Byzantine–Sasanian War of 602–628
Byzantine-Sassanid War of 602–628 | |||||||
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Part of the Byzantine–Sassanid Wars | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
Byzantine Empire, Western Turkic Khaganate |
Sassanid Empire, Avars | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
Phocas, Philippicus, Germanus †, Leontius, Domentziolus, Priscus, Heraclius, Nicetas, Theodore, Bonus, Ziebel |
Khosrau II, Shahrbaraz, Shahin, Shahraplakan †, Rhahzadh † |
The Byzantine-Sassanid War of 602–628 was the final and most devastating of the series of wars fought between the Byzantine Empire and the Sassanid Empire. The previous war had ended after Emperor Maurice had helped the Sassanian king Khosrau II regain his throne. When Maurice was murdered by the usurper Phocas, Khosrau II declared war, ostensibly to avenge his benefactor's death. The decades-long conflict was fought in Egypt, the Levant, Mesopotamia, Anatolia, and even before the walls of Constantinople itself. While the Persians proved largely successful during the first stages of the war, conquering much of the Levant, Egypt, and even parts of Anatolia, the ascendancy of Heraclius eventually led to the Persians' demise. Heraclius' campaigns altered the balance, forcing the Persians on the defensive and allowing for the Byzantines to regain momentum. Allied with the Avars, the Persians attempted to take Constantinople, but were defeated there. Heraclius then invaded the Persian heartland, forcing the Persians to sue for peace.
By the end of the conflict, both sides were exhausted and had depleted their human and material resources. Consequently, both were left vulnerable to the sudden emergence of the Muslim Caliphate, whose forces invaded both empires only a few years after the end of the war. Benefiting from their weakened condition, the Muslim forces swiftly conquered the entire Sassanid Empire, and deprived the Eastern Roman Empire of its territories in the Levant, the Caucasus, Egypt, and the rest of North Africa. Over the following centuries, most of the Byzantine Empire came under Muslim rule.
Prelude
The Byzantine Emperor Maurice ended the Roman–Persian War of 572–591 by helping the exiled prince Khosrau, the future Khosrau II, regain his throne from the usurper Bahrām Chobin. In return, the Sassanids gave the Byzantines parts of northeastern Mesopotamia, much of Armenia, and Caucasian Iberia.[2] More importantly for the Byzantine economy, the Byzantines no longer had to pay tribute to the Sassanids.[3]
Unfortunately, Maurice's strict fiscal measures made him unpopular with the army, as he cut their pay. When, in 602, Maurice commanded his troops campaigning in the Balkans to spend the winter in the barbarian lands beyond the Danube to save money, this led to open revolt. The army proclaimed Phocas, a Thracian centurion, as emperor.[4] Maurice attempted to defend Constantinople by arming the Blues and the Greens, the two factions of the Hippodrome, but they proved ineffective, forcing Maurice to flee. Soon however Maurice was intercepted and killed by the soldiers of Phocas.[5][6][7]
Reign of Phocas
Upon the murder of Maurice, the Byzantine governor of Mesopotamia, Narses rebelled against Phocas and seized Edessa.[8] Phocas told the general Germanus to besiege Edessa, prompting Narses to request help from Khosrau II, who happily obliged to help avenge Maurice, his "friend and father." [9].[10] Using Maurice's death as a casus belli, Khosrau attacked the Eastern Roman Empire and tried to reconquer Armenia and Mesopotamia. The Persians were quite successful in the early years, even forcing Byzantines to retreat from the Balkans to send their troops to defend Mesopotamia. Germanus died in battle against the Persians, making Phocas appoint the eunuch Leontius to deal with Narses while another army of Byzantines dealt with Khosrau.[11] However, not only did Narses escape from Leontius, but the other Byzantine army was defeated near Dara, leading to the capture of that important fortress of the Upper Mesopotomia in 605[11][12] and causing Phocas' military regime to lose its prestige. Furthermore, instead of fighting the Persian arch-enemy, Phocas focused on forcibly converting Jews throughout the empire. By sparing no man, even in the front lines of the war, Phocas made himself a great enemy of the Jews, who welcomed the Persians with open arms.[13]
Urged on by Priscus, the Count of the Excubitors and son-in-law of Phocas, the general Heraclius, who was the Exarch of Africa, revolted in 608.[12][14] Heraclius proclaimed himself and his son of the same name as consuls—thereby implicitly claiming the imperial title—and minted coins with the two wearing the consular robes.[15] Heraclius sent his nephew Nicetas to attack Egypt; Nicetas succeeded in capturing the province in 610, establishing a base of power there.[16][17] The main rebel force was employed in a naval invasion of Constantinople, led by the exarch's son, Heraclius the Younger, who was to be the new emperor. Organized resistance against Heraclius soon disappeared, and Phocas was handed to him by the patrician Probos (Photius).[18] Phocas was executed, though not before a celebrated exchange of comments between him and his successor:
"Is it thus," asked Heraclius, "that you have governed the Empire?"
