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The modern Croatia was formed long after [[WWII]] was over, and aside from occasional exceptions, there was no desire whatsoever by the Croatian political elite to associate the new country with the former [[Independent State of Croatia]] or to revisit the status of Croatia as a member of the winning side of that war. While significantly more courtesy was shown to the Ustasha for their desire to make Croatia independent, they were neither rehabilitated nor explicitly banned - most people, in politics and otherwise, simply wished to leave that part of the past behind. Subsequently, no laws were ever passed that specifically targeted the issues of Nazism and/or fascism.
The modern Croatia was formed long after [[WWII]] was over, and aside from occasional exceptions, there was no desire whatsoever by the Croatian political elite to associate the new country with the former [[Independent State of Croatia]] or to revisit the status of Croatia as a member of the winning side of that war. While significantly more courtesy was shown to the Ustasha for their desire to make Croatia independent, they were neither rehabilitated nor explicitly banned - most people, in politics and otherwise, simply wished to leave that part of the past behind. Subsequently, no laws were ever passed that specifically targeted the issues of Nazism and/or fascism.


In the absence of a specific policy or laws against hate-speech, instances of pro-ustasha sentiment were rarely sanctioned. Eventually, on [[July 11]], [[2003]] the [[Ivica Račan|Račan]] coalition government passed amendments to the Penal Code which outlawed this kind of [[hate speech]] in a new section titled ''Praising fascist, Nazi and other totalitarian states and ideologies or promotion of racism and xenophobia''. On [[June 20]], [[2006]] Croatian prime minister [[Ivo Sanader]] issued a message ahead of the [[Anti-fascism|Antifascist]] Struggle Day, official holiday in Croatia, in which he rejected "every extremism and radicalism" and
In the absence of a specific policy or laws against hate-speech, instances of pro-ustasha sentiment were rarely sanctioned. Eventually, on [[July 11]], [[2003]] the [[Ivica Račan|Račan]] coalition government passed amendments to the Penal Code which outlawed this kind of [[hate speech]] in a new section titled ''Praising fascist, Nazi and other totalitarian states and ideologies or promotion of racism and xenophobia''. On [[June 20]], [[2006]] Croatian prime minister [[Ivo Sanader]] issued a message ahead of the [[Anti-fascism| Antifascist]] Struggle Day, official holiday in Croatia, in which he rejected "every extremism and radicalism" and
said that "antifascism was a commitment weaved into the foundations of independent, democratic Croatia". [http://www.vlada.hr/default.asp?gl=200606200000016]
said that "antifascism was a commitment weaved into the foundations of independent, democratic Croatia". [http://www.vlada.hr/default.asp?gl=200606200000016]


Croatia also has no laws against [[historical revisionism]] or [[holocaust denial]]. This can mainly be attributed to the change of political system and indeed the entire system of values as the country became independent. Revisionism was not frowned upon because priority was placed on the re-evaluation of history as recorded during the Communist era, which was therefore deemed almost implicitly tainted. The re-examination of the number of victims of the [[Independent State of Croatia]] and particularly the [[Jasenovac concentration camp]] was fairly common, as well as fairly controversial. See also [[#The Bleiburg controversy|the Bleiburg controversy]] below.
Croatia also has no laws against [[historical revisionism]] or [[holocaust denial]]. This can mainly be attributed to the change of political system and indeed the entire system of values as the country became independent. Revisionism was not frowned upon because priority was placed on the re-evaluation of history as recorded during the Communist era, which was therefore deemed almost implicitly tainted. The re-examination of the number of victims of the [[Independent State of Croatia]] and particularly the [[Jasenovac concentration camp]] was fairly common, as well as fairly controversial. See also [[#The Bleiburg controversy|the Bleiburg controversy]] below.


