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Boydell Shakespeare Gallery

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Joshua Reynolds's Puck (1789), painted for Boydell's Shakespeare Gallery

The Boydell Shakespeare Gallery was a collection of pictures commissioned by eighteenth-century engraver and publisher John Boydell in an effort to foster a school of British history painting. In November 1786, he initiated the project, which also included an illustrated edition of Shakespeare's works and a folio of prints from the London gallery.

The publication of several new Shakespeare editions, the revival of his plays in the theatre, and the creation of numerous works of art illustrating his plays and their productions had made Shakespeare popular in 18th-century Britain. Capitalizing on this popularity, Boydell decided to publish a grand, illustrated Shakespeare edition that would offer British painters and engravers an opportunity to showcase their talents while simultaneously depicting the works of Britain's greatest playwright. Noted scholar and Shakespeare editor George Steevens was selected to oversee the text of the edition, which was released over the course of several years, from 1791 to 1803.

The building of the gallery excited great public interest and its progress was followed weekly in the press. Boydell commissioned works from some of the most famous painters of the day, such as Joshua Reynolds, and the folio of engravings he published was the most lasting legacy of the enterprise. However, the long delay in publishing the prints and the illustrated edition prompted criticism. The final products of Boydell's ventures were therefore not judged favourably: they were hurried and many illustrations had been done by lesser artists. Boydell was eventually bankrupted by the project and forced to sell the gallery at a lottery.

Shakespeare in the 18th century

Further information: [[:Shakespeare's reputation]]

Rise of British nationalism

William Hogarth's Shakespeare paintings, such as this scene from The Tempest (c. 1728), helped promote interest in the playwright.

In the 18th century, Shakespeare became associated with rising British nationalism, and Boydell tapped into a rich market that many other entrepreneurs, such as actor and producer David Garrick, were also exploiting.[1] In her work on Boydell's Gallery, Winifred Friedman quotes a traveler to England who observed:

The English national authors are in all hands, and read by all people, of which the innumerable editions they have gone through are a sufficient proof. My landlady, who is only a taylor's widow, reads her Milton; and tells me that her late husband first fell in love with her on this very account; because she read Milton with such proper emphasis. This single instance would prove but little; but I have conversed with several people of the lower class, who all knew their national authors, and who all have read many, if not all of them.[2]

The emerging middle class identified with Shakespeare in particular because he was a "democratic" artist. All levels of society were represented in his plays, from jesters to servants to tradespeople to nobles to kings. Shakespeare appealed not only to the elite in society, therefore, who prided themselves on their artistic taste, but also to the middle class who saw in Shakespeare's works a vision of a diversified society.[3]

The visual arts played a significant role in expanding Shakespeare's popular appeal. In particular, the literary pictures and conversation pieces designed chiefly for homes generated a wide audience for art, especially Shakespearean art.[4] This tradition began with William Hogarth (whose prints reached multiple strata of society) and attained its peak in the Royal Academy exhibitions, which displayed paintings, drawings, and sculptures. The exhibitions became an important public event: thousands of spectators flocked to see them each year and newspapers carried detailed reports and critiques of the works displayed. They soon became a fashionable place to be seen (as did Boydell's Shakespeare Gallery, later in the century). In the process, the public was reintroduced to the works of Shakespeare.[5]

Shakespearean theatrical revival

File:Hogarth-Garrick as Richard III.jpg
David Garrick, the foremost Shakespearean actor of the 18th century, painted as Richard III by William Hogarth

However, the mid-century Shakespearean theatrical revival was probably most responsible for reintroducing the public to Shakespeare. The theatre itself was in the midst of a resurgence and Shakespeare's plays aided in this revitalization. According to Shakespeare scholar Gary Taylor, although the theatre was rebounding, it was not profitable for dramatists, and thus very few good tragedies were written during this time.[6] Shakespeare's reputation profited from this dearth of good tragedy, for his were the only decent ones playing. By the end of the 18th century, one out of every six plays performed in London was a Shakespeare play.[7]

A central force behind Shakespeare's theatrical renaissance was the career of actor, director, and producer David Garrick.[8] His superb acting, unrivalled productions, numerous Shakespearean portraits, and his 1769 Shakespeare Jubilee, all helped to promote Shakespeare as the ultimate British product and playwright. His Drury Lane theatre was the center of the great Shakespeare mania which swept the nation.[9] Garrick, although a great admirer of Shakespeare's plays, was shrewd: he altered the plays to fit the times. For example, Kate in Taming of the Shrew became a capricious female who wanted to marry Petruchio from the outset[10] and at the end of his Cymbeline, the British defeat the Romans.[11]