"Will you," replied Phocas, with unexpected spirit, "govern it any better?"[19]
In the meantime, the Sassanids took advantage of this civil war to conquer Syria and launch raids into Asia Minor itself. In 609, they conquered Mardin and Amida; in 610, they conquered Edessa, which was thought impregnable.[12][20] In 608, they launched a raid that reached Chalcedon,[9] across from Constantinople, and in 609, they conquered Caesarea in central Asia Minor.[16] Some like Dodgeon, Greatrex, and Lieu believe that that the raid to Chalcedon didn't happen.[20] Either way, by 610,the Persians captured all the Byzantine cities east of the Euphrates.[21]
Internal affairs
After marrying his niece Martina in an elaborate ceremony and being crowned by the Patriarch, the 35-year-old Heraclius set out to perform his work as emperor. Phocas' brother, Comentiolus, commanded a sizable force in central Anatolia, but was assassinated by the Armenian commander Justin, ending a major threat to Heraclius' reign.[17] Still, Comentiolus' revolt had delayed Heraclius' control of the forces arrayed against the Persians, allowing them to advance further.[22] Trying to increase revenues and reduce costs, he made a law which limited the number of state-sponsored personnel of the Church.[23] His use of ceremonies allowed him to legitimize his dynasty[24] and his support of justice strengthened his internal power.[25] Still, external threats loomed before the empire.
Persian ascendancy
The situation regarding the Persians did not improve. During the first year of his reign, Heraclius attempted to make peace with the Persian since Phocas, the original casus belli, had been overthrown. However, the Persians rejected it, as their armies were widely victorious.[26] According to Walter E. Kaegi, it is conceivable that the Persians' goal was to restore or even surpass the boundaries of the Achaemenid Empire by destroying the Byzantine Empire, though because of the loss of Persian archives there are no documents proving this.[26]
Early on, the Persians had forced the Byzantines to defend along two major fronts, namely in Armenia and on the Euphrates.[26] Although it was a long process, by the time of Heraclius' reign, the Persians had conquered Armenia, moved on to Cappadocia and led by their general Shahin, took Caesarea. There, Priscus, Phocas' son-in-law, started a year-long siege to trap them inside Caesarea.[27]
Heraclius ignored the long-time precedent[28] and joined with his general Priscus' siege of the Persians at Caesarea. However, Priscus pretended to be ill and did not meet with the emperor. This was a veiled insult to Heraclius, who had to hide his dislike and return to Constantinople in 612. Shahin's troops managed to escape Priscus' encirclement and burned Caesarea, infuriating Heraclius.[29] Priscus was soon removed from command, along with others loyal to Phocas.[30] Philippicus, an old general of Maurice's, was appointed as commander-in-chief, but he proved himself incompetent against the Persians, avoiding engagements in battle.[31] Heraclius appointed himself commander along with his brother Theodore to finally solidify command of the army in his hands.[31]
Khosrau II took advantage of the incompetence of Heraclius' generals to attack Byzantine Syria, under the leadership of the Persian general Shahrbaraz.[32] Heraclius attempted the stop the invasion at Antioch, meeting with Saint Theodore of Sykeon to ask for a blessing for the battle. However, at Antioch, the Byzantines under Heraclius and Nicetas suffered a serious defeat at the hands of Shahin, allowing the Persians to move freely and swiftly in all directions. The Byzantines lost again while attempting to defend the area just to the north of Antioch at the Cilician Gates, despite some initial success. This cut the Empire into two parts, Constantinople and Byzantine Anatolia on one side and Byzantine Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and the Exarchate of Carthage on the other.[33]
Capture of Jerusalem
The local resistance in Syria and Palestine was not severe, quickly causing the cities of Damascus, Apamea, and Emesa to fall in 613. Nicetas continued to resist, but was defeated at Adhri'at; he managed to win a small victory near Emesa, where both sides suffered heavy casualties: some 20,000 died.[34] More serious, however, the weakness of the resistance enabled the Persian to capture Jerusalem in three weeks.[35] Somewhere between 57,000 and 66,5000 people were slain; another 35,000 were taken prisoner to Persia, including the Patriarch Zacharias.[34] Countless churches in the city (including the Holy Sepulchre) were burned and numerous relics, including the True Cross, the Holy Lance, and the Holy Sponge were now in Ctesiphon, the Persian capital. The loss of these relics was thought to be a clear mark of divine displeasure.[19] Many people blamed the Jews for this misfortune.[36]
