Jump to content

Detention centers in the Dirty War: Difference between revisions

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Content deleted Content added
beginning WP:GOCE copy edit
WP:GOCE copy edit
Line 1: Line 1:
{{Multiple issues|
{{Multiple issues|
{{merge to|Clandestine detention center (Argentina)}}
<!--{{Copy edit|for=grammar, encyclopedic tone, editorializing|date=March 2023}}
{{Essay-like|date=March 2023}}
{{Tone|date=March 2023}}-->
{{More citations needed|date=March 2023}}
{{More citations needed|date=March 2023}}
{{One source|date=March 2023}}
{{One source|date=March 2023}}
}}The use of '''detention centers in the [[Dirty War]]''', the period of state terrorism in [[Argentina]] between 1976 and 1983 caused immense fear for victims throughout the country. After being kidnapped and interrogated, the prisoners would be forced to survive while living in various centers' worst conditions.<ref name=":2">{{Cite web |title=Secret Detention Centers - Living Conditions |url=http://www.yendor.com/vanished/detention/living.html |access-date=2016-03-03 |website=www.yendor.com}}</ref> Once the kidnapped were forced into detention centers, they immediately [[Forced disappearance|disappeared]] (Spanish: los desaparecidos). While there was no standard for detention centers, all of them incorporated a torture room that each victim had to encounter. This was combined with emotional torture, with prisoners humiliated and dehumanized by the hands of the leaders; prisoners also lost basic human rights, unable to talk, shower, eat, and sleep.<ref name=":2" />
}}The use of '''detention centers in the [[Dirty War]]''', the period of state terrorism in [[Argentina]] between 1976 and 1983, caused immense fear for victims throughout the country. After being kidnapped and interrogated, the prisoners would be subjected to the harsh and overcrowded conditions of the various detention centers.<ref name=":2">{{Cite web |title=Secret Detention Centers - Living Conditions |url=http://www.yendor.com/vanished/detention/living.html |access-date=2016-03-03 |website=www.yendor.com}}</ref> Once the kidnapped were forced into detention, they effectively [[Forced disappearance|disappeared]], becoming ''los desaparecidos''. While there was no standard for detention centers, all of them incorporated a torture room. Physical torture was combined with emotional torture, with prisoners humiliated and dehumanized by the hands of the leaders; prisoners also lost basic human rights, unable to talk, shower, eat, and sleep.<ref name=":2" />


The detention centers were notorious for mass murders to remove all evidence of the torture that had transpired. At the end of the Dirty War and a change in government, prisoners were released on the street, blindfolded, with the torturers' identities kept a secret.<ref name=":2" />
The detention centers were notorious for mass murders to remove evidence of the torture that had transpired. At the end of the Dirty War and a change in government, prisoners were released on the street, blindfolded, with the torturers' identities kept a secret.<ref name=":2" />


== Detention centers ==
== Detention centers ==
Line 18: Line 16:
| location = Buenos Aires, Argentina
| location = Buenos Aires, Argentina
| oclc = 231632095
| oclc = 231632095
}}</ref> There was no standard for the location, torture methods, or leadership of detention centers, but they all operated on the purpose of political opposition, punishing prisoners suspected to be involved in [[Movement for Socialism (Argentina)|socialism]] or other forms of political dissent. Little information is known about the true nature of the centers during their operation, due to the mass murder of inmates to prevent knowledge escaping.<ref name=":2" /><ref name=":0" />
}}</ref> There was no standard for the location, torture methods, or leadership of detention centers, but they all operated on the purpose of political opposition, punishing prisoners suspected to be involved in [[Movement for Socialism (Argentina)|socialism]] or other forms of political dissent. Little information is known about the true nature of the centers during their operation, due to the mass murder of inmates to maintain secrecy.<ref name=":2" /><ref name=":0" />