Editions of Shakespeare

At the same time as this increase in Shakespeare's popularity, Britain was transitioning from an oral to a print culture. Towards the end of the century, the theatre became associated with the masses and Shakespeare's status as a playwright no longer garnered enough respect to be dubbed a "great writer". Two strands of Shakespearean print culture emerged: bourgeois popular editions and scholarly, critical editions. The ultimate canonization of Shakespeare, however, was a by-product of the efforts of these editors in addition to the attention of theatre-goers.[12]

In order to turn a profit, booksellers chose well-known authors such as Alexander Pope and Samuel Johnson, to edit Shakespeare editions. In fact, according to Taylor, Shakespearean criticism became so "associated with the dramatis personae of 18th-century English literature ... [that] he could not be extracted without uprooting a century and a half of the national canon".[13] The 18th-century's first Shakespeare edition was published in 1709 by Jacob Tonson and edited by Nicholas Rowe. They were "pleasant and readable books in small format" which "were supposed ... to have been taken for common or garden use, domestic rather than library sets".[14] Shakespeare became "domesticated" in the 18th century, particularly with the publication of family editions such as Bell's in 1773 and 1785–86, which advertised themselves as "more instructive and intelligible; especially to the young ladies and to youth; glaring indecencies being removed".[15]

Apart from these popular editions, scholarly editions also proliferated. In the first half of the 18th century, these were edited by author-scholars such as Pope (1725) and Johnson (1765), but later in the century, this changed. Editors such as George Steevens (1773, 1785) and Edmund Malone (1790) used painstaking care in collating their editions and included extensive explanatory footnotes from previous editors as well as themselves. The early editions appealed to both the middle class and those interested in Shakespeare scholarship, but the later editions appealed almost exclusively to those interested in scholarship. Boydell's edition, at the end of the century, tried to reunite these two strands. It included illustrations, but also employed one of the greatest Shakespeare scholars of the day: George Steevens.[16]

Boydell's Shakespeare venture

The prospectus for the Boydell venture states that "the foregoing work is undertaken in Honour of SHAKSPEARE,—with a view to encourage and improve the Arts of Painting and Engraving in this Kingdom".[17]

Boydell's Shakespeare project contained three parts: an illustrated edition of Shakespeare's plays, a folio of the prints from the edition, and a public gallery where the original paintings for the prints would hang.[18]

The idea of a grand Shakespeare edition was, scholars agree, conceived at a dinner at the home of Josiah Boydell (John's nephew) in late 1786.[19] Five important accounts survive. From these, a guest list and a rather specific reconstruction of the conversation have been assembled. The guest list itself is evidence of Boydell's extensive connections to the artistic world: it included Benjamin West, painter to King George III; George Romney, a renowned painter; George Nicol, bookseller to the king and painter; William Hayley, a poet; John Hoole, a scholar and translator of Tasso and Aristotle; and Daniel Braithwaite, secretary to the postmaster general and a patron of artists such as Romney and Angelica Kauffmann. Most accounts also place the painter Paul Sandby at the gathering.[20]

Boydell wanted to use the edition to facilitate the development of a British school of history painting. He wrote in the "Preface" to the folio that he wanted "to advance that art towards maturity, and establish an English School of Historical Painting".[21] A court document used by Josiah to collect debts from customers after Boydell's death relates the story of the dinner:

[Boydell said] he should like to wipe away the stigma that all foreign critics threw on this nation—that they had no genius for historical painting. He said he was certain from his success in encouraging engraving that Englishmen wanted nothing but proper encouragement and a proper subject to excel in historical painting. The encouragement he would endeavor to find if a proper subject were pointed out. Mr. Nicol replied that there was one great National subject concerning which there could be no second opinion, and mentioned Shakespeare. The proposition was received with acclaim by the Alderman and the whole company.[22]

After the initial success of the Shakespeare Gallery, many wanted to take credit for it. Henry Fuseli long claimed that the Shakespeare ceiling he was planning (in imitation of the Sistine Chapel ceiling) was Boydell's inspiration for the Gallery.[23] James Northcote claimed that his Death of Wat Tyler and Murder of the Princes in the Tower had motivated Boydell to start the project.[24] However, it is perhaps Joshua Reynolds's lectures propounding the superiority of history painting, which he was giving at this time to the Royal Academy, that had the greatest influence on Boydell.[25]