Persian dominance
In 616, Shahrbaraz's forces invaded Egypt, a province that had been untouched by war for three centuries. The Monophysites living in Egypt, repressed by Byzantine orthodoxy, welcomed the Persian forces as saviors.[37] Resistance in Alexandria was led by Nicetas, Heraclius' cousin. After lasting one year, resistance supposedly collapsed after a traitor told the Persians of an unused canal, allowing the Persians to storm the city. Nicetas fled to Cyprus along with Patriarch John, his close associate.[38] Nicetas disappears from sources after this, which cost Heraclius a trusted commander.[39] The loss of Egypt was a severe blow the empire, as Constantinople relied on grain shipments from fertile Egypt to feed the multitudes in the capital. The free grain distribution was abolished in 618.[40]
Things looked even grimmer when Chalcedon fell in 617 to Shahin and the Persians were in view of Constantinople.[37] Ancyra, an important military base, fell in either 620 or 622. The important naval base at Rhodes possibly fell in either 622 or 623, making the naval assault on Constantinople a possibility, though this event is difficult to confirm.[41][42] Such was the despair that Heraclius considered moving the government to Africa and Carthage.[40]
Khosrau's letter to Heraclius
After conquering Egypt, Khosrau sent Heraclius the following letter:
Khosrau, greatest of Gods, and master of the earth, to Heraclius, his vile and insensate slave. Why do you still refuse to submit to our rule, and call yourself a king? Have I not destroyed the Greeks? You say that you trust in your God. Why has he not delivered out of my hand Caesarea, Jerusalem, and Alexandria? And shall I not also destroy Constantinople? But I will pardon your faults if you submit to me, and come hither with your wife and children; and I will give you lands, vineyards, and olive groves, and look upon you with a kindly aspect. Do not deceive yourself with vain hope in that Christ, who was not able to save himself from the Jews, who killed him by nailing him to a cross. Even if you take refuge in the depths of the sea, I will stretch out my hand and take you, whether you will or no.
The "First Crusade"
The arrogance of Khosrau's letter, however, did not cow Heraclius. It instead propelled him to try a desperate strike against the Persians. In 615, a new lighter (6.82 grams) Byzantine coin appeared with the usual image of Heraclius and his son Heraclius Constantine, but uniquely carried the inscription of Deus adiuta Romanis or "May God help the Romans". Walter Kaegi believes this shows the desperation of the empire at this time.[45] He also halved the pay of officials. The copper follis also dropped in weight from 11 grams to somewhere between 8 and 9 grams. These coinage changes were in response to the decreased revenue from the conquered provinces; the government had to cut costs to keep up with expenses.[45] Furthermore, a plague broke out in 619, damaging the tax base and creating more fears of divine retribution.[46]
Heraclius enforced increased taxation, forced loans, and extreme fines for corrupt officials to finance this strike.[47] The clergy of the Byzantine Empire, despite disagreements about his incestuous marriage to Martina, strongly backed his efforts by proclaiming that it was the duty of all Christian men to fight against the Persians and by offering to give him a war loan consisting of all the gold and silver plate in Constantinople. Precious metals and bronze were stripped from monuments and even the Hagia Sophia.[48] This military campaign has been called the "first crusade".[44][49] Some, like Walter Kaegi, disagree with this moniker because religion was just one component in the war.[50]
Thousands of volunteers were gathered and equipped with money from the church.[49] Heraclius himself also deigned to command the army from the front lines. Thus, the Byzantine troops had been replenished, reequipped, and were now led by great general—all while still having a full treasury.[49]
George Ostrogorsky believed that volunteers were gathered through the reorganization of Western Anatolia into four Themes, where the volunteers were given inalienable grants of land on the condition of hereditary military service.[51] However, modern scholars generally discredit this theory, saying that the creation of themes did not occur until later.[52][53]
Byzantine resurgence
The Persians attempted to build a fleet at Chalcedon to cross the Bosphorus, but were frustrated by the Byzantines. By 622, Heraclius was ready to mount a counteroffensive. He left his young son, Heraclius Constantinus, as regent in Constantinople under the charge of Patriarch Sergius and Patrician Bonus.[54] He celebrated Easter on Sunday, 4 April 622 before leaving the next day.[55]
