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Ashur (god)

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Not to be confused with Anshar.
Ashur
A Neo-Assyrian sun disk traditionally viewed to symbolize Ashur
Other names
  • Bêlu Rabû
  • Ab Ilâni
  • Šadû Rabû
Major cult centerAssur, Uruk (6th century BC)
Genealogy
SiblingsŠerua
ConsortMullissu (Ishtar of Arbela, Ishtar of Assur, Ishtar of Nineveh), Šerua
OffspringNinurta, Zababa, Šerua, Ishtar of Arbela

Ashur, Ashshur, also spelled Ašur, Aššur (Sumerian: 𒀭𒊹, romanized: AN.ŠAR₂, Assyrian cuneiform: 𒀭𒊹 Aš-šur, 𒀭𒀀𒇳𒊬 ᵈa-šur₄)[1] was the national god of the Assyrians in ancient times until their gradual conversion to Christianity between the 1st and 5th centuries AD.

Name

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The name of the god Ashur is spelled exactly the same as that of the city of Assur. In modern scholarship, some Assyriologists choose to employ different spellings for the god vis-a-vis the city as a means to differentiate between them. In the Old Assyrian Period, both the city and the god were commonly spelled as A-šùr. The god Ashur was spelled as dA-šur, A-šur, dA-šùr or A-šùr, and from the comparative data there seems to be a bigger general reluctance to use the divine determinative in Anatolia in comparison to data from the city of Assur itself.[2] From the Middle Assyrian period onwards, Aššur was generally spelled as Aš-šur, for the god, the city and the state (māt Aššur = Assyria).

Ashur's name was written once as AN.ŠÁR on a bead of Tukulti-Ninurta I. In the inscriptions of Sargon II Ashur was sometimes referred to as Anshar, and under Sennacherib it became a common systemic way to spell his name.[3] After the fall of the Assyrian state, Ashur continued to be revered as Anshar in Neo-Babylonian Uruk. As Assyrian kings were generally reluctant to enforce worship of Ashur in subject areas, it is assumed that Ashur was introduced to Uruk naturally by Assyrians.[4]

History

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Third Millennium BCE

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Little is known about the city of Assur in the Third Millennium, but the city may have had a religious significance.[5] While the city did contain a temple dedicated to their own localised Ishtar (Ishtar of Assur), there are no known mentions of Ashur as a distinct deity,[6] and it is unknown if the cult of Ashur existed at this time,[7] although the possibility cannot be ruled out because of scarcity of evidence.[6]

Old Assyrian Period

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The Old Assyrian Period is contemporary with the Isin-Larsa and Old Babylonian Periods in southern Mesopotamia after the city became independent from Ur. During the Old Assyrian period, the temple to the god was built and maintained by the residences of the city. Ashur started to appear in texts such as treaties and royal inscriptions, and the king traced their legitimacy to the god.[8] In the Old Assyrian period, the kings never assumed the title of king, instead referring to themselves as the governor (iššiak) or city ruler (rubā'um), reserving the title of king instead for Ashur.[9] Pongratz-Leisten notes that similar cases could be found in Pre-Sargonic Lagash, where the kings of Lagash designated themselves as the ENSI (governor) of Lagash, and also in Eshnunna, especially since the early kings of Eshnunna addressed Tishpak with titles traditionally associated with kings such as "king of the four corners."[10] However, in the Old Assyrian Period the king was not yet the chief priest of Ashur.[11]

The earliest expression of the god Ashur being the king of the city with the ruler being his representative was in Silulu's seal, where the opening lines were "Ashur is king, Silulu is the governor (iššiak) of Assur." The inscription ended with the phrase ARAD-ZU, linking the seal with the Ur III administration,[12] but instead of a presentation scene, a triumphant figure is shown trampling on an enemy, bearing resemblance to Naram-Sin's pose on his victory stela and the lost depiction of Shu-Sin trampling on his enemy.[12] Coupled with the ideology of Ashur being the king of the city, the victorious figure could represent Ashur. [12][a] The Puzur-Assur dynasty reused the presentation scene, which depicts a worshipper (the seal owner) being led by a goddess to a seated god. Considering that the owner of the seal was the Assyrian ruler, it is likely that the seated god is Ashur.[13]