=== Navy Petty-Officers School ===
=== Navy Petty-Officers School ===


The [[Navy Petty-Officers School]] (Spanish: [[Navy Petty-Officers School of Mechanics|La Escuela Superior de Mecánica de la Armada]]), often known as ESMA was located in the heart of Buenos Aires, approximately two blocks from the 1978 World Cup Stadium. By the time it was shut down, over 5000 people had been tortured there. Only 150 victims had survived the center by the end of the Dirty War in 1983.<ref>{{Citation|last=Andrew Mitchell|title=ESMA 'Dirty War' Detention Center|date=2010-08-21|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=16kTa7LLtPE|access-date=2016-02-26}}</ref> The torture center split families immediately upon their arrival, murdering the mothers as quickly as possible. From there, victims would be moved to the basement, where most of the torture occurred, to have their pictures taken. Intense interrogations and torture plans made on an individual basis would ensue. In the present-day, the ESMA is used as a memorial for the human rights violations during the war.<ref name=":0" />
The [[Navy Petty-Officers School]] (Spanish: [[Navy Petty-Officers School of Mechanics|La Escuela Superior de Mecánica de la Armada]], ESMA), was located in the heart of Buenos Aires, approximately two blocks from the [[Estadio Monumental (Buenos Aires)|1978 World Cup Stadium]]. By the time it was shut down, over 5000 people had been tortured there. Only 150 victims had survived the center at the end of the Dirty War.<ref>{{Citation|last=Andrew Mitchell|title=ESMA 'Dirty War' Detention Center|date=2010-08-21|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=16kTa7LLtPE|access-date=2016-02-26}}</ref> The torture center split families immediately upon their arrival, murdering the mothers as quickly as possible. From there, victims would be moved to the basement, where most of the torture occurred, to have their pictures taken. Intense interrogations and torture plans made on an individual basis would ensue. In the present-day, the ESMA is used as a memorial for the human rights violations during the war.<ref name=":0" />


=== Club Atlético ===
=== Club Atlético ===


Serving as a site where socialists were tortured for opposing the Argentinian regime, Club Atlético housed up to 1,500 'political dissenters' at its peak, despite having a maximum capacity of around 200. Similarly to the ESMA, the detention center also used its basement as a torture chamber. Club Atlético formed part of a larger connected link of covert operations that contributed to the detention, torture, and extermination of hundreds of people in this location alone.<ref name=":0" />
Serving as a site where socialists were tortured for opposing the Argentinian regime, Club Atlético housed up to 1,500 victims at its peak, despite having a maximum capacity of around 200. Similar to the ESMA, the detention center used its basement as a torture chamber. Club Atlético formed part of a larger network of covert operations that contributed to the detention, torture, and extermination of accused dissenters.<ref name=":0" />


=== Olimpo ===
=== Olimpo ===


Olimpo detention center was located in [[Floresta, Buenos Aires|Floresta]]. Similarly to Club Atlético, Olimpo held well over the allowance of the building in prisoners - the detention center held around 500 people at its peak, compared to the allowance of only 150. The operators used the operation room as the torture site to mock the victims. Olimpo, specifically, has been known for its horrific interrogation methods of those accused of being associated with a rival political position.<ref name=":0" />
Olimpo detention center was located in [[Floresta, Buenos Aires|Floresta]]. The building had a capacity of 150 but housed 500 people at its peak. The operators used the operation room as the torture site to mock the victims. It is specifically known for its horrific interrogation methods of those accused of being associated with a rival political position.<ref name=":0" />


=== Virrey Ceballos ===
=== Virrey Ceballos ===
Line 38: Line 36:
=== Automotores Orletti ===
=== Automotores Orletti ===


Placed in the Garage of a building, this torturing featured military members of both Argentina and Uruguay as a way to instill fear in the victims. This center, in particular, involved many nations in [[Operation Condor]].<ref name=":0" /> This implementation of fear, in principle, created an environment where the prisoner would have to admit to all political dissent they had committed. Because most victims were not members of the socialist party, they were forced to falsely confess to their involvement in political opposition or risk being murdered by the Argentinian government.
Located in the garage of a building, where torture was conducted by military members of both Argentina and Uruguay. It involved multiple South American nations in [[Operation Condor]].<ref name=":0" /> Fear was used to create an environment where the prisoner would have to admit to all political dissent they had committed. This resulted in many false confessions of political opposition to avoid being murdered.