In order to threaten both the Persian forces in Asia Minor and Syria, his first move was to sail from Constantinople down the Ionian coast to Rhodes and then east to Cilicia, landing at Issus, where Alexander the Great had defeated the Persians in 333 BC.[47] He spent the summer in training so as to improve the skills of his men and his own generalship. In the autumn, Heraclius threatened the Persian communications from Asia Minor to the Euphrates valley by marching to Cappadocia.[47] This forced the Persian forces in Asia Minor under Shahrbaraz to retreat from the frontlines of Bithynia and Galatia to eastern Asia Minor in order to block his access to Persia.[56] There, after some maneuvering, Heraclius crushingly defeated Shahrbaraz in Cappadocia in 622 at the Battle of Issus (622).[57] The key factor was Heraclius' discovery of hidden Persian forces in ambush and responding by feigning retreat during the battle; the Persians left their cover to chase the Byzantines. Heraclius' elite Optimates then assaulted the chasing Persians and caused them to flee.[56] Thus, he saved Asia Minor from the Persians. Heraclius returned to Constantinople to deal with the Avars, leaving his army in Pontus to winter.[47][58]
The Avar threat
While the Byzantine were busy with the Persians, the Avars and Slavs poured through the western Adriatic, as well as through the southern and eastern portions of the Aegean area. Their sweeping movement into Dalmatia engulfed several Byzantine cities, namely Singidunum (Belgrade), Viminacium (Kostolac), Naissus (Niš), Sardica (Sofia), and destroyed Salona in 614. However, numerous attempts by the Slavs and Avars to take the city of Thessalonica, the second city of the Empire, ended in failure, allowing the Empire to hold onto a vital city in the region.[59] Other minor cities like Jadar (Zadar), Tragurium (Trogir), Butua (Budva), Scodra (Skadar), and Lissus (Ljes) also survived the invasions.[60] Isidore of Seville even claims that the Slavs took "Greece" from the Byzantines.[61]
The Byzantines could not fully use all their forces against the Persians since the Avars began to raid Thrace on the Balkan front and near the gates of Constantinople. Heraclius sent an envoy to the Avar Khagan saying that the Byzantines would pay a tribute in return for the Avars' withdrawing north of the Danube.[49] The Avar Chagan replied by asking for a meeting on 5 June 623, at Heraclea in Thrace, where the Avar army was located; Heraclius agreed to this meeting, coming with his royal court.[62] The Avar Chagan, however, treacherously put horsemen en route to Heraclea to ambush and capture Heraclius so they could hold him for ransom.[54] Heraclius was fortunately warned in time and managed to escape but was chased by the Avars all the way to Constantinople. Many members of his court, however, and perhaps 70,000 Thracian peasants who came to see their Emperor were captured and killed by the Avar Chagan's men.[63] Despite this treachery, Heraclius was reduced to giving the Avars a subsidy of 200,000 solidi along with his illegitimate son John Atalarichos, his nephew Stephen, and John the illegitimate son of Patrician Bonus in return for peace, so as to be able to focus his war effort on the Persians.[54][64]
Byzantine assault on Persia
624
Although Heraclius offered peace to Khosrau II, threatening otherwise to invade Persia should Khosrau refuse, Khosrau rejected the offer.[65] On March 25, 624, Heraclius left Constantinople to attack the Persian heartland, disregarding his communications to the sea.[65] He traveled through Armenia and Azerbaijan to assault Persia directly.[47] According to Walter Kaegi, he led an army of no more than 40,000, with the size most likely being between 20,000-24,000.[50] He recovered Caesarea, in defiance of the arrogant letter that Khosrau had sent.[50]
He went along the Araxes River, destroying the Persian-held Dvin, the capital of Armenia, and Nakhchivan. At Ganzak, Heraclius met Khosrau's army, 40,000 strong. Using loyal Arabs, he captured and killed some of Khosrau's guards, leading to disintegration of the Persian army. Heraclius then destroyed the famous fire temple of Takht-i-Suleiman, destroying an important Zoroastrian holy place.[66] Heraclius' raids went as far as the Gayshawan, a residence of Khosrau in Atrpatakan.[67]
625
Heraclius wintered in Caucasian Albania, gathering forces for the next year.[68] Khosrau was not content to let Heraclius quietly rest in Albania. He sent three armies, commanded by Shahrbaraz, Shahin and Shahraplakan, to trap and destroy Heraclius' forces.[69] Shahraplakan retook lands up as far as Siwnik, aiming to capture mountain passes. Shahrbaraz was sent to block Heraclius' retreat through Georgia. Shahin was sent to block the Bitlis Pass. Heraclius, planning to destroy the Persians separately, spoke to his worried Lazic, Abasgian, and Georgian allies and soldiers, saying:
Do not let the number of our enemies disturb us. For, God willing, one will pursue ten thousand.
