Green Line (Israel): Difference between revisions
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According to [[Noam Chomsky]], claims that the Palestinian leadership reject the international consensus calling for a Palestinian state with borders along the Green Line are not consistent with the documented record.<ref>Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 chapter 3, pp. 95-173</ref> Smaller elements in the Palestinian leadership, such as [[Hamas]], have called for a two state settlement on the pre-June 1967 borders (the Green Line).<ref>Amira Hass. [http://www.haaretz.com/news/haniyeh-hamas-willing-to-accept-palestinian-state-with-1967-borders-1.256915 “Haniyeh: Hamas willing to accept Palestinian state with 1967 borders”] Haaretz, November 9, 2008</ref><ref>[http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2008/04/2008615098393788.html “Hamas ready to accept 1967 borders”] Al Jazeera, April 22, 2008</ref> |
According to [[Noam Chomsky]], claims that the Palestinian leadership reject the international consensus calling for a Palestinian state with borders along the Green Line are not consistent with the documented record.<ref>Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 chapter 3, pp. 95-173</ref> Smaller elements in the Palestinian leadership, such as [[Hamas]], have called for a two state settlement on the pre-June 1967 borders (the Green Line).<ref>Amira Hass. [http://www.haaretz.com/news/haniyeh-hamas-willing-to-accept-palestinian-state-with-1967-borders-1.256915 “Haniyeh: Hamas willing to accept Palestinian state with 1967 borders”] Haaretz, November 9, 2008</ref><ref>[http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2008/04/2008615098393788.html “Hamas ready to accept 1967 borders”] Al Jazeera, April 22, 2008</ref> |
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==The Fallacy of the “1967 Borders”== |
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The Palestinian leadership is fixated on attempting to press foreign governments and the UN to recognize a unilaterally declared Palestinian state within the "1967 borders." But such borders do not exist and have no basis in history, law, or fact. The only line that ever existed was the [[1949 armistice line]], based on the ceasefire lines of the Israeli and Arab armies pending agreement on permanent peace. The 1949 armistice agreements specifically stated that such lines have no political or legal significance and do not prejudice future negotiations on boundaries.<ref>[http://www.jcpa.org/JCPA/Templates/ShowPage.asp?DRIT=1&DBID=1&LNGID=1&TMID=111&FID=442&PID=0&IID=5522&TTL=The_Fallacy_of_the_%221967_Borders%22_-_No_Such_Borders_Ever_Existed The Fallacy of the "1967 Borders" - No Such Borders Ever Existed, Amb. Alan Baker]</ref> |
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==Social perceptions of the Green Line== |
==Social perceptions of the Green Line== |
Revision as of 10:34, 2 January 2011
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/23/Israel_green_lines.png/150px-Israel_green_lines.png)
Green Line refers to the demarcation lines set out in the 1949 Armistice Agreements between Israel and its neighbours (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria) after the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. The Green Line is also used to mark the line between Israel, and the territories captured in the Six-Day War, including the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Golan Heights and Sinai Peninsula (the latter has since been returned to Egypt). The name derives from the green ink used to draw the line on the map while the talks were going on.[1][2]
Overview
The Green Line is not an international or permanent border. Justice Stephen M. Schwebel, who was a judge of the International Court of Justice at The Hague for 19 years, including three years as its president, wrote: "...modifications of the 1949 armistice lines among those States within former Palestinian territory are lawful (if not necessarily desirable), whether those modifications are...'insubstantial alterations required for mutual security' or more substantial alterations - such as recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the whole of Jerusalem." In a footnote, he wrote: "It should be added that the armistice agreements of 1949 expressly preserved the territorial claims of all parties and did not purport to establish definitive boundaries between them." [3]
While the line is a temporary border, in practice it is used to differentiate between those areas which are administered as part of the State of Israel, and the areas outside it, which are administered by the Israeli military or the Palestinian National Authority.[4][5] The extended municipality of Jerusalem constitutes one exception to this: although the parts ruled by Jordan until 1967 fall outside the Green Line, Israel has informally annexed them according to the Basic Jerusalem Law (1980). Other nations' positions on Jerusalem vary.