=== Garaje Azopardo ===
=== Garaje Azopardo ===


Unlike other detention centers, Garaje Azopardo made its victims carry out forced labour and transmit passports illegally to friends of the Argentinian government. This addition of manual labor added a whole new layer to the dignity these prisoners lost while trapped in this prison. The Garage has been accused of only giving victims one meal a day.<ref name=":0" />
Unlike other detention centers, Garaje Azopardo used forced labour and made victims illegally transmit passports to friends of the Argentinian government. The Garage has been accused of only giving victims one meal a day.<ref name=":0" />


==Torture ==
==Torture ==
{{main|Dirty War#Human rights violations}}
Beginning as early as 1976, victims of the Dirty War were kidnapped from homes and public places and brought to detention centers like the ones discussed above, pending any suspicion of them being involved in political opposition to the Argentinian regime. Once these prisoners were brought to the respective camp, methods varied towards the type and severity of the torture.<ref name=":0" /> A ''New York Times'' article written on October 4, 1976, shares the experience of a victim who was blindfolded, hit, and forced to be nude.<ref name=":3">{{Cite news
Beginning as early as 1976, people suspected of being involved in political opposition to the Argentinian regime were kidnapped from homes and public places and brought to detention centers. Once these prisoners were brought to the respective camp, methods varied towards the type and severity of the torture.<ref name=":0" /> A ''New York Times'' article written on October 4, 1976, shares the experience of a victim who was blindfolded, hit, and forced to be nude.<ref name=":3">{{Cite news
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB104/Doc4%20761004.pdf
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB104/Doc4%20761004.pdf
| title = Kissinger's Green Light
| title = Kissinger's Green Light
| date = October 4, 1976
| date = October 4, 1976
| work = National Security Archive
| work = National Security Archive
}}</ref> These conditions were only meant to scare the victims in the hopes that they would share their secrets of socialism. A process of interrogation followed the "minor" torture methods to convince the prisoners to confess to the political dissent they had committed. When these methods seemed insufficient to reveal the "hidden truths" of the prisoners, the leaders of the clandestine detention centers went one step further to offer more torture methods. Accounts of sexual abuse, [[cigarette burns]], and electric shocks were common during these eight years of victimization.<ref>{{Cite news
}}</ref> These initial conditions were meant to scare the victims into revealing socialist secrets. This was followed with a process of interrogation and more intrusive torture methods. Accounts of sexual abuse, [[cigarette burns]], and electric shocks were common during these eight years of victimization.<ref>{{Cite news
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB73/780531dos.pdf
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB73/780531dos.pdf
| title = State Department Opens Files On Argentina's Dirty War
| title = State Department Opens Files On Argentina's Dirty War
Line 56: Line 55:
| work = National Security Archives
| work = National Security Archives
| access-date = February 25, 2016
| access-date = February 25, 2016
}}</ref> Methods, such as pushing prisoners off planes into oceans, were also used to kill the victims.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Behind the Disappearances: Argentina's Dirty War Against Human Rights and the United Nations|last=Guest|first=Iain|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|year=1990}}</ref>
}}</ref> Methods as extreme as throwing prisoners out of airplanes were employed to terrify victims witnessing the executions.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Behind the Disappearances: Argentina's Dirty War Against Human Rights and the United Nations|last=Guest|first=Iain|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|year=1990}}</ref>


As more political opponents were captured and tortured, the idea of missing a loved one became more common. The Argentinian government contributed to the tortures themselves, so there were no government officials to oppose the human rights violations that were transpiring. Instead, most victims and their families were forced to remain quiet to stay alive. However, there was a movement of women called [[The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo|Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo]] that began in 1977, a year after the beginning of the Dirty War.<ref>{{Cite web
As more political opponents were captured and tortured, there was no government opposition to the human rights violations that were transpiring. Most victims and their families remained silent to avoid further persecution. However, there was a movement called [[The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo]] (''Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo'') that began in 1977, a year after the beginning of the Dirty War.<ref>{{Cite web
| url = http://www.womeninworldhistory.com/contemporary-07.html
| url = http://www.womeninworldhistory.com/contemporary-07.html
| title = Madres of the Plaza de Mayo (Women in World History Curriculum)
| title = Madres of the Plaza de Mayo (Women in World History Curriculum)
| website = www.womeninworldhistory.com
| website = www.womeninworldhistory.com
| access-date = 2016-03-01
| access-date = 2016-03-01
}}</ref> These mothers marched along the Argentinian government, participating in nonviolent protests to fight for the return of their children. Unlike the tangible torture that the kidnapped felt, the pain of the mothers in this movement was expressed through their actions.<ref name=":5">{{Cite web|url=https://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/mothers-plaza-de-mayo-campaign-democracy-and-return-their-disappeared-family-members-1977-19|title=Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo campaign for democracy and the return of their "disappeared" family members, 1977-1983 {{!}} Global Nonviolent Action Database|website=nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu|access-date=2016-03-02}}</ref> In many ways, this can be seen as a form of torture, the torture that las madres could not have their beloved children back in their lives. Some mothers would protest for the rest of their lives, refusing to give up on their child's memory.
}}</ref>{{relevance inline|date=June 2024|This article is about the detention centres}} These mothers marched along the Argentinian government, participating in nonviolent protests to fight for the return of their children. Unlike the tangible torture that the kidnapped felt, the pain of the mothers in this movement was expressed through their actions.<ref name=":5">{{Cite web|url=https://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/mothers-plaza-de-mayo-campaign-democracy-and-return-their-disappeared-family-members-1977-19|title=Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo campaign for democracy and the return of their "disappeared" family members, 1977-1983 {{!}} Global Nonviolent Action Database|website=nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu|access-date=2016-03-02}}</ref> In many ways, this can be seen as a form of torture, the torture that las madres could not have their beloved children back in their lives. Some mothers would protest for the rest of their lives, refusing to give up on their child's memory.