==Events and issues connected to neo-Ustashism in Croatia==
==Events and issues connected to neo-nazism in Croatia==


Since gaining independence in 1991, Croatia has often been accused of ignoring the crimes committed by the [[Second World War]] fascist [[Ustasha]] regime, and tolerating the symbols or the activities of individuals sympathetic to such a regime. This has been known to provoke widespread criticism of Croatia in the West, and particularly among the [[Serbs]]. The primary reason for this has been a lack of priority and care taken by the Croatian public and the mainstream politics towards the issue, because numerous other issues plagued the country at the time, particularly recovering from the after affects of the [[Yugoslav wars]].
Since gaining independence in 1991, Croatia has often been accused of ignoring the crimes committed by the [[Second World War]] fascist [[Ustasha]] regime, and tolerating the symbols or the activities of individuals sympathetic to such a regime. This has been known to provoke widespread criticism of Croatia in the West, and particularly among the [[Serbs]].


In the early 1990s, during the [[Croatian War of Independence]], numerous [[anti-fascist]] monuments (erected in honour of the [[Partisans (Yugoslavia)|Partisans]]) have been damaged or destroyed throughout the country, and these incidents were generally not censured by the authorities at all. Furthermore, the devastation of WWII partisan monuments also often extended to those erected in honour of civilian victims of war, also with little or no intervention from the police.
In the early 1990s, during the [[Croatian War of Independence]], numerous [[anti-fascist]] monuments (erected in honour of the [[Partisans (Yugoslavia)|Partisans]]) have been damaged or destroyed throughout the country, and these incidents were generally not censured by the authorities at all. Furthermore, the devastation of WWII partisan monuments also often extended to those erected in honour of civilian victims of war, also with little or no intervention from the police.


There were some objections to the name of the internationally accepted currency of Croatia - [[Croatian kuna|kuna]], introduced in 1994, which was also flagged for use in 1939 [[Banovina of Croatia]] established within the Yugoslav Monarchy, and subsequently used in the NDH (1941-1945). The leader of the Dubrovnik branch of the Croatian Helsinki Committee, dr. Zdravko Bazdan in an interview for Slobodna Dalmacija, proposed renaming the currency as a final phase of de-ustashafication [http://iportal.net.hr/vijesti/page/2004/09/13/0140006.html]. He described it as an act of urgent need for the spiritual health of the Croatian people. Using the same logic, the bulk of Croatia's cultural heritage would be tainted because the Ustaša misappropriated many national symbols. The Croatian government points to the historical continuity of the use of the kuna (marten in Croatian) on the territory of Croatia, from the use of marten skins during Roman times, the use by Croatian Viceroys of a marten-adorned silver coin between 1260 and 1380, to its reappearance in 1939 for the proposed currency of the [[Banovina of Croatia]].
There were some objections to the name of the internationally accepted currency of Croatia - [[Croatian kuna|kuna]], introduced in 1994, which was also flagged for use in 1939 [[Banovina of Croatia]] established within the Yugoslav Monarchy, and used in the NDH (1941-1945). The leader of the Dubrovnik branch of the Croatian Helsinki Committee, dr. Zdravko Bazdan in an interview for Slobodna Dalmacija, proposed renaming the currency as a final phase of de-ustashafication [http://iportal.net.hr/vijesti/page/2004/09/13/0140006.html]. He described it as an act of urgent need for the spiritual health of the Croatian people. Using the same logic, the bulk of Croatia's cultural heritage would be tainted because the Ustaša misappropriated many national symbols.


A square in the central part of [[Zagreb]] which was named the "Square of the victims of fascism" (''Trg žrtava fašizma'') because during WWII over sixteen thousand people were deported via the square to concentration camps, was during the early 1990s renamed to "Square of great Croats" (''Trg hrvatskih velikana''). This decision was later reverted in December 2000 during [[Milan Bandić|Bandić]]'s mayorship of Zagreb.
A square in the central part of [[Zagreb]] which was named the "Square of the victims of fascism" (''Trg žrtava fašizma'') because during WWII over sixteen thousand people were deported via the square to concentration camps, was during the early 1990s renamed to "Square of great Croats" (''Trg hrvatskih velikana''). This decision was later reverted in December 2000 during [[Milan Bandić|Bandić]]'s mayorship of Zagreb.
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In several Croatian cities, streets were renamed after [[Mile Budak]], a prominent Ustaša ideologist, on the basis that he was otherwise a poet. The moves to hail Budak this way, were supported by 120 university professors, scholars, and other public figures[http://www.index.hr/clanak.aspx?id=219120]. These moves have since been reversed by recent governments.
In several Croatian cities, streets were renamed after [[Mile Budak]], a prominent Ustaša ideologist, on the basis that he was otherwise a poet. The moves to hail Budak this way, were supported by 120 university professors, scholars, and other public figures[http://www.index.hr/clanak.aspx?id=219120]. These moves have since been reversed by recent governments.