— Heraclius, [69]
Two feigned deserters were sent to Shahrbaraz, claiming that the Byzantines were fleeing before Shahin. Due to jealousy between the Persian commanders, the Persians hurried to take part in the glory of the victory. Heraclius met them at Tigranakert and destroyed Shahraplakan and Shahin's forces one after another.[69] After this victory, Heraclius crossed the Araxes river and camped in the plains on the other side. Shahin and Shahrbaraz followed, but Shahin was defeated by Heraclius and lost his baggage train.[70] The two Persian commanders combined their forces at Aliovit and tried to ambush Heraclius by marching separately toward Heraclius. Heraclius instead launched a surprise night attack on Aliovit in February 525, destroying that base. Shahrbaraz only barely escaped, naked and alone, having lost his harem, baggage, and men.[70]
Heraclius spent the rest of winter along along the northern side of Lake Van.[70] In 625, his forces attempted to push to the Euphrates. In a mere seven days, he went past Mount Ararat and then 200 miles along the Arsanias river to capture Amida and Martyropolis, important fortresses on the upper Tigris.[47][71][72] Heraclius retreated towards the Euphrates, pursued by Shahrbaraz . According to Arab sources, he was stopped at the Satidama or Batman Su River and defeated; Byzantine sources do not mention this incident.[72] There was another encounter between Heraclius and Shahrbaraz at Adana. There, Shahrbaraz's forces stationed themselves on the opposite bank of the Seyhan River.[47] There was a nearby bridge to cross the river, and the Byzantines immediately charged across it. Shahrbaraz demonstrated great skill by feigning retreat to lead the Byzantine to an ambush; the vanguard of the army was destroyed within minutes. Still, the Persians had ignored the bridge too long. Heraclius charged across with the rearguard, unafraid of the arrows that the Persians fired, turning the tide of battle against the Persians.[73] Shahrbaraz expressed his admiration at Heraclius to a renegade Greek:
See your Emperor! He fears these arrows and spears no more than would an anvil!
— Shahrbaraz, [73]
This was the Battle of Sarus, a nominal victory for the Byzantines.[74]
The army wintered at Trebizond.[73]
Climax
Khosrau II, seeing that a decisive counterattack was needed to defeat the Romans, recruited two new armies from all the able men, including foreigners.[73] Shahin was entrusted with 50,000 men and stayed in Mesopotamia and Armenia to prevent Heraclius from invading Persia; the smaller army under Shahrbaraz slipped through Heraclius' flanks and made straight for Chalcedon, the Persian base across from Constantinople. Khosrau also coordinated with the Khagan of the Avars so as to attack Constantinople from both the European and the Asiatic side.[71] The Persian army stationed themselves at Chalcedon, while the Avars were in Thrace. However, they had difficulties communicating with each other due to the Byzantine navy guarding the Bosphorus, though undoubtedly, there was some communication between the two forces..[71][75][76]
The defense was under the command of Patriarch Sergius and the Patrician Bonus.[77] Heraclius judged that the capital was relatively safe, but still sent some reinforcements. He split his army into three parts. One part was sent to reinforce Constantinople by sea.[77] Another was under the command of his brother Theodore and was sent to deal with Shahin. The final and smallest part would remain under his own control, hopefully allowing him to raid the Persian heartland.[73]
On 29 June 626, a coordinated assault of the walls began. Inside the walls, some 12,000 well-trained Byzantine cavalry defended themselves against the forces of some 80,000 Avars and Slavs.[73] Despite continuous bombardment for a month, morale was high inside the walls of Constantinople because of Patriarch Sergius' divine fervor and his processions along the wall with the icon of the Virgin Mary. This inspired the belief that the Byzantines were under divine protection.[78][79]