=== United States involvement in Argentina ===
=== US involvement in Argentina ===
The United States, through its covert CIA and other intelligence agencies, has declassified certain documents that prove their knowledge of Operation Condor during the 1970s. Operation Condor is an umbrella operation of the CIA, in which six Latin American countries banded together to remove all potential political opponents in the [[Southern Cone]]. The Dirty War connects as a specific event to the larger Operation Condor.<ref name=":4">{{Cite journal
The United States, through its covert CIA and other intelligence agencies, has declassified certain documents that prove their knowledge of Operation Condor during the 1970s. Operation Condor is an umbrella operation of the CIA, in which six Latin American countries banded together to remove all potential political opponents in the [[Southern Cone]]. The Dirty War connects as a specific event to the larger Operation Condor.<ref name=":4">{{Cite journal
| last = McSherry
| last = McSherry
Line 82: Line 81:
| work = National Security Archives
| work = National Security Archives
| access-date = February 26, 2016
| access-date = February 26, 2016
}}</ref> {{Synthesis-inline|date=March 2020}}
}}</ref>{{Synthesis-inline|date=March 2020}}


Most famously, Henry Kissinger is associated with a big personality and his commentary encouraging the Dirty War to advance in Argentina. Among many other quotes, this former Secretary of State spoke openly to the leaders of Operation Condor by supporting their efforts; he believed that "the quicker you succeed, the better."<ref>{{Cite news
Kissinger spoke openly to the leaders of Operation Condor and supported their efforts; he believed that "the quicker you succeed, the better."<ref>{{Cite news
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB104/
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB104/
| title = National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 104
| title = National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 104
Line 92: Line 91:
| work = National Security Archives
| work = National Security Archives
| access-date = February 26, 2016
| access-date = February 26, 2016
}}</ref> Kissinger shows the tolerance of the United States regarding the pain and torture of other people in other nations held both inside and outside the detention centers. He has also been described as giving the "green light" to the nations causing pain for many prisoners.<ref name=":3" /> This idea highlights his outspoken support of this event. Kissinger was the leader who spoke, but many of the leaders of America during this time had a similar train of thought.<ref name=":4" />{{Additional citation needed|date=March 2020}}
}}</ref> Kissinger shows the tolerance of the United States regarding the pain and torture of other people in other nations held both inside and outside the detention centers. He has also been described as giving the "green light" to the torturers.<ref name=":3" /> Many of the leaders of America during this time had a similar train of thought.<ref name=":4" />{{Additional citation needed|date=March 2020}}


Most of the American effort in Argentina dealt with the economy, largely ignoring the issues happening on the ground level. Between the lack of jobs and abundant refugees flooding into Argentina, America believed its duty was to control and maintain the balance of the economy. There was little recognition of the treatment of Dirty War victims, as it was left to the side to deal with the "real, pressing issues" of the time in the opinion of the United States government.<ref>{{Cite news
Most of the American efforts in Argentina at the time dealt with the economy, largely ignoring the issues on the ground level. Between the lack of jobs and abundant refugees flooding into Argentina, America believed its duty was to control and maintain the balance of the economy. There was little recognition of the treatment of Dirty War victims, as it was left to the side to deal with the "real, pressing issues" of the time in the opinion of the United States government.{{incomprehensible inline|date=June 2024}}<ref>{{Cite news
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB104/Doc5%20761006.pdf
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB104/Doc5%20761006.pdf
| title = National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 104
| title = National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 104
Line 104: Line 103:
}}</ref>
}}</ref>


