentary services during 19–22 October 1956. A student demonstration in Budapest in support of Gomułka, asking for similar reforms in Hungary, was one of the events that sparked the Hungarian Revolution of 1956.[10] The events of the Hungarian November also helped distract the Soviets and ensure the success of the Polish October.[2]
Gomułka in his public speech criticized the hardships of Stalinism, and promised reforms to democraticize the country; this was received with much enthusiasm by Polish society. By mid-November, Gomułka has secured substantive gains in his negotiations with the Soviets: the cancellation of Poland's existing debts, new preferential trade terms, abandonment of the unpopular Soviet-imposed collectivisation of Polish agriculture, and permission to liberalize policy towards the Roman Catholic Church.[2]
In the aftermath of the October events, Konstantin Rokossovsky and many other Soviet "advisers" left Poland, signalling that Moscow was willing to grant Polish communists slightly more independence. The Polish government rehabilitated many victims of the Stalinist era, and many polical prisoners were set free. Among them was cardinal Stefan Wyszyński.[7] The Polish legislative election, 1957 was much more liberal than that of 1952, although still not considered free by Western standards.[11]
Gomułka however couldn't and didn't want to reject communism or Soviet domination; he could only steer Poland towards increased independence and "Polish national communism".[1][2] Because of these limitations, recognized by the Soviets, the limited Polish revolution succeeded where the Hungarian one didn't.[1] Norman Davies sums up the effect as a transformation of Poland from puppet state to client state;[1] Raymond Pearson similarily states that Poland changed from a Soviet colony to a dominion.[2]
Initially very popular for his reforms and seeking a "Polish way to socialism",[6] as the optimistic term for that era—Gomułka's thaw—indicates, Gomułka gradually softened his opposition to Soviet pressures and the late-1950s hopes for major political change in Poland were replaced with growing disillusionment in the 1960s. In the end, Gomułka failed in his goal to salvage communism—or socialism—in Poland.[1] Society became more liberal (as seen, for instance, in the achievements of the Polish Film School), and a civil society started to develop, but half-hearted democratization was not enough to satisfy the Polish public.[1] By the time of the March 1968 events Gomułka's thaw would be long over, and increasing economic problems and popular discontent would end up removing Gomułka from power in 1970—ironically, in a situation similar to the protests that once propelled him to power.[1][12]
Nonetheless, some social scientists such as Zbigniew Brzezinski or Frank Gibney refer to these changes as a revolution—one less dramatic than its Hungarian counterpart, but one which may have had an even more profound impact on the Eastern Bloc.[1] Timothy Garton Ash calls the Polish October the most significant event in the post-war history of Poland until the rise of Solidarity.[13] As Ivan Berend notes, while the effects of the Polish October on the Eastern Bloc may be disputed, there is no doubt it set up the course for the eventual fall of communism in the People's Republic of Poland.[1]
References
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Ivan Berend, Central and Eastern Europe, 1944-1993: Detour from the Periphery to the Periphery, Cambridge University Press, 1999, ISBN 052166352, Google Print, p.115-116
- ^ a b c d e f g Raymond Pearson, The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire, Palgrave Macmillan, 1998, ISBN 0312174071, Google Print, p.58-60
- ^ Rothschild and Wingfield: Return to Diversity, A Political History of East Central Europe Since World War II OUP 2000
- ^ "The defection of Jozef Swiatlo and the Search for Jewish Scapegoats in the Polish United Workers' Party, 1953-1954" (PDF). Fourth Convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities. Harriman Institute, Columbia University, New York City. April 15–17, 1999. Retrieved 2006-10-26.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: date format (link) - ^ Reasons for the outbreak from the official city of Poznań website dedicated to 1956 events. Last accessed on 3 April 2007.
- ^ a b "Rebellious Compromiser". Time magazine. 1956-12-10. Retrieved 2006-10-14.
{{cite news}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ a b "Poland." Encyclopædia Britannica. 2007. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Retrieved on 7 April 2007
- ^ a b "Notes from the Minutes of the CPSU CC Presidium Meeting with Satellite Leaders, [[October 24]], [[1956]]" (PDF). The 1956 Hungarian Revolution, A History in Documents. George Washington University: The National Security Archive. November 4, 2002. Retrieved 2006-09-02.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help); URL–wikilink conflict (help) - ^ a b Paweł Machcewicz, 1956 - a european date
- ^ UNITED NATIONS REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON THE PROBLEM OF HUNGARY. Page 145, para 441. Last accessed on 11 April 2007
- ^ Richard F. Staar, Elections in Communist Poland, Midwest Journal of Political Science, Vol. 2, No. 2 (May, 1958), pp. 200-218, JSTOR
- ^ Poland - The Historical Setting: Chapter 6: The Polish People's Republic. Polish Academic Information Center, University at Buffalo. Retrieved on 14 March 2007.
- ^ Garton Ash, Timothy (2002). The Polish Revolution: Solidarity. Yale University Press. ISBN 0300095686.
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