The Golan Heights are another exception, having been informally annexed with the Golan Heights Law (1981). Israeli settlements are also essentially subject to the laws of the State of Israel rather than the PNA's laws. As of December 2005, the Line formally divided the areas of operation of the Israeli Magen David Adom and the Palestine Red Crescent Society, although the former is still responsible for care in Israeli settlements.[6]
Impact
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/a3/Jerusalem_Border_1951.jpg/170px-Jerusalem_Border_1951.jpg)
The sections of the Line that delineate the boundaries between Israel, the West Bank and Gaza runs through heavily populated regions. The line corresponds to the military front of the 1948 War, and while the considerations dictating its placement were primarily military, it soon became clear that in many places it divided towns and villages, and separated farmers from their fields. Consequently, the Green Line underwent various slight adjustments, and special arrangements were made for limited movement in certain areas.[7]
Jerusalem was divided in half, into East and West Jerusalem and the village of Barta'a, which, partially due to errors on the map, was left with one third of its area on the Israeli side and two thirds outside of it. Kibbutz Ramat Rachel was left almost entirely outside the Israeli side of the Green Line.[7]
According to Avi Shlaim, in March 1949 as the Iraqi forces withdrew and handed over their positions to the Jordanian legion, Israel carried out Operation Shin-Tav-Shin which allowed Israel to renegotiate the cease fire line in the Wadi Ara area of the northern West Bank in a secret agreement that was incorporated into the General Armistice Agreement. The green line was redrawn in blue ink on the southern map to give the impression that a movement into green line had been made.[8]
Jewish population
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/b/bd/Mandelbaum_Gate_Jerusalem.jpg/220px-Mandelbaum_Gate_Jerusalem.jpg)
During the war, Jews residing east of the Line, including the Jewish Quarter of the Old City, were taken prisoner by the Jordanians. All but a few of the Gush Etzion defenders were massacred. The prisoners were returned to Israel after the war.[4] On July 8, 1948, the Jewish inhabitants of Kfar Darom and Naharayim were evacuated by Israel due to military pressure by Egypt and Jordan. Israel also withdrew from villages in the Lebanese Upper Galilee, whereas Syria withdrew from Mishmar HaYarden.
Since Israel's victory in the Six-Day War, Israeli settlements have been established south and east of the Line. From August to September 2005, Israel implemented a unilateral disengagement plan in which the entire Jewish population of the Gaza Strip was evacuated by the Gaza Strip. In 2006, Ehud Olmert proposed a convergence plan that called for Israel to disengage, unilaterally, if necessary, from much of the West Bank (east of the Line). This plan was disrupted by the 2006 Israel-Gaza conflict and the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict.
Arab population
The majority of Arabs on the Israeli side of the Line fled or were expelled during the war. Those who remained became Israeli citizens and now comprise approximately 20% of Israel's total citizenry. The Umm al-Fahm-Baqa al-Gharbiyye-Tira area, known as "the Triangle", was originally designated to fall under Jordanian jurisdiction, but Israel demanded its inclusion on the Israeli side due to military and strategic considerations. To achieve this, a territorial swap was negotiated with Transjordan, giving the latter Israeli territory in the southern hills of Hebron in exchange for the Triangle villages in Wadi Ara.[4] In the Six-Day War, Israel occupied territories beyond the Green Line inhabited by over a million Palestinian Arabs, including refugees from the 1947–1949 war.[9] The Green Line remained the administrative border between these territories (with the exception of Jerusalem) and the areas inside the Israeli side of the Green Line.
In 1967, East Jerusalem was annexed into Israel, with its Arab inhabitants given permanent residency status. They were also entitled to apply for Israeli citizenship. Domestically, the status of East Jerusalem as part of Israel was further entrenched with the Jerusalem Law of 1980. United Nations Security Council Resolution 478 , determined the law null and void. In 1981, the rule of law of the State of Israel was extended to the Golan Heights with the Golan Heights Law in what can be seen as an informal annexation.