Almost half of Old Assyrian theophoric names feature the god Ashur, with around another 4 percent featuring ālum (city) which referred to the city of Assur. However, it is not clear whether the term Aššur in the names refers to the god or the city.[14] Theophoric names involving Ashur are generally exclusively Assyrian.[15]

Outside of the city of Assur, Assyrian merchant colonies in Anatolia constructed sanctuaries to the god Ashur,[16] which included the objects like his statue and his dagger and knife/spear.[17] Oaths were sworn[18] and verdicts were issued[19] in front of the dagger. The dagger seemed to have also received libations.[20] The weapon of Ashur, more famously known to have been placed in Assyrian provincial centres and client states in the Neo-Assyrian period,[21] were also known in the Old Assyrian period and were seemingly used in ordeals (together with the sword of Ashur and another symbol of Ashur)[22] where the defendant would have to draw the weapon out from its sheath, as the guilty would be unable to draw out the weapon due to divine refusal.[23] Traders would swear by the names of gods such as Ashur, Ishtar, Ishtar-ZA-AT, and Nisaba that they were speaking truth. [18]Traders are often encouraged to go back to the city of Assur to pay homage to Ashur.[11]

In 1808 BCE, Shamshi-Adad captured Assur, dethroned the Assyrian king and incorporated Assur into his kingdom. While he never set Assur as his seat of kingship, he assumed the position of king in the city and left inscriptions calling himself the viceroy of Ashur, in line with the traditional Old Assyrian inscriptions,[24] and reconstructed the temple of Ashur into a bigger complex, and the groundplan remained relatively unaltered until Shalmaneser I who added a backyard.[25] However, he was first the appointee (šakin) of Enlil, and in one of his building inscriptions he designated the Ashur temple as a temple of Enlil instead.[26] Shamshi-Adad's inscription equating the Ashur temple as a temple of Enlil has commonly been interpreted to be the first reference to an equation between Ashur and Enlil.[27][28] Another possibility is that Shamshi-Adad constructed separate cells in the new temple, which housed both Ashur and Enlil.[28] His inscriptions also always applies the divine determinative to the name of the god Ashur, unlike earlier times.[29] However, in a late 17th century letter written by the Assyrian king to the king of Tikunani uses inconsistent sign markings for the term Aššur, once being accompanied by both the divine determinative and the geographical determinative.[30]

The tākultu festival was first attested during the reign of Shamshi-Adad I on a vase dedicated to Dagan. It would seem that the festival was already part of the cult of Ashur.[31]

The inscription of Puzur-Sin presents a hostile attitude towards Shamshi-Adad and his successors, claiming that they were a "foreign plague" and "not of the city of Assur." Puzur-Sin claims that Ashur commanded him to destroy the wall and palace of Shamshi-Adad.[32]

Middle Assyrian Period

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Beginning in the Middle Assyrian Period, the Assyrian kings projected a more territorial ideology, with the king acting as the agent of placing the territory under divine rule.[33] The practice where each province had to supply yearly a modest amount of food for the daily meal of Ashur, which ideologically demonstrated how all of Assyria was to jointly care for their god,[34] was first attested during the Middle Assyrian period.[33] the tākultu festival was also mentioned in the inscriptions of Adad-nirari I and his successor Shalmaneser I.[35] However, mentions of the tākultu ritual in Assyria ceased until the Sargonids.[36]

Starting from Ashur-uballit, the Assyrian kings started to designate themselves as king (šarru) and claimed themselves to be a major power.[37] In addition to emulating the other great powers, they also adopted most of Shamshi-Adad I's royal titulature, including being the appointee of Enlil before being the viceroy of Ashur.[38] Despite this, the Old Assyrian notion that the true king of Assur was the god Ashur persisted, as seen in the Middle Assyrian coronation ritual that was carried out inside the temple of Ashur. The king is led inside the temple where a priest would strike the king's cheek and proclaim "Ashur is king! Ashur is king!"[39] Ashur-uballit also introduced the title SANGA/šangû into the royal repertoire, which may have been the product of a Hittite influence.[40] The practice for the king’s reign to be referred with "during my priesthood" (ina šangûtīya) was also introduced during the Middle Assyrian period.[41]