On August 7, a fleet of Persian rafts ferrying troops across the Bosphorus were surrounded and destroyed by Greek ships. The Slavs under the Avars stormed the sea walls from the Golden Horn and the main Avar host attacked the land walls. Patrician Bonus' galleys rammed and destroyed the Slavic boats; the Avar land assault from August 6 to the 7th also failed.[80] With the news that Theodore had decisively triumphed over Shahin and left Shahin to die from depression, the Avars retreated to the Balkans within two days, never to seriously threaten Byzantium again. Even though the army of Shahrbaraz still camped at Chalcedon, the threat to Constantinople was over.[77][78] Furthermore, Shahrbaraz switched to Heraclius' side after the emperor showed him intercepted letters from Khosrau ordering the Persian general's death.[81] Shahrbaraz moved to northern Syria, where he could easily alternate between supporting Khosrau and Heraclius. Still, with the neutralization of Khosrau's most powerful general, Heraclius deprived his enemy of some of this best and most experience troops, and secured his flanks prior to his invasion of Persia.[82]
Byzantine victory
While the Siege of Constantinople was taking place, Heraclius allied with what Byzantine sources called the Khazars under Ziebel, who are identified with the Western Turkic Khaganate of the Göktürks led by Tong Yabghu.[83] plying him with wondrous gifts and a promise of the reward of the porphyrogenita Eudoxia Epiphania. The Caucasus based Turks responded by sending 40,000 of their men to ravage the Persian empire in 626 to start the Third Perso-Turkic War.[73] Joint Byzantine and Göktürks operations were focused on besieging Tiflis, where the Byzantines used the counterweight trebuchet. 1,000 cavalry were sent with Shahraplakan to reinforce the city.[84] The city probably fell in late 628.[85] Ziebel died by the end of the year, saving Epiphania from the arms of a barbarian.[73] Heraclius simultaneously secured his base in the upper Tigris.[77]
In mid-September 627, leaving Ziebel to continue the siege of Tiflis, Heraclius invaded the Persian heartland, this time with between 25,000 and 50,000 troops and 40,000 Göktürks. The Göktürks, however, quickly deserted him because of the strange winter conditions.[86] He advanced slowly because a Persian army under Rhahzadh was nearby; each commander was waiting for an opportune moment.
Towards the end of the year, near the ruins of Nineveh, Heraclius engaged Rhahzadh to avoid reinforcements from reaching the Persian commander.[87] The Battle of Nineveh took place in the fog, reducing the Persian advantage in missile troops. Heraclius feigned retreat to lead the Persians to the plains before reversing his troops to the surprise of the Persians.[88] After eight hours of fighting, the Persians suddenly retreated to nearby foothills, but it was not a rout.[78][89] 6,000 Persians fell.[90] Nikephoros' Brief History mentions that Rhahzadh challenged Heraclius to personal combat. Heraclius accepted and killed Rhahzadh in a single thrust; two other challengers fought and also lost.[78][91]
With no Persian army left to oppose him, Heraclius' victorious army plundered Dastagird, gaining tremendous riches including 300 captured Byzantine flags.[92] Khosrau had already fled to the mountains of Susiana to try to rally support for the defense of Ctesiphon.[77][78] Heraclius could not attack Ctesiphon itself because the Nahrawan Canal was blocked due to the collapse of a bridge leading over it.[93] He did not attempt to bypass this canal.[94]
I pursue and run after peace. I do not willingly burn Persia, but compelled by you. Let us now throw down our arms and embrace peace. Let us quench the fire before it burns up everything.