The logistics of the enterprise were difficult to organise. Boydell and Nicol wanted to produce an illustrated edition of a multi-volume work and also meant initially to bind and sell the prints separately in a folio. A gallery was required to exhibit the paintings from which the prints were drawn. Originally, Boydell intended to have 72 large prints that would serve both as the illustrations in the edition and as the contents of the folio. The edition was to be financed through a subscription campaign, during which the buyers would pay part of the price up front and the remainder on delivery. This unusual practise was necessitated by the fact that over £350,000—an enormous sum at the time—was eventually spent.[26] The gallery opened in 1789 with 34 paintings and added 33 more in 1790 when the first engravings were published. The last volume of the edition and the Collection of Prints were published in 1805. In the middle of the project, Boydell decided that he could make more money if he published different prints in the folio than in the illustrated edition; therefore, the two sets of images are not the same.

Advertisements were issued and placed in newspapers. Later, when a subscription was circulated for a medal to be struck, the copy read: "The encouragers of this great national undertaking will also have the satisfaction to know, that their names will be handed down to Posterity, as the Patrons of Native Genius, enrolled with their own hands, in the same book, with the best of Sovereigns."[27] The language of both the advertisement and the medal emphasized the role each subscriber played in the patronage of the arts. The subscribers were primarily middle-class Londoners, not aristocrats. Edmund Malone, himself an editor of a rival Shakespeare edition, wrote that "before the scheme was well-formed, or the proposals entirely printed off, near six hundred persons eagerly set down their names, and paid their subscriptions to a set of books and prints that will cost each person, I think, about ninety guineas; and on looking over the list, there were not above twenty names among them that anybody knew".[28]

Illustrated Shakespeare edition and folio

Richard Westall's Ophelia, engraved by J. Parker for Boydell's illustrated edition of Shakespeare's Dramatick Works
See also: Shakespeare's editors

The "magnificent and accurate" Shakespeare edition which Boydell began in 1786 was to be the focus of his enterprise—the print folio and the gallery were simply offshoots of the main project.[29] In an advertisement prefacing the first volume of the edition, Nicol wrote that "splendor and magnificence, united with correctness of text were the great objects of this Edition".[30] Boydell was responsible for the "splendor", and George Steevens, the general editor, was responsible for the "correctness of text". The volumes themselves were handsome, with gilded pages. Each play had its own title page followed by a list of "Persons in the Drama". Unlike previous scholarly editions, the text was unencumbered by notes. Boydell spared no expense. He hired William Bulmer and William Martin, typography experts, to develop and cut a new typeface specifically for the edition. Nicol explains in the preface that they "established a printing-house ... [and] a foundry to cast the types; and even a manufactory to make the ink".[31] Even the quality of the paper was extraordinarily high: Boydell chose to use Whatman paper.[32] The illustrations were printed independently and could be inserted and removed as the customer desired. The first volumes of the Dramatick Works were published in 1791 and the last in 1805.[33]

The volumes contain the 36 plays attributed to Shakespeare. Each play has at least one illustration; 28 have two or three plates. Two plays, Two Gentlemen of Verona and Henry V, have only one illustration. Three plays have four plates: As You Like It, Henry VI, Part 1, and Henry VIII. Three plays have five illustrations: Merry Wives of Windsor, Much Ado About Nothing, and Romeo and Juliet. There are 96 illustrations throughout the nine volumes. Approximately two-thirds of the plays, 23 out of 36, utilize only one artist for their illustration. Approximately two-thirds, or 65, of the total number of illustrations were completed by three artists: William Hamilton, Richard Westall, and Robert Smirke. These three were lesser artists and were engaged at a lower price, possibly to finish the volumes when Boydell's business started to fail.