A more recent example of neo-Fascism expression is from the pop/folk/rock singer [[Marko Perković]] and his band [[Thompson (band)|Thompson]] who nominally made a career for himself by singing patriotic tunes, but this has sometimes also included the singing borderline fascist lyrics praising WWII criminals (cf. [[Jasenovac i Gradiška Stara]]) at concerts he has performed at (it is uncertain if it was Thompson or another singer which is cited as by the public prosecutor as the reason for the absence of prosecution){{citation required}}.
A more recent example of leniency towards neo-Fascism is how the pop/folk/rock singer [[Marko Perković]] and his band [[Thompson (band)|Thompson]] made a career for himself by singing patriotic tunes, but this has sometimes resulted in singing borderline fascist lyrics praising WWII criminals (cf. [[Jasenovac i Gradiška Stara]]). Thompson has not shown much restraint in displaying his Ustaša sentiment because he never faced any official opposition in Croatia for doing so. Thompson has appeared on public television, and can still sometimes be seen on it. He has had at least a few concerts that have attracted tens of thousands of people, particularly areas that were most impacted by the [[Yugoslav wars]]. It has been widely alleged that he achieved such large audience with the support of right-wing politicians, although in general the people listen to him based on his patriotic sentiment, yet also his extreme rightist sentiment. Nevertheless, he was banned from performing in Netherlands and other states that do not allow display of Nazi symbols and celebration of the Holocaust.

Thompson has appeared on public television, and can still sometimes be seen on it. He has had at least a few concerts that have attracted tens of thousands of people, particularly areas that were most impacted by the [[Yugoslav wars]]. It has been widely alleged that he achieved such large audience with the support of right-wing politicians, although in general the people listen to him based on his patriotic sentiment, yet also his extreme rightist sentiment. Nevertheless, he was banned from performing in Netherlands and other states that do not allow display of Nazi symbols and celebration of the Holocaust.
Thompson has appeared on public television, and can still sometimes be seen on it. He has had at least a few concerts that have attracted tens of thousands of people. It has been widely alleged that he achieved such large audience with the support of right-wing politicians, although in general the people listen to him based on his patriotic sentiment, yet also his extreme rightist sentiment. Nevertheless, he was banned from performing in Netherlands and other states that do not allow display of Nazi symbols and celebration of the Holocaust.


The other medium frequently used to openly express their neo-Nazi attitude by a number of people is the Internet. There is a number of blogs created anonymously, but still with clear possibility to detect their creators, which are not regarded as something illegal and therefore banned and their owners fined or imprisoned by Croatian law authorities. A list of these blogs is given on the Talk pages [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talk:Neo-Nazism_in_Croatia#Ustashe_blogs].
The other medium frequently used to openly express their neo-Nazi attitude by a number of people is the Internet. There is a number of blogs created anonymously, but still with clear possibility to detect their creators, which are not regarded as something illegal and therefore banned and their owners fined or imprisoned by Croatian law authorities. A list of these blogs is given on the Talk pages [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talk:Neo-Nazism_in_Croatia#Ustashe_blogs].