=== United States inaction in Argentina ===
=== US inaction in Argentina ===
The opinions of Kissinger, supporting the continuation of Operation Condor policy and the restriction of human rights, were also shared by other figures of power during this time. This contributes to why the United States remained silent when the thousands tortured victims. Primary sources tell a story that proves America's knowledge and recognition of the severity of the events in Argentina during the Dirty War. The United States government published a list of American people who were either dead or disappeared in 1978 at the hands of the Dirty War to prove that the desaparecidos were being tortured both by domestic and abroad in detention centers.<ref>{{Cite news
In supporting the Argentine regime, the US remained silent in the face of human rights violations. The US government published a list of American people who were either dead or disappeared in 1978.<ref>{{Cite news
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB73/780629dos.pdf
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB73/780629dos.pdf
| title = National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 73 - Part I
| title = National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 73 - Part I
Line 113: Line 112:
| work = National Security Archives
| work = National Security Archives
| access-date = February 26, 2016
| access-date = February 26, 2016
}}</ref> Following this release of information, no major American opposition movements followed this direct proof of people who had vanished from the world. A year later, the United States sent the [[Inter-American Commission on Human Rights]] to travel to Argentina to see the impact of human rights abuses on the nation as a whole.<ref name=":5" /> By the time the Commission came by in 1979, the United States had decreed that terrorism was not an issue in this area of the world.<ref>{{Cite news
}}</ref> However, no major American opposition movements followed this revelation. A year later, the US sent the [[Inter-American Commission on Human Rights]] (IACHR) to Argentina to investigate the impact of human rights abuses on the nation as a whole.<ref name=":5" /> By the time the Commission arrived in 1979, the US had decreed that terrorism was not an issue in this area of the world.<ref>{{Cite news
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB85/790911%200000A9FB.pdf
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB85/790911%200000A9FB.pdf
| title = The Pentagon and the CIA Sent Mixed Message to the Argentine Military
| title = The Pentagon and the CIA Sent Mixed Message to the Argentine Military
Line 123: Line 122:
}}</ref>
}}</ref>


The exchange of words did not help to create change in Argentina. Henry Kissinger consistently commented on the Dirty War without proactively fixing the situation.<ref name=":3" /> He was not the only one to disregard what transpired during Operation Condor. A conversation between men who wrote for the United States Embassy in Argentina confirmed that 80-90% of the clandestine detention centers were destroyed by 1979 when the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights traveled to Argentina. Two men remark that this progress was satisfactory because most of the camps had been removed.<ref name=":1">{{Cite news
Kissinger consistently commented on the Dirty War without acting to change the situation.<ref name=":3" /> The US Embassy in Argentina confirmed that 80-90% of the clandestine detention centers were destroyed by 1979 when the IACHR traveled to Argentina. Two embassy staff remarked that this progress was satisfactory because most of the camps had been removed.<ref name=":1">{{Cite news
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB73/790807dos.pdf
| url = http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB73/790807dos.pdf
| title = Memorandum of Conversation
| title = Memorandum of Conversation
Line 131: Line 130:
| work = National Security Archives
| work = National Security Archives
| access-date = February 26, 2016
| access-date = February 26, 2016
}}</ref> {{syn|date=March 2020}} Yet, the knowledge that most of the camps were no longer functioning raises the question of where the victims of these centers went. A large percentage of the victims that were once "housed" in the destroyed detention centers were confirmed to be disappeared, dead, or transferred to the small percentage of camps still running at the time.<ref name=":1" />{{Not in source|date=March 2020}}
}}</ref> {{syn|date=March 2020}} Yet, the knowledge that most of the camps were no longer functioning raises the question of where the victims of these centers went. A large percentage of the victims that were once "housed" in the destroyed detention centers were confirmed to be disappeared, dead, or transferred to the small percentage of camps which remained in operation.<ref name=":1" />{{Not in source|date=March 2020}}


==References==
==References==

Revision as of 05:12, 21 June 2024

The use of detention centers in the Dirty War, the period of state terrorism in Argentina between 1976 and 1983, caused immense fear for victims throughout the country. After being kidnapped and interrogated, the prisoners would be subjected to the harsh and overcrowded conditions of the various detention centers.[1] Once the kidnapped were forced into detention, they effectively disappeared, becoming los desaparecidos. While there was no standard for detention centers, all of them incorporated a torture room. Physical torture was combined with emotional torture, with prisoners humiliated and dehumanized by the hands of the leaders; prisoners also lost basic human rights, unable to talk, shower, eat, and sleep.[1]