Angelica Kauffmann describes her scene from Troilus and Cressida, engraved by Luigi Schiavonetti for the folio: Troilus "sees his wife in loving discourse with Diomedes and he wants to rush into the tent to catch them by surprise, but Ulysses and the other keep him back by force."[34]

Boydell's relationships with his illustrators was generally congenial. One of them, James Northcote, praises Boydell's liberal payments. He wrote in an 1821 letter that Boydell "did more for the advancement of the arts in England than the whole mass of the nobility put together! He paid me more nobly than any other person has done; and his memory I shall ever hold in reverence".[35] Yet Northcote also criticised the results of the project: "With the exception of a few pictures by Joshua [Reynolds] and [John] Opie, and—I hope I may add—myself, it was such a collection of slip-slop imbecility as was dreadful to look at, and turned out, as I had expected it would, in the ruin of poor Boydell's affairs".[36] Joshua Reynolds at first declined Boydell's offer to work on the project, but when pressed he agreed. Boydell offered him carte blanche for his paintings, giving him a downpayment of £500, an extraordinary amount for an artist who had not even agreed to do any work. Boydell eventually paid him a total of £1,500.[37]

The print folio, A Collection of Prints, From Pictures Painted for the Purpose of Illustrating the Dramatic Works of Shakspeare, by the Artists of Great-Britain (1805), was originally intended to be a collection of the illustrations from the edition, but a few years into the project, Boydell altered his plan. He guessed that he could sell more folios and editions if the pictures were different. The edition's primary illustrators were known as book illustrators, whereas a majority of the artists included in the folio were known for their paintings.[38] Of the 97 prints made from paintings, two-thirds of them were made by ten of the artists. Three artists account for one-third of the paintings. In all, a total of 31 artists contributed works.

The folio was the most lasting legacy of the Boydell enterprise: it was reissued throughout the 19th century. In 1867, "by the aid of photography the whole series, excepting the portraits of their Majesties George III. and Queen Charlotte, is now presented in a handy form, suitable for ordinary libraries or the drawing-room table, and offered as an appropriate memorial of the tercentenary celebration of the poet's birth".[39] Scholars have described Boydell's folio as a precursor to the modern coffee table book.[40]

George Dance's Shakespeare Gallery building, shown in 1851 after its purchase by the British Institution

In June 1788, Boydell and his nephew secured the lease on a site at 52 Pall Mall to build their new gallery and engaged George Dance, then the Clerk of the City Works, as the architect for their rebuilding project.[41]

Pall Mall at that time had a mix of expensive residences and commercial operations popular with fashionable London society, such as bookshops and gentleman's clubs. The area also had some less genteel establishments: King's Place (now Pall Mall Place), an alley running to the east and behind the Boydells' gallery, was the site of Charlotte Hayes's high-class brothel described in Nocturnal Revels in 1779. This contrast is echoed in Rev. George Reeves's description of Pall Mall in his A New History of London (1764) as "greatly disfigured by several mean houses of the lowest mechanicks being interspersed in it in many places, and many of them joining to the most sumptuous edifices".[42] Across King's Place, immediately to the east of the Boydells' building, 51 Pall Mall had been purchased on 26 February 1787 by George Nicol, bookseller and future husband of Mary Boydell, Josiah's elder sister. As an indication of the changing character of the area, this property had been the home of Goostree's gentleman's club from 1773 to 1787. Begun as a gambling club for wealthy young men, it had later become a reformist political club that counted William Pitt and William Wilberforce as members.[41]

Dance's Shakespeare Gallery building had a monumental, neoclassical stone front, and a full-length exhibition hall on the ground floor. Three interconnecting exhibition rooms occupied the upper floor, with a total of more than 4,000 square feet (370 m2) of wall space for displaying pictures. The two-story façade was not especially large for the street, but its solid classicism had an imposing effect.[41] Some reports describe the exterior as "sheathed in copper".[43]

The lower story of the façade was dominated by a large, rounded-arched doorway in the center. The unmoulded arch rested on wide piers, each of which was broken by a narrow window, above which ran a simple cornice. Dance placed a transom across the doorway at the level of the cornice bearing the inscription "Shakespeare Gallery". Below the transom were the main entry doors, with glazed panels and side lights matching the flanking windows. Above the transom the arch was filled by a radial fanlight in the lunette. In each of the spandrels to the left and right of the arch Dance placed a carving of a lyre inside a ribboned wreath, and above all this ran a panelled band course dividing the lower story from the upper.[41]

The upper façade had paired pilasters on either side and a thick entablature and triangular pediment. Sir John Soane criticised Dance's combination of slender pilasters and a heavy entablature as a "strange and extravagant absurdity".[44] The capitals topping the pilasters sported volutes in the shape of ammonite fossils—a neo-classical architectural feature invented by Dance specifically for the gallery that became known as the Ammonite Order. In a recess between the pilasters, Dance placed Thomas Banks's sculpture Shakespeare attended by Painting and Poetry, for which the artist was paid 500 guineas. The sculpture depicted Shakespeare, reclining against a rock, between the Dramatic Muse and the Genius of Painting. Beneath it was a panelled pedestal inscribed with a quotation from Hamlet: "He was a Man, take him for all in all, I shall not look upon his like again".[41][45]