==Impact on and of the War of Independence==
==Impact on and of the Secession War==


When Croatia started secession from [[SFRY]] in the [[1990s]], there was widespread and growing antagonism between the [[Croats]] and the [[Serbs]]. The disruption of decent relations towards the victims of WWII, particularly to the victims of Ustaša genocide, was offensive to the Serbs. While in normal circumstances these incidents would have been immediately sanctioned, in an atmosphere of fear built up by nationalist propaganda, the existing memory of WWII was easily exaggerated to make the Serbs frightened of the new developments.
When Croatia started secession from [[SFRY]] in the [[1990s]], there was widespread and growing antagonism between the [[Croats]] and the [[Serbs]]. The disruption of decent relations towards the victims of WWII, particularly to the victims of Ustaša genocide, was offensive to the Serbs. While in normal circumstances these incidents would have been immediately sanctioned, in an atmosphere of fear built up by nationalist propaganda, the existing memory of WWII was easily exaggerated to make the Serbs frightened of the new developments.


[[Image:Flag HOS.jpg|thumb|left|300px|[[Croatian Defence Forces]] flag showing [[Ustaše#Symbols|Ustaša motto]]]]
The [[Flag of Croatia|Croatian Flag]] that was adopted on independence was only a very slight alteration from that of the Ustasha period. Many Serbs were horrified at this, and by the resurrection of the ''kuna'', the currency of the Ustasha regime. The election of Tuđman sent shock waves through the Serb community, as he had declared during his election campaign, "Thank God my wife is neither a Jew nor a Serb"<ref>B-92 News, Belgrade, 9th April, 2003</ref>
The [[Croatian Democratic Union]] (''Hrvatska demokratska zajednica'', HDZ) which became the ruling political party in Croatia, and its president [[Franjo Tuđman]], also had the financial support of diaspora during the late 1980s and 1990s, including elements with a pro-Ustasha orientation.
The [[Croatian Democratic Union]] (''Hrvatska demokratska zajednica'', HDZ) which became the ruling political party in Croatia, and its president [[Franjo Tuđman]], also had the financial support of diaspora during the late 1980s and 1990s, including elements with a pro-Ustasha orientation.


Some Ustaša emigrants freely returned to Croatia in the 1990s, although after 45 years, few actual active Ustaše were still among the active population (most were rather elderly).
Some Ustaša emigrants freely returned to Croatia in the 1990s, although after 45 years, few actual active Ustaše were still among the active population (most were rather elderly).

President [[Franjo Tuđman|Tuđman]] himself had controversial views on the topic of World War II, claiming that the Ustaša state was indeed an expression of the Croat state tradition. Such a notion could be considered true in view of Croatia's long historical struggle for independence, but does not give enough consideration to the puppet status of the NDH. He is a controversial figure also because he has successfully debunked the "black myth of Jasenovac" (refer to "Horror of War - historical reality and philosophy") where he makes the case that Jasenovac victim figures were amplified manyfold in order to create the myth of the genocidal nature of Croatdom and thus by virtue of this historical guilt the Croats abdicated any right to a nation-state, in deference to a Greater Serbia. It should be noted that he also states that the victim figures as they are, are in themselves a tragedy.

Note that the Croatian-Serbian animosity during the recent war in Croatia is sometimes mislabelled in an unsophisticated way as an Ustasha-Chetnik rivalry. To some extent, it is a consequence of wartime [[propaganda]], in the course of which such moralistic debasement is common.


==After the war==
==After the war==
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In [[1999]], Croatia had Argentina extradite [[Dinko Šakić]], one of the commanders of the Jasenovac concentration camp, and he was subsequently tried and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Croatia has been cooperating with the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia|ICTY]] in the legal prosecution of all war criminals, which has included Croatian officers.
In [[1999]], Croatia had Argentina extradite [[Dinko Šakić]], one of the commanders of the Jasenovac concentration camp, and he was subsequently tried and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Croatia has been cooperating with the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia|ICTY]] in the legal prosecution of all war criminals, which has included Croatian officers.