The detention centers were notorious for mass murders to remove evidence of the torture that had transpired. At the end of the Dirty War and a change in government, prisoners were released on the street, blindfolded, with the torturers' identities kept a secret.[1]

Detention centers

Memorial at the former detention center of Quinta de Mendez [es]

Argentina hosted over 520 clandestine detention centers during the course Dirty War.[2] There was no standard for the location, torture methods, or leadership of detention centers, but they all operated on the purpose of political opposition, punishing prisoners suspected to be involved in socialism or other forms of political dissent. Little information is known about the true nature of the centers during their operation, due to the mass murder of inmates to maintain secrecy.[1][2]

Navy Petty-Officers School

The Navy Petty-Officers School (Spanish: La Escuela Superior de Mecánica de la Armada, ESMA), was located in the heart of Buenos Aires, approximately two blocks from the 1978 World Cup Stadium. By the time it was shut down, over 5000 people had been tortured there. Only 150 victims had survived the center at the end of the Dirty War.[3] The torture center split families immediately upon their arrival, murdering the mothers as quickly as possible. From there, victims would be moved to the basement, where most of the torture occurred, to have their pictures taken. Intense interrogations and torture plans made on an individual basis would ensue. In the present-day, the ESMA is used as a memorial for the human rights violations during the war.[2]

Club Atlético

Serving as a site where socialists were tortured for opposing the Argentinian regime, Club Atlético housed up to 1,500 victims at its peak, despite having a maximum capacity of around 200. Similar to the ESMA, the detention center used its basement as a torture chamber. Club Atlético formed part of a larger network of covert operations that contributed to the detention, torture, and extermination of accused dissenters.[2]

Olimpo

Olimpo detention center was located in Floresta. The building had a capacity of 150 but housed 500 people at its peak. The operators used the operation room as the torture site to mock the victims. It is specifically known for its horrific interrogation methods of those accused of being associated with a rival political position.[2]

Virrey Ceballos

The Virrey Cerallos, in the neighborhood of Monserrat, was known for its 'efficient' torture methods in a garage-like building.[2] The center's operations were unusually public, showing how Argentinian officials were able to violate human rights at the time.

Automotores Orletti

Located in the garage of a building, where torture was conducted by military members of both Argentina and Uruguay. It involved multiple South American nations in Operation Condor.[2] Fear was used to create an environment where the prisoner would have to admit to all political dissent they had committed. This resulted in many false confessions of political opposition to avoid being murdered.

Garaje Azopardo

Unlike other detention centers, Garaje Azopardo used forced labour and made victims illegally transmit passports to friends of the Argentinian government. The Garage has been accused of only giving victims one meal a day.[2]

Torture

Beginning as early as 1976, people suspected of being involved in political opposition to the Argentinian regime were kidnapped from homes and public places and brought to detention centers. Once these prisoners were brought to the respective camp, methods varied towards the type and severity of the torture.[2] A New York Times article written on October 4, 1976, shares the experience of a victim who was blindfolded, hit, and forced to be nude.[4] These initial conditions were meant to scare the victims into revealing socialist secrets. This was followed with a process of interrogation and more intrusive torture methods. Accounts of sexual abuse, cigarette burns, and electric shocks were common during these eight years of victimization.[5] Methods as extreme as throwing prisoners out of airplanes were employed to terrify victims witnessing the executions.[6]

As more political opponents were captured and tortured, there was no government opposition to the human rights violations that were transpiring. Most victims and their families remained silent to avoid further persecution. However, there was a movement called The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo (Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo) that began in 1977, a year after the beginning of the Dirty War.[7][relevant?] These mothers marched along the Argentinian government, participating in nonviolent protests to fight for the return of their children. Unlike the tangible torture that the kidnapped felt, the pain of the mothers in this movement was expressed through their actions.[8] In many ways, this can be seen as a form of torture, the torture that las madres could not have their beloved children back in their lives. Some mothers would protest for the rest of their lives, refusing to give up on their child's memory.