Fuseli "reveled in the monumental and grotesque" in his scenes from Macbeth, such as Macbeth consulting the image of the armed head.[46]

The Shakespeare Gallery, when it opened on 4 May 1789, contained 34 paintings, and by the end of its run it had between 167 and 170.[47] (The exact inventory is uncertain and most of the paintings have disappeared; only around forty paintings can be identified with any certainty.[48]) The Gallery itself was a hit with the public and became a fashionable attraction. It took over the public's imagination and became an end in and of itself. Newspapers had carried updates of the construction of the Gallery, down to drawings for the proposed façade.[49] The Daily Advertiser had a weekly column on the Gallery from May through August (exhibition season). Furthermore, artists who had influence with the press, and Boydell himself, published anonymous articles to heighten interest in the Gallery which would in turn hopefully increase sales of the edition.[50]

To contribute paintings to the Gallery, Boydell obtained the assistance of the most eminent painters and engravers of the day. Artists included Richard Westall, Thomas Stothard, George Romney, Henry Fuseli, Benjamin West, Angelica Kauffmann, Robert Smirke, John Opie, and Boydell's nephew and business partner, Josiah Boydell. Among the engravers were Francesco Bartolozzi and Thomas Kirk.[41]

At the beginning of the enterprise, reactions were generally positive.[51] Two reviews from the most influential newspapers in London at the time solidified and validated the public's interest in the project and the artists' efforts. The Public Advertiser wrote on 6 May 1789: "the pictures in general give a mirror of the poet...[The Shakespeare Gallery] bids fair to form such an epoch in the History of the Fine Arts, as will establish and confirm the superiority of the English School"[52] and The Times wrote a day later:

This establishment may be considered with great truth, as the first stone of an English School of Painting; and it is peculiarly honourable to a great commercial country, that it is indebted for such a distinguished circumstance to a commercial character—such an institution—will place, in the Calendar of Arts, the name of Boydell in the same rank with the Medici of Italy.[53]

However, criticism increased as the project dragged on and James Gillray published a cartoon labelled "Boydell sacrificing the Works of Shakespeare to the Devil of Money-Bags".[54] Charles Lamb was a critic of the venture from the outset:

what injury did not Boydell's Shakespeare Gallery do me with Shakespeare. To have Opie's Shakespeare, Northcote's Shakespeare, light headed Fuseli's Shakespeare, wooden-headed West's Shakesepare, deaf-headed Reynolds' Shakespeare, instead of my and everybody's Shakespeare. To be tied down to an authentic face of Juliet! To have Imogen's portrait! To confine the illimitable![55]

Yet, Boydell's project inspired imitators. In April 1788, after the announcement of the Shakespeare Gallery, but a year before its opening, Thomas Macklin opened a Gallery of the Poets in the former Royal Academy building on the south side of Pall Mall, opposite Market Lane, which had been previously leased to the auctioneer James Christie. The first exhibition featured one work from each of 19 artists, including Fuseli, Reynolds, and Gainsborough. The gallery added new paintings of subjects from poetry each year, and from 1790 supplemented these with scenes from the Bible. The Gallery of the Poets closed in 1797 and its contents were offered by lottery.[56] This did not deter Henry Fuseli from opening a Milton Gallery in the same building in 1799. Another similar venture was the Historic Gallery opened by Robert Bowyer in Schomberg House at 87 Pall Mall, with 60 paintings (many by the same artists who worked for Boydell) commissioned to illustrate a new edition of David Hume's History of Great Britain. As with Boydell's venture, these imitative projects ultimately ended in financial disaster.[57]

Collapse

By 1796, subscriptions to the edition had dropped by two-thirds.[58] Joseph Farington recorded in his diary that this was a result of the poor engravings:

West said He looked over the Shakespeare prints and was sorry to see them of such inferior quality. He said that excepting that from His Lear by Sharpe, that from Northcote's children in the Tower, and some small ones, there were few than could be approved. Such a mixture of dotting and engraving, and such a general deficiency in respect of drawing which He observed the Engravers seemed to know little of, that the volumes presented a mass of works which He did not wonder many subscribers had declined to continue their subscription.[59]