The effort to return Serbian refugees to their homes in Croatia has also been hampered by Ustaša-related issues - the fear of harassment and/or retribution at the hand of the "Ustaše" persists, and it is one of the things which have prevented the majority of Serbs from returning. (For more information on non-neo-fascist issues troubling the [[Serbs of Croatia]], see that article.)
The neo-Nazi symbols and slogans often deface walls in Croatia. The serif letter U (sometimes embellished with a cross, and/or letters NDH) representing [[Ustaše]] is the most common, while there are also instances of much more explicit hate speech: the phrase [[Srbe na vrbe!]] (meaning "hang Serbs on the willow trees!") also appears in [[graffiti]] and as slogans of Croatian football hooligans. Serbian property, even Orthodox churches, continue to be occasionally vandalized with various Ustasha-related graffiti, and the authorities, while opposed to it, are in practice unsuccessful in catching spray painters (which is a problem not specific to Croatia since graffiti authors are generally nearly impossible to catch, see [[Graffiti#Legality]]). Incidences of such sentiment predominate in areas that are economic backwaters, were hit hard by the [[Yugoslav wars]] and where inter-ethnic tensions still exist.

The neo-Nazi symbols and slogans often deface walls in Croatia. The serif letter U (sometimes embellished with a cross, and/or letters NDH) representing [[Ustaše]] is the most common, while there are also instances of much more explicit hate speech: the phrase [[Srbe na vrbe!]] (meaning "hang Serbs on the willow trees!") also appears in [[graffiti]] and as slogans of Croatian football hooligans. Serbian property, even Orthodox churches, continue to be occasionally vandalized with various Ustasha-related graffiti, and the authorities, while nominally opposed to it, are in practice fairly indifferent about catching spraypainters (which is problem not specific to Croatia since graffiti authors are generally nearly impossible to catch, see [[Graffiti#Legality]]).
In 2004, in a telephone straw poll conducted during the "[[Nedjeljom u dva]]" talk show at the [[Croatian Radiotelevision]], more than 17,000 calls were in favour of Ustashas and the ISC. Due to the nature of the poll, where each call was charged approx. half a euro and the system made no effort to remove duplicate callers, this result is of limited usefulness. The ratio of calls was 58% in favour and 42% against.[http://arhiva.glas-javnosti.co.yu/arhiva/2004/12/02/srpski/B04120102.shtml], [http://www.kurir-info.co.yu/Arhiva/2004/decembar/02/P-01-02122004.shtml], [http://www.forum.hr/archive/index.php/t-73353.html]
Another stage for outright demonstration of the Nazi hate and symbols are the sport events. The one that even prompted FIFA to act against such demonstration on the international scene - happened in Livorno, Italy on August 16, 2006 [http://football.guardian.co.uk/breakingnews/feedstory/0,,-6023705,00.html], [http://soccernet.espn.go.com/news/story?id=376254&cc=5901]
, [http://football.guardian.co.uk/News_Story/0,,1892474,00.html]


== See also ==
== See also ==
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* [http://www.iwpr.net/?p=bcr&s=f&o=246286&apc_state=henibcr1999 "Croatia's Willingness To Tolerate Fascist Legacy Worries Many", by Dragutin Hedl, September 8, 1999]
* [http://www.iwpr.net/?p=bcr&s=f&o=246286&apc_state=henibcr1999 "Croatia's Willingness To Tolerate Fascist Legacy Worries Many", by Dragutin Hedl, September 8, 1999]
* [http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/news/opendoc.htm?tbl=NEWS&id=42f38b084&page=news - UNHCR Report, "Home again, 10 years after Croatia's Operation Storm", August 5 2005]
* [http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/news/opendoc.htm?tbl=NEWS&id=42f38b084&page=news - UNHCR Report, "Home again, 10 years after Croatia's Operation Storm", August 5 2005]
* [http://www.wiesenthal.com/site/apps/s/content.asp?c=fwLYKnN8LzH&b=253162&ct=286050 "Simon Wiesenthal Center Condemns Argentine Secretary Of Cultures Defense of Croatian War Criminals", June 12, 2003]
* [http://www.novilist.hr/default.asp?WCI=Pretrazivac&WCU=285A28582863285D2863285A28582858285E2863286328632859285F28582861285D285828632863286328592863L Ustashe in Zadar]
* [http://www.novilist.hr/default.asp?WCI=Pretrazivac&WCU=285A28582863285D2863285A28582858285E2863286328632859285F28582861285D285828632863286328592863L Ustashe in Zadar]
* [http://www.novilist.hr/Default.asp?WCI=Rubrike&WCU=286028632859285A2863285A28582858285C286328962897289E286328632859285A28592861285C286028632863286328582863W Ustashe in Zadar - charges against 7 people for cariing ustasa simbols]
* [http://www.novilist.hr/Default.asp?WCI=Rubrike&WCU=286028632859285A2863285A28582858285C286328962897289E286328632859285A28592861285C286028632863286328582863W Ustashe in Zadar - charges against 7 people for cariing ustasa simbols]