US involvement in Argentina

The United States, through its covert CIA and other intelligence agencies, has declassified certain documents that prove their knowledge of Operation Condor during the 1970s. Operation Condor is an umbrella operation of the CIA, in which six Latin American countries banded together to remove all potential political opponents in the Southern Cone. The Dirty War connects as a specific event to the larger Operation Condor.[9]

In a conversation between Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and many of his colleagues, one of them argues that the Argentinian junta was overdoing the control it had over its citizens. Kissinger remarks that the treatment and policy of detention centers are, in fact, good for United States interests while also stating that this junta will need "a little encouragement from [the United States]" to pursue its efforts.[10][improper synthesis?]

Kissinger spoke openly to the leaders of Operation Condor and supported their efforts; he believed that "the quicker you succeed, the better."[11] Kissinger shows the tolerance of the United States regarding the pain and torture of other people in other nations held both inside and outside the detention centers. He has also been described as giving the "green light" to the torturers.[4] Many of the leaders of America during this time had a similar train of thought.[9][additional citation(s) needed]

Most of the American efforts in Argentina at the time dealt with the economy, largely ignoring the issues on the ground level. Between the lack of jobs and abundant refugees flooding into Argentina, America believed its duty was to control and maintain the balance of the economy. There was little recognition of the treatment of Dirty War victims, as it was left to the side to deal with the "real, pressing issues" of the time in the opinion of the United States government.[incomprehensible][12]

US inaction in Argentina

In supporting the Argentine regime, the US remained silent in the face of human rights violations. The US government published a list of American people who were either dead or disappeared in 1978.[13] However, no major American opposition movements followed this revelation. A year later, the US sent the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) to Argentina to investigate the impact of human rights abuses on the nation as a whole.[8] By the time the Commission arrived in 1979, the US had decreed that terrorism was not an issue in this area of the world.[14]

Kissinger consistently commented on the Dirty War without acting to change the situation.[4] The US Embassy in Argentina confirmed that 80-90% of the clandestine detention centers were destroyed by 1979 when the IACHR traveled to Argentina. Two embassy staff remarked that this progress was satisfactory because most of the camps had been removed.[15] [improper synthesis?] Yet, the knowledge that most of the camps were no longer functioning raises the question of where the victims of these centers went. A large percentage of the victims that were once "housed" in the destroyed detention centers were confirmed to be disappeared, dead, or transferred to the small percentage of camps which remained in operation.[15][failed verification]

References

  1. ^ a b c d "Secret Detention Centers - Living Conditions". www.yendor.com. Retrieved 2016-03-03.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i Centros clandestinos de la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Instituto Espacio para la Memoria. 2007. OCLC 231632095.
  3. ^ Andrew Mitchell (2010-08-21), ESMA 'Dirty War' Detention Center, retrieved 2016-02-26
  4. ^ a b c "Kissinger's Green Light" (PDF). National Security Archive. October 4, 1976.
  5. ^ "State Department Opens Files On Argentina's Dirty War" (PDF). National Security Archives. May 31, 1978. Retrieved February 25, 2016.
  6. ^ Guest, Iain (1990). Behind the Disappearances: Argentina's Dirty War Against Human Rights and the United Nations. University of Pennsylvania Press.
  7. ^ "Madres of the Plaza de Mayo (Women in World History Curriculum)". www.womeninworldhistory.com. Retrieved 2016-03-01.
  8. ^ a b "Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo campaign for democracy and the return of their "disappeared" family members, 1977-1983 | Global Nonviolent Action Database". nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu. Retrieved 2016-03-02.
  9. ^ a b McSherry, Patrice J. (Winter 1999). "Operation Condor: Clandestine Inter-American System". Social Justice.
  10. ^ Osorio, Carlos (March 26, 1976). "The Pentagon and the CIA Sent Mixed Message to the Argentine Military" (PDF). National Security Archives. Retrieved February 26, 2016.
  11. ^ Osorio, Carlos (1976). "National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 104". National Security Archives. Retrieved February 26, 2016.
  12. ^ Osorio, Carlos (October 6, 1976). "National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 104" (PDF). National Security Archives. Retrieved February 26, 2016.
  13. ^ Osorio, Carlos (June 29, 1978). "National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 73 - Part I" (PDF). National Security Archives. Retrieved February 26, 2016.
  14. ^ Osorio, Carlos (September 11, 1979). "The Pentagon and the CIA Sent Mixed Message to the Argentine Military" (PDF). National Security Archives. Retrieved February 26, 2016.
  15. ^ a b Hallman, William (August 7, 1979). "Memorandum of Conversation" (PDF). National Security Archives. Retrieved February 26, 2016.