Part of the problem was that some of the prints were line engravings and others were stipple and mezzotint. Line engraving was considered the superior form and artists and subscribers disliked the mixture.[60] Modern art historians in the 1940s and 1950s generally concurred that the quality of the engravings and artworks was poor.[61]

James Gillray's cartoon satirising the Boydell venture; caption reads: "Shakespeare Sacrificed; or, The Offering to Avarice"

Not only did subscriptions drop, but remaining subscriptions were also increasingly in doubt. Like many businesses at the time, the Boydell firm kept few records. Only the customers knew what they had purchased.[62] This caused numerous difficulties with debtors who claimed they had never subscribed or had subscribed for less. Many subscribers also defaulted and Josiah Boydell spent many years, after the death of John, attempting to force them to pay.

The Boydells focused all of their attention on the Shakespeare edition and other large projects, such as The History of the River Thames and The Complete Works of John Milton, rather than making many small, profitable ventures.[63] When both the Shakespeare enterprise and the Thames book failed, they had no capital to fall back upon. Beginning in 1789, with the onset of the French revolution, Boydell's export business to the Continent was cut off. By the late 1790s and early 1800s, the two-thirds of his business which depended upon the export trade was in serious financial difficulty.[41][64]

Boydell decided to appeal to Parliament for a private bill to authorise him to organise a lottery to dispose of everything in his business. Boydell died before the lottery was held, but he was alive to see each of the 22,000 tickets purchased. The lottery was drawn on 28 January 1805: there were 64 winning tickets, each costing three guineas, with the highest prize being the Gallery itself with its collection of paintings. This went to William Tassie, a modeller, of Leicester Fields (now Leicester Square). Josiah offered to buy the gallery and its paintings back from Tassie for £10,000, but Tassie refused, and chose to have the paintings auctioned by Christie's.[65] The painting collection and the two reliefs by Anne Damer fetched a total of £6,181 18s. 6d. The Banks sculpture group from the façade was initially intended to be kept as a monument for Boydell's tomb. Instead, it remained part of the façade of the building in its new guise as the British Institution until the building was torn down in 1868–69. The Banks sculpture was then moved to Stratford-upon-Avon and was re-erected in New Place Garden between June and November 1870.[41] The lottery saved Josiah from bankruptcy and earned him £45,000; he began business again as a printer.

List of works

These lists were taken from Friedman's Boydell's Shakespeare Gallery.

Folio

Illustrated edition

Notes

  1. ^ Altick, 10; Boase, 92.
  2. ^ Qtd. in Friedman, note 38.
  3. ^ Altick, 11-17; Taylor, 149.
  4. ^ Altick, 34.
  5. ^ Altick, 16-17; Merchant, 43-44; Taylor, 125.
  6. ^ Taylor, 58.
  7. ^ Friedman, 19.
  8. ^ Taylor, 116ff.
  9. ^ Boase, 92; Bruntjen, 72.
  10. ^ Dobson, 197.
  11. ^ Dobson, 207.
  12. ^ Dobson, 100-130; Merchant, 43; Taylor, 62.
  13. ^ Taylor, 71.
  14. ^ Franklin, 11-12.
  15. ^ Qtd. in Dobson, 209.
  16. ^ Sherbo, Arthur. The Achievement of George Steevens. New York: Peter Lang (1990); see also Taylor, 70ff.
  17. ^ "Prospectus", Collection of Prints.
  18. ^ Bruntjen, 71-72; Santaniello, 5.
  19. ^ West, John Boydell. Retrieved on 15 December 2007.
  20. ^ Santaniello, 7.
  21. ^ "Preface", Collection of Prints; see Friedman, 4-5; Merchant, 69.
  22. ^ Qtd. in Friedman, 4-5.
  23. ^ Friedman, 25.
  24. ^ Friedman 65.
  25. ^ Friedman, 2.
  26. ^ Hartmann, 58.
  27. ^ Qtd. in Friedman, 85-86.
  28. ^ Qtd. in Friedman 68-69.
  29. ^ "Prospectus", Collection of Prints.
  30. ^ "Preface".
  31. ^ "Preface", Collection of Prints; see also Bruntjen, 102-03 and Merchant, 69.
  32. ^ Bruntjen, 102-03.
  33. ^ Merchant, 70-75.
  34. ^ Qtd. on Shakespeare Illustrated. Retrieved on 20 November 2007.
  35. ^ Letter to Mrs. Carey, 3 October 1821, qtd. in Hartmann, 61.
  36. ^ Merchant, 75; Friedman, 160.
  37. ^ Bruntjen, 75.
  38. ^ Boase, 96.
  39. ^ Shakespeare Gallery, xx.
  40. ^ Bruntjen, 160.
  41. ^ a b c d e f g h Pall Mall, North Side, Past Buildings. Retrieved on 11 January 2008.
  42. ^ Reeves, 182. Qtd. in Survey of London: Vols 29 and 30, 323.
  43. ^ Burwick, Frederick. The Boydell Shakespeare Gallery. Retrieved on 11 January 2008.
  44. ^ Lecture to the Royal Academy, 29 January 1810. Qtd. in Darley, Gillian. John Soane: An Accidental Romantic, 194-195. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999. ISBN 0300086954.
  45. ^ Shakespeare, William. Hamlet. Act I, scene ii. Wikisource. Retrieved on 15 January 2008.
  46. ^ Hartmann, 216.
  47. ^ Friedman, 4, 83; Santaniello, 5.
  48. ^ Santaniello, 5.
  49. ^ Friedman, 70; Santaniello, 5-6.
  50. ^ Friedman, 73; Bruntjen, 92.
  51. ^ Santaniello, 6.
  52. ^ Qtd. in Friedman, 74.
  53. ^ Qtd. in Friedman, 74.
  54. ^ Merchant, 76; Santaniello, 6.
  55. ^ Qtd. in Merchant, 67.
  56. ^ McCalman, 194.
  57. ^ Bruntjen, 118-21.
  58. ^ Friedman, 84.
  59. ^ Qtd. in Friedman, 85.
  60. ^ Bruntjen, 113-14.
  61. ^ Merchant, 66-67.
  62. ^ Friedman, 68.
  63. ^ Bruntjen, 113.
  64. ^ Friedman, 87-88.
  65. ^ Friedman, 4, 87-90; Merchant, 70-75.