Revision as of 01:12, 17 October 2006

Neo-Ustashism is the term used to describe modern day events/people related to the Ustasha (Ustaše), a Croatian fascist organization supported by the Nazis during World War II. In modern-day Croatia, it exists among the people who during World War II were party to crimes within the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), sympathise with their cause, or otherwise utilise their symbology. They mainly arose from a combination of the residual hatred from the Yugoslav wars and Croatian nationalism and are considered the far-right in the political spectrum. With a recent war as a background, it differs from neo-fascist phenomena in other parts of Europe, with a high correlation between incidence and regions that were most affected by the Yugoslav wars and where inter-ethnic tensions still exist.

Such sentiment and actions have been restricted by law since 2003, and the display of the symbols of the NDH or Ustaše symbols is illegal. By far the most common venue for expressing this sentiment are vandal graffiti with most targets being ethnic Serbs.

Deustashification in Croatia

At the end of WWII, the Communist authorities pursued a strict set of policies which could be deemed as a form of denazification, only more similar to the Soviet style than to the American style. People who collaborated with the Ustasha were often court-martialled at the end of the war, the Bleiburg massacre was committed, and after the war was over, there were also trials against suspected collaborators, secret service control over citizens with links to the Ustasha etc.

The modern Croatia was formed long after WWII was over, and aside from occasional exceptions, there was no desire whatsoever by the Croatian political elite to associate the new country with the former Independent State of Croatia or to revisit the status of Croatia as a member of the winning side of that war. While significantly more courtesy was shown to the Ustasha for their desire to make Croatia independent, they were neither rehabilitated nor explicitly banned - most people, in politics and otherwise, simply wished to leave that part of the past behind. Subsequently, no laws were ever passed that specifically targeted the issues of Nazism and/or fascism.

In the absence of a specific policy or laws against hate-speech, instances of pro-ustasha sentiment were rarely sanctioned. Eventually, on July 11, 2003 the Račan coalition government passed amendments to the Penal Code which outlawed this kind of hate speech in a new section titled Praising fascist, Nazi and other totalitarian states and ideologies or promotion of racism and xenophobia. On June 20, 2006 Croatian prime minister Ivo Sanader issued a message ahead of the Antifascist Struggle Day, official holiday in Croatia, in which he rejected "every extremism and radicalism" and said that "antifascism was a commitment weaved into the foundations of independent, democratic Croatia". [1]

Croatia also has no laws against historical revisionism or holocaust denial. This can mainly be attributed to the change of political system and indeed the entire system of values as the country became independent. Revisionism was not frowned upon because priority was placed on the re-evaluation of history as recorded during the Communist era, which was therefore deemed almost implicitly tainted. The re-examination of the number of victims of the Independent State of Croatia and particularly the Jasenovac concentration camp was fairly common, as well as fairly controversial. See also the Bleiburg controversy below.

Events and issues connected to neo-nazism in Croatia

Since gaining independence in 1991, Croatia has often been accused of ignoring the crimes committed by the Second World War fascist Ustasha regime, and tolerating the symbols or the activities of individuals sympathetic to such a regime. This has been known to provoke widespread criticism of Croatia in the West, and particularly among the Serbs.