The Assyrian king was also given the mission to extend the land of Assyria with his "just sceptre" as mentioned in the coronation hymn.[42] Royal actions undertaken, such as military campaigns and successes, were attributed to the support of the god Ashur, along with the other major gods in the Assyrian pantheon.[43][44] Similar to the city of Assur, the land of Aššur (Assyria) shared the same name as the god Ashur, which essentially meant that the country belonged to the god.[45] Starting from the Middle Assyrian period (and extending into the Neo Assyrian period), the mission of the Assyrian king was to extend the borders of Assyria and establish order and peace against a chaotic periphery.[46]

Ashur started to be referred to more often as an Assyrian equivalent of Enlil, with titles such as "lord of the lands" (bēl mātāte), "king of the gods" (šar ilāni) and "the Assyrian Enlil" (Enlil aššurê).[45] Adad-nirari and Shalmaneser began to call the temple of Ashur names of Enli's temple in Nippur, and Shalmaneser even claimed to have put the gods of Ekur into the temple.[47] The construction of Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta was attributed to the command of Ashur-Enlil.[48] However, Enlil and Ashur were still treated as separate gods in the Tukulti-Ninurta Epic, and some traits of Enlil were not carried over to Ashur, especially in regards to how Ea and Enlil raised the young Tukulti-Ninurta (in line with southern traditions), a role which was not given to the god Ashur.[49]

Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta, constructed by the eponymous king himself (the name of the city means "quay of Tukulti-Ninurta") was explicitly stated to be a cult centre for Ashur.[50] The building of a new capital and cult centre is traditionally viewed as an attempt to separate the royal monarchy from the established elites and pressure groups,[51] however it is clear that the city of Assur was still respected as building works were still done in Assur, the main palace at Assur was still being constantly maintained,[50] and the perimeter of the ziggurat in Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta was half of the one in Assur.[52] The main bureaucracy in Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta was connected with the city of Assur as well.[52] Assur was still referred with epithets such as "my city" (ālīya) and "desired object of the deities" (ba-it ilāni), although they could refer to Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta as well.[53]

Neo Assyrian Period

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The Middle Assyrian practice of provincial provisions to the temple of the god Ashur remained during Sargonid Assyria.[54]

Ashur continued to play a pivotal role in Assyrian imperial ideology in the Neo-Assyrian period. Enemies were often portrayed to have violated the oath to Ashur and the gods of Assyria, and that he had no respect for the gods.[55] In celebrative texts, the oaths imposed on the defeated are sworn in the name of Ashur, extending to the other gods of Assyria in the late Neo-Assyrian period.[56][b] Royal actions were said to be undertaken under the command of Ashur with the king acting as his proxy,[58] with the central mission being to expand the borders of Assyria. The territories controlled by Ashur was aligned with the cosmos,[59] and expanding the lands of Assyria meant expanding the cosmos to include the previously disorderly periphery.[60] The Assyrian king was the chief priest of Ashur, and while not considered a god (in life or in death) the king is in the image of a god.[61] In Ashurbanipal's Coronation Hymn, the idea that Ashur was the true king reappeared, reflecting on an ideological discourse tracing all the way back to the Old Assyrian period.[61]

Sennacherib, in the aftermath of his infamous destruction of Babylon in 689 BCE, reformed aspects of Ashur's cult. He built a new akītu house in Assur, and Ashur instead of Marduk was the centre of the festival.[62] An Assyrian revision of the Enuma Elish replaced Marduk with Ashur as the main character of the epic.[62][63] A change observed during the reign of Sargon II,[62] which became more systemic under Sennacherib,[3] was the equation of Ashur with Anshar, by writing the name of the god Ashur as AN.ŠÁR.[c]

Sennacherib's son and successor, Esarhaddon, chose to pursue a more conciliatory route with Babylonia. Esarhaddon addressed both the people of Assyria and Babylonia with identical terms in an attempt to group them under one audience,[64] and the gods Marduk, Nabu and Tashmetum were invoked naturally along with the traditionally Assyrian gods.[65] The inscription also claims that Bēl, Bēltiya, Bēlet Babili, Ea, and Mandanu were born in Esharra, the house of their father, which here refers to the temple of Ashur, and refers to Ashur as the "father of the gods" and Marduk as the "first heir."[66] The political and theological implications of such was that the Babylonian gods were to be adopted into the Assyrian pantheon, and the relationship of Marduk vis-a-vis Ashur (son and father) would reflect the relationship Babylonia has with Assyria, with Assyria in the politically dominant position and Babylonia holding a special position within the empire.[67][d]