— Heraclius' ultimatum to Khosrau II, 6 January 628[95]
The Persian army rebelled and overthrew Khosrau II, raising his son Kavadh II, also known as Siroes, in his stead. Khosrau perished in a dungeon after suffering for five days on bare sustenance—he was shot to death slowly with arrows on the fifth day.[96] Kavadh immediately sent peace offers to Heraclius. Heraclius did not impose harsh terms, knowing that his own empire was also near exhaustion. Under the peace treaty, the Byzantines regained all their lost territories, their captured soldiers, a war indemnity, and most importantly for them, the True Cross and other relics that were lost in Jerusalem in 614.[96][97]
Consequences
Short-term consequences
Though Heraclius arrived in May at his palace of Hieria across from Constantinople, he refused to enter the city itself without the True Cross. It was mid-September before his brother Theodore had arrived at Chaceldon. On 14 September 628, Heraclius entered Constantinople in triumph. Before him was the True Cross and behind him were four elephants, the first to ever be seen in Constantinople.[96] The parade went toward the Hagia Sophia. There, the True Cross was slowly raised up until it vertically towered over the high altar. To many, this was a sign that a new golden age was about the begin for the Byzantine Empire.[96]
This war cemented Heraclius' position as one of history's most successful generals. He was hailed as 'the new Scipio' for his six years of unbroken victories and for leading the Roman army where no Roman army had ever gone before.[44][97] The triumphal raising of the True Cross in the Hagia Sophia was a crowning moment in his achievements. If Heraclius had died then, he would have been recorded in history, in the words of Norman Davies, as "the greatest Roman general since Julius Caesar".[44] John Norwich succinctly described Heraclius as having "lived too long".[98]
For their part, the Sassanids struggled to establish a king. When Kavadh II died only months after coming to the throne, Persia was plunged into several years of dynastic turmoil and civil war. Ardashir III, Heraclius' ally Shahrbaraz, Purandokht, and Azarmidokht all succeeded to the throne within months of each other. Only until Yazdgerd III, a grandson of Khosrau II, succeeded to the throne in 632 was there stability. By then, it was too late.[99][100]
Long-term consequences
The devastating impact of this last war, along with the cumulative effects of a century of almost continuous Byzantine-Persian conflict, left both empires crippled. The Sassanids were further weakened by economic decline, heavy taxation from Khosrau II's campaigns, religious unrest, and the increasing power of the provincial landholders.[101]
The Roman Empire was also severely affected, what with its financial reserves exhausted and the Balkans now largely in the hands of the Slavs.[102] Additionally, Anatolia was devastated by repeated Persian invasions; the empire's hold on its recently regained territories in the Caucasus, Syria, Mesopotamia, Palestine and Egypt was loosened by many years of Persian occupation.[103] Clive Foss called this war the "first stage in the process which marked the end of Antiquity in Asia Minor."[104]
Neither empire was given any chance to recover, as within a few years they were struck by the onslaught of the Arabs (newly united by Islam), which, according to Howard-Johnston, "can only be likened to a human tsunami".[105] According to George Liska, the "unnecessarily prolonged Byzantine–Persian conflict opened the way for Islam".[106] The Sassanid Empire rapidly succumbed to these attacks and was completely destroyed. During the Byzantine–Arab Wars, the exhausted Roman Empire's recently regained eastern and southern provinces of Syria, Armenia, Egypt and North Africa were also lost, reducing the empire to a territorial rump consisting of Anatolia and a scatter of islands and footholds in the Balkans and Italy.[107] These remaining lands were thoroughly impoverished by frequent attacks, marking the transition from classical urban civilization to a more rural, medieval form of society. However, unlike Persia, the Roman Empire (in the form of the Byzantine Empire) ultimately survived the Arab assault, holding onto its residual territories and decisively repulsing two Arab sieges of its capital in 674–678 and 717–718.[108] The Byzantine Empire also lost its territories in Crete and southern Italy to the Arabs in later conflicts, though these too were ultimately recovered.[109][110]
See also
Notes and Citations
- ^ All the dates, especially between 602–620 are only approximate. This is mostly because many popular sources like Theophanes' Chronicles all draw from a common source thought to be a history by Theophilus of Edessa. Thus, there are few independent witnesses of the following events, making reliable dating difficult. Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, pp. 182-183
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 151
- ^ The war had originally begun when Justin II had refused to given the Sassanids the usual tribute dating from the time of Justinian I. The successful conclusion to that war meant that the tribute was no longer paid. Ostrogorsky 1969, pp. 79-80
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 153
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 154
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, p. 83
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 88
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, pp. 183-184
- ^ a b Oman 1893, p. 155
- ^ Foss 1975, p. 722
- ^ a b Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 184
- ^ a b c Kaegi 2003, p. 39
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 89
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 37
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 41
- ^ a b Oman 1893, p. 156
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 53
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 49
- ^ a b Norwich 1997, p. 90
- ^ a b Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 186
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, pp. 185
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 54
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 60
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 63
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 64
- ^ a b c Kaegi 2003, p. 65 Cite error: The named reference "Kaegi65" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 68