In the early 1990s, during the Croatian War of Independence, numerous anti-fascist monuments (erected in honour of the Partisans) have been damaged or destroyed throughout the country, and these incidents were generally not censured by the authorities at all. Furthermore, the devastation of WWII partisan monuments also often extended to those erected in honour of civilian victims of war, also with little or no intervention from the police.

There were some objections to the name of the internationally accepted currency of Croatia - kuna, introduced in 1994, which was also flagged for use in 1939 Banovina of Croatia established within the Yugoslav Monarchy, and used in the NDH (1941-1945). The leader of the Dubrovnik branch of the Croatian Helsinki Committee, dr. Zdravko Bazdan in an interview for Slobodna Dalmacija, proposed renaming the currency as a final phase of de-ustashafication [2]. He described it as an act of urgent need for the spiritual health of the Croatian people. Using the same logic, the bulk of Croatia's cultural heritage would be tainted because the Ustaša misappropriated many national symbols.

A square in the central part of Zagreb which was named the "Square of the victims of fascism" (Trg žrtava fašizma) because during WWII over sixteen thousand people were deported via the square to concentration camps, was during the early 1990s renamed to "Square of great Croats" (Trg hrvatskih velikana). This decision was later reverted in December 2000 during Bandić's mayorship of Zagreb.

In several Croatian cities, streets were renamed after Mile Budak, a prominent Ustaša ideologist, on the basis that he was otherwise a poet. The moves to hail Budak this way, were supported by 120 university professors, scholars, and other public figures[3]. These moves have since been reversed by recent governments.

A more recent example of leniency towards neo-Fascism is how the pop/folk/rock singer Marko Perković and his band Thompson made a career for himself by singing patriotic tunes, but this has sometimes resulted in singing borderline fascist lyrics praising WWII criminals (cf. Jasenovac i Gradiška Stara). Thompson has not shown much restraint in displaying his Ustaša sentiment because he never faced any official opposition in Croatia for doing so. Thompson has appeared on public television, and can still sometimes be seen on it. He has had at least a few concerts that have attracted tens of thousands of people, particularly areas that were most impacted by the Yugoslav wars. It has been widely alleged that he achieved such large audience with the support of right-wing politicians, although in general the people listen to him based on his patriotic sentiment, yet also his extreme rightist sentiment. Nevertheless, he was banned from performing in Netherlands and other states that do not allow display of Nazi symbols and celebration of the Holocaust.

Thompson has appeared on public television, and can still sometimes be seen on it. He has had at least a few concerts that have attracted tens of thousands of people. It has been widely alleged that he achieved such large audience with the support of right-wing politicians, although in general the people listen to him based on his patriotic sentiment, yet also his extreme rightist sentiment. Nevertheless, he was banned from performing in Netherlands and other states that do not allow display of Nazi symbols and celebration of the Holocaust.

The other medium frequently used to openly express their neo-Nazi attitude by a number of people is the Internet. There is a number of blogs created anonymously, but still with clear possibility to detect their creators, which are not regarded as something illegal and therefore banned and their owners fined or imprisoned by Croatian law authorities. A list of these blogs is given on the Talk pages [4].

Impact on and of the Secession War

When Croatia started secession from SFRY in the 1990s, there was widespread and growing antagonism between the Croats and the Serbs. The disruption of decent relations towards the victims of WWII, particularly to the victims of Ustaša genocide, was offensive to the Serbs. While in normal circumstances these incidents would have been immediately sanctioned, in an atmosphere of fear built up by nationalist propaganda, the existing memory of WWII was easily exaggerated to make the Serbs frightened of the new developments.

File:Flag HOS.jpg
Croatian Defence Forces flag showing Ustaša motto

The Croatian Flag that was adopted on independence was only a very slight alteration from that of the Ustasha period. Many Serbs were horrified at this, and by the resurrection of the kuna, the currency of the Ustasha regime. The election of Tuđman sent shock waves through the Serb community, as he had declared during his election campaign, "Thank God my wife is neither a Jew nor a Serb"[1] The Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, HDZ) which became the ruling political party in Croatia, and its president Franjo Tuđman, also had the financial support of diaspora during the late 1980s and 1990s, including elements with a pro-Ustasha orientation.