There have been suggestions that the worship of Ashur was forcibly imposed onto subject vassals. However, this notion has been challenged by other scholars, most notably Cogan, who concluded that the idea that the cult of Ashur and other Assyrian gods were imposed onto defeated subjects should be rejected, and residents in the annexed provinces were required to provide for the cult of Ashur as they were counted as Assyrian citizens[69] and it was the duty of Assyrian citizens to do so.[70]

Assyrian imperial ideology affirms Ashur's superiority, and the vanquished are obliged to acknowledge the superiority of the Assyrian god and king, however they are not obliged to renounce their own religious traditions.[71] Assyrian kings sometimes claimed to have erected statues of the king and the Assyrian gods in the provincial palace in newly conquered territories, but this does not indicate the imposition of a cult onto the populace.[72] Liverani summarises that there was no intention to convert others to the worship of Ashur, only that Ashur should be recognized as the most powerful god and fit to rule over others.[73]

Olmstead believed that the imposition of the weapon of Ashur onto provinces and client states implies a forced worship of Ashur, but Holloway disagreed, mentioning the usage of the weapon of Ashur in Old Assyrian times, believes the main purpose of the weapon is to serve as a witness to the adê-oaths.[74] Liverani also believes the weapon to have had a celebratory function rather than a cultic one.[75]

A recent discovery in the provincial capital city of Kullania uncovered a copy of Esarhaddon's succession treaty inside a temple, next to a pedestal. The tablet itself is inscribed in a way that the obverse and reverse are both readable when stood on its short side, in contrast to the other Assyrian treaty tablets, where you had to flip the tablet horizontally to read the reverse. This along with the location of the discovery suggests that the tablet was considered an object of worship.[76] It's uncertain whether this was an innovation during Esarhaddon's reign or if it was already practised prior.[77]

Within Babylonia, outside of the rare mentions of offerings to Ashur after putting down a rebellion, there are no holy structures such as shrines and temples dedicated to Ashur in Babylonia,[78] nor were there mentions of Assyrian cults established in the Babylonian temples.[79] von Soden had suggested before that the Babylonians purposefully rejected Ashur, but Frame disagrees, and argues that since Ashur was the national god of Assyria with barely any character of his own, the average Babylonians probably just didn’t care much about him.[80]

The universal imperial ideology surrounding Ashur is suggested to have influenced Judah's own religious discourse surrounding Yahweh.[81] Especially within the First Isaiah, ideological discourse surrounding Assyria and the god Ashur were said to be adapted to Yahweh in an effort to counter Assyria,[82][83] and the trend of depicting kings of powerful foreign empires as servants of Yahweh started with the Assyrian kings.[84]

The city of Assur was sacked by the Median forces in 614 BCE, and the Temple of Ashur was destroyed in the process.[77]

Post Imperial Assyria

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After the fall of the Assyrian state, a small independent sanctuary dedicated to Anshar was attested in Neo-Babylonian Uruk, which can be understood to be a cult dedicated to the Assyrian god Ashur.[85] The grammatically Assyrian names, as well as the mention of "the city" (referring to Assur) points to a community of Assyrians during the time in Uruk.[86] The cult was likely introduced naturally without coercion as Assyrian rulers didn't impose the cult of Ashur on conquered territories, and a strong pro-Assyrian faction was attested in Uruk during the rebellion of Nabopolassar.[4] Beaulieu also suggests another reason to be that Anshar (Ashur) may have been equated with Anu.[4] Although references to the sanctuary all come from the 6th century BCE, It is unknown when the sanctuary to Ashur in Uruk was established. Beaulieu had suggested that it may have been introduced in the 7th century BCE by the strong pro-Assyrian party, as evidenced by the name of a qēpu known as Aššur-bēl-uṣur.[87] Radner disagrees, as qēpus were directly appointed by the Assyrian kings and generally seen as outsiders, providing no evidence for a sanctuary to Ashur during that time, and argues that the sanctuary was likely established by refugees from Assyria.[88]

After Cyrus the Great conquered Babylon, he claimed to have returned the gods from Assur, Susa, Akkad, Eshnunna, Zamban, Me-Turan, Der and the Zagros Mountains back to their original places, along with their people as per the Cyrus Cylinder.[89] Radner argues that the new temple on top of the old destroyed Ashur temple, called "Temple A" by the excavator Walter Andrae, may have been a new temple to Ashur built after the return of the statue of Ashur