- ^ Since the time of Theodosius I, no Roman emperor had personally led troops in battle. Heraclius was the first soldier-emperor since then. Kaegi 2003, p. 69
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 69
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 71
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 75
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 74
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 77
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 78
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, p. 95
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 80
- ^ a b Oman 1893, p. 205
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 91
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 92
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 88
- ^ Foss 1975, p. 725
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 111
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 206-207
- ^ a b c d Davies 1998, p. 245
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 90
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 105
- ^ a b c d e f g Norwich 1997, p. 91
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 110
- ^ a b c d Oman 1893, p. 207
- ^ a b c Kaegi 2003, p. 126 Cite error: The named reference "Kaegi125" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, pp. 95-98;101}}
- ^ Treadgold 1997, p. 316
- ^ Haldon 1990, pp. 211–217
- ^ a b c Oman 1893, p. 208
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 112
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 115
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 209
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 116
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, p. 93
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, p. 94
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 95
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 118
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 119
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 120
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 122
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 127 Thebarmes, described in Theophanes' Chronicles, is usually identified with Takht-i-Suleiman.Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, pp. 200
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 127
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 128
- ^ a b c Kaegi 2003, p. 129
- ^ a b c Kaegi 2003, p. 130
- ^ a b c Oman 1893, p. 210
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 131
- ^ a b c d e f g h Norwich 1997, p. 92
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 132
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 134
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 140
- ^ a b c d e Oman 1893, p. 211
- ^ a b c d e Norwich 1997, p. 93
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 136
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 137
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 148
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 151
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 143
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 144
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, pp. 212
- ^ Kaegi 2003, pp. 158–159
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 160
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 161
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 163
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 169
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 167
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 173
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 173
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 174
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 172
- ^ a b c d Norwich 1997, p. 94
- ^ a b Oman 1893, p. 212
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 97
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 227
- ^ Beckwith 2009, p. 121
- ^ Howard-Johnston 2006, p. 9: "[Heraclius'] victories in the field over the following years and its political repercussions [...] saved the main bastion of Christianity in the Near East and gravely weakened its old Zoroastrian rival."
- ^ Haldon 1997, pp. 43–45, 66, 71, 114–115
- ^ Haldon 1997, pp. 49–50: Ambivalence toward Byzantine rule on the part of monophysites may have lessened local resistance to the Arab expansion
- ^ Foss 1975, p. 747
- ^ Foss 1975, pp. 746–47; Howard-Johnston 2006, p. xv
- ^ Liska 1998, p. 170
- ^ Haldon 1997, pp. 49–50
- ^ Haldon 1997, pp. 61–62; Howard-Johnston 2006, p. 9
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 134
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 155
References
- Beckwith, Christopher (2009), Empires of the Silk Road: a history of Central Eurasia from the Bronze Age to the present, ISBN 0-69-113589-4
- Davies, Norman (1998), Europe: a history, HarperCollins, ISBN 0-06-0974-680
- Foss, Clive (1975), "The Persians in Asia Minor and the End of Antiquity", The English Historical Review, 90: 721–47, doi:10.1093/ehr/XC.CCCLVII.721
- Dodgeon, Michael H.; Greatrex, Geoffrey; Lieu, Samuel N. C. (2002), The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars (Part II, 363-630 AD), Routledge, ISBN 0-415-003423
- Howard-Johnston, James (2006), East Rome, Sasanian Persia And the End of Antiquity: Historiographical And Historical Studies, Ashgate Publishing, ISBN 0-860-78992-6
- Haldon, John (1997), Byzantium in the Seventh Century: the Transformation of a Culture, Cambridge, ISBN 0-521-31917-X
- Kaegi, Walter Emil (2003), Heraclius: emperor of Byzantium, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-52-1814-596
{{citation}}
: Unknown parameter|city=
ignored (|location=
suggested) (help) - Liska, George (1998), "Projection contra Prediction: Alternative Futures and Options", Expanding Realism: The Historical Dimension of World Politics, Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 0-847-68680-9
- Norwich, John Julius (1997), A Short History of Byzantium, Vintage Books, ISBN 0-679-77269-3
{{citation}}
: Unknown parameter|city=
ignored (|location=
suggested) (help) - Oman, Charles (1893), Europe, 476-918, Volume 1, Macmillan
- Ostrogorsky, George (1969), History of the Byzantine State, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, ISBN 9780813511986
- Speck, Paul (1984). "Ikonoklasmus und die Anfänge der Makedonischen Renaissance". Varia 1 (Poikila Byzantina 4). Rudolf Halbelt. pp. 175–210.
- Treadgold, Warren T. (1997), A History of the Byzantine State and Society, Stanford University Press, ISBN 0-804726-30-2