Bibliography

  • —. Collection of Prints, From Pictures Painted for the Purpose of Illustrating the Dramatic Works of Shakspeare, by the Artists of Great-Britain. London: John and Josiah Boydell, 1805.
  • —. "Pall Mall, North Side, Past Buildings". Survey of London: Volumes 29 and 30: St James Westminster, Part 1 (1960): 325–338. Retrieved on 21 November 2007.
  • Altick, Richard D. Paintings from Books: Art and Literature in Britain, 1760-1900. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1985. ISBN 0814203809.
  • Boase, T.S.R. "Illustrations of Shakespeare's Plays in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries". Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 10 (1947): 83-108.
  • Bruntjen, Sven Hermann Arnold. John Boydell (1719-1804): A Study of Art Patronage and Publishing in Georgian London. New York: Garland Publishing, 1985. ISBN 0824068807.
  • Dobson, Michael. The Making of the National Poet: Shakespeare, Adaptation, and Authorship, 1660-1769. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992. ISBN 0198112335.
  • Franklin, Colin. Shakespeare Domesticated: The Eighteenth-century Editions. Hants, England: Scolar Press, 1991. ISBN 0859678342.
  • Friedman, Winifred H. Boydell's Shakespeare Gallery. New York: Garland Publishing Inc., 1976. ISBN 0824019873.
  • Hartmann, Sadakichi. Shakespeare in Art. Art Lovers' Series. Boston: L. C. Page & Co., 1901.
  • McCalman, Iain. An Oxford Companion to the Romantic Age: British Culture, 1776-1832. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0199245436.
  • Merchant, W. Moelwyn. Shakespeare and the Artist. London: Oxford University Press, 1959.
  • Salaman, Malcolm C. Shakespeare in Pictorial Art. Ed. Charles Holme. 1916. New York: Benjamin Blom, Inc., 1971.
  • Santaniello, A. E. "Introduction". The Boydell Shakespeare Prints. New York: Benjamin Bloom, 1968.
  • Taylor, Gary. Reinventing Shakespeare: A Cultural History, from the Restoration to the Present. New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1989. ISBN 1555840787.
  • Wenner, Evelyn Wingate. George Steevens and the Boydell Shakespeare. Diss. George Washington University, 1951.
  • West, Shearer. "John Boydell". Grove Dictionary of Art. Ed. Jane Turner. London; New York: Grove/Macmillan, 1996. ISBN 1-884446-00-0. Retrieved on 26 November 2007.
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