Some Ustaša emigrants freely returned to Croatia in the 1990s, although after 45 years, few actual active Ustaše were still among the active population (most were rather elderly).

After the war

The conservative parties such as the Croatian Party of Rights and the Croatian Democratic Union permeated in their support for nationalism; particularly in the latter, which had a large membership and voter base, it was unclear whether actions of party members were part of actual party policy or result of factioning.

The alleged neo-Ustaša politicians have never had grass roots support among the Croatian people. The parties like the Croatian Party of Rights which are most commonly associated with Ustašism generally aren't able to attract support from more than a few percent of the population. In recent times, the Party's image of "pro-Ustaša" was repetitively shunned by its leaders in an attempt to sway more votes.

Graffiti in a Croatian town, translated "We'll give everything, but won't give Bobetko!", which mentions the Croatian general Janko Bobetko who was indicted by the ICTY in 2002, together with the Ustaše logo (letter "U") and the abbreviation for the Independent State of Croatia ("NDH")

As a rightist political notion, the neo-fascist symbols are by and large paired with nationalist ones. In recent protests, supporters of Ante Gotovina and other suspected war criminals often carried nationalist symbols together with pictures of Ante Pavelić.

Croatian president Franjo Tuđman proposed to inter soldiers of the World War II Croatian Fascist regime alongside with their Serb, Jewish, Roma, and Croat victims, buried at the site of a former Jasenovac concentration camp as a sign of "national reconciliation" [5], [6], [7] - although it should be noted that Croatian partisans were only a very small proportion of casualties at Jasenovac. Croatian Serbs, whose relatives died in Jasenovac and other concentration camps in Croatia, found the proposal greatly insulting.

With respect to processing war crimes, both in WWII and in the Croatian war of independence, the Croatian Government has had a rather spotty record for processing those committed by Croats. The pressure from the European Union, given that Croatia aims to join the EU, has helped rectify this in recent times.

In 1999, Croatia had Argentina extradite Dinko Šakić, one of the commanders of the Jasenovac concentration camp, and he was subsequently tried and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Croatia has been cooperating with the ICTY in the legal prosecution of all war criminals, which has included Croatian officers.

The effort to return Serbian refugees to their homes in Croatia has also been hampered by Ustaša-related issues - the fear of harassment and/or retribution at the hand of the "Ustaše" persists, and it is one of the things which have prevented the majority of Serbs from returning. (For more information on non-neo-fascist issues troubling the Serbs of Croatia, see that article.)

The neo-Nazi symbols and slogans often deface walls in Croatia. The serif letter U (sometimes embellished with a cross, and/or letters NDH) representing Ustaše is the most common, while there are also instances of much more explicit hate speech: the phrase Srbe na vrbe! (meaning "hang Serbs on the willow trees!") also appears in graffiti and as slogans of Croatian football hooligans. Serbian property, even Orthodox churches, continue to be occasionally vandalized with various Ustasha-related graffiti, and the authorities, while nominally opposed to it, are in practice fairly indifferent about catching spraypainters (which is problem not specific to Croatia since graffiti authors are generally nearly impossible to catch, see Graffiti#Legality).

In 2004, in a telephone straw poll conducted during the "Nedjeljom u dva" talk show at the Croatian Radiotelevision, more than 17,000 calls were in favour of Ustashas and the ISC. Due to the nature of the poll, where each call was charged approx. half a euro and the system made no effort to remove duplicate callers, this result is of limited usefulness. The ratio of calls was 58% in favour and 42% against.[8], [9], [10]

Another stage for outright demonstration of the Nazi hate and symbols are the sport events. The one that even prompted FIFA to act against such demonstration on the international scene - happened in Livorno, Italy on August 16, 2006 [11], [12] , [13]

See also

External links

  1. ^ B-92 News, Belgrade, 9th April, 2003