Israeli-Palestinian conflict
The question of whether, or to what extent, Israel should withdraw its population and forces to its side of the Green Line remains a crucial issue in some discussions surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The near-unanimous international consensus has been displayed in the yearly UN General Assembly vote on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine.[10] Although disputed by Israel, UN resolution 242 [11] have made clear the interpretation of international law regarding Palestinian Territory. The Palestinians were not party to the drawing of the Green Line and rejected UN resolution 242 on the basis that it did not specifically call for an independent Palestinian state, but rather spoke of them as refugees. From 1976, most elements in the PLO accepted the pre-June 1967 borders as a basis for the establishment of a Palestinian state.[12]
According to Noam Chomsky, claims that the Palestinian leadership reject the international consensus calling for a Palestinian state with borders along the Green Line are not consistent with the documented record.[13] Smaller elements in the Palestinian leadership, such as Hamas, have called for a two state settlement on the pre-June 1967 borders (the Green Line).[14][15]
Social perceptions of the Green Line
According to Hebrew University Geographer Ilan Salomon, the Green Line can be discerned via satellite, marked by the Jewish National Fund pine forests planted to demarcate Israeli space. Salomon and Larissa Fleishman conducted a study regarding Israeli students' knowledge of the location of the Green Line and found that not much more than 1/3 could identify its placement; they furthermore found that "students who identify with left-leaning parties are more familiar with the location of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, can sketch them more accurately and are also more aware of the nature of borders."[16]
See also
- At the Green Line
- Peace Process in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
- Blue Line
- Purple Line
- Mixed Armistice Commissions
- United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO)
References
- ^ Green Line: the name given to the 1949 Armistice lines that constituted the de facto borders of pre-1967 Israel — "Glossary: Israel", Library of Congress Country Studies
- ^ Eli E. Hertz, "A Secure Israel - Security: A Condition for Peace", Myths and Facts, December 9, 2006
- ^ Gilo, settlements, and the Green Line in perspective
- ^ a b c Yisrael Ya'akov Yuval, "Where is the Green Line", Two Thousand, Vol. 29, no. 971, 2005 Template:He icon
- ^ Akiva Eldar, "What is the Green Line", Haaretz, July 21, 2006 Template:He icon
- ^ "Geneva vote paves the way for MDA Red Cross membership", Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, December 8, 2005
- ^ a b Yossi Alpher, et al., "The green line", Palestinian-Israeli crossfire, Edition 8, February 24, 2003
- ^ The Politics of Partition; King Abdullah, The Zionists, and Palestine 1921–1951 Avi Shlaim Oxford University Press Revised Edition 2004 ISBN 019829459-x pp. 299, 312
- ^ The new territories more than doubled the size of pre1967 Israel, placing under Israel's control more than 1 million Palestinian Arabs ... In November 1967 ... UN Security Council Resolution 242, called for "withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict" in exchange for Arab acceptance of Israel — "Israel: 1967 and Afterward", Library of Congress Country Studies
- ^ Fouad Moughrabi. “The International Consensus on the Palestine Question” Journal of Palestine Studies, 1987
- ^ Eric Black. “Resolution 242 and the Aftermath of 1967” PBS/Minneapolis Star Tribune, 1992
- ^ “Draft Resolution 'The Middle East problem', Security Council document S/11940, 23 January 1976” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Retrieved September 22, 2010
- ^ Noam Chomsky, “The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians”, South End Press 1983/1999 ISBN 0-8960-8601-1 chapter 3, pp. 95-173
- ^ Amira Hass. “Haniyeh: Hamas willing to accept Palestinian state with 1967 borders” Haaretz, November 9, 2008
- ^ “Hamas ready to accept 1967 borders” Al Jazeera, April 22, 2008
- ^ Akiva Eldar. "Putting back the Green Line - once we find it" Haaretz, December 8, 2006
Further reading
- Gad Barzilai and Ilan Peleg, "Israel and Future Borders: Assessment of a Dynamic Process", Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 31, No. 1 (February 1994), pp. 59–73
- Bornstein, Avram S. Crossing the Green Line Between the West Bank and Israel, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001; Unfavourable review by Steven Plaut, Middle East Forum, Vol. 10, No. 3, (Spring 2003); Favourable review by Matthew S. Gordon, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History, Vol. 4, No. 2 (Fall 2003)
- S. Brian Willson, "History of Palestine and Green Line Israel", Most Dangerous of Rogue Nation, 1992, Revised May 2002
- David Newman, "Boundaries in Flux: The 'Green Line' Boundary between Israel and the West Bank - Past, Present and Future", Boundary & Territory Briefings, Vol. 1 no. 7, 1995.
- David Newman, "The functional presence of an 'erased' boundary: The re-emergence of the 'green line'"; from Schofield C.H. and Schofield R.N. (eds.). World Boundaries: the Middle East and North Africa, Routledge, London, 1995 (ISBN 0415088399)
- Nadim Rouhana, "The Intifada and the Palestinians of Israel: Resurrecting the Green Line", Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Spring 1990), pp. 58–75
- Amb. Alan Baker, The Fallacy of the "1967 Borders" - No Such Borders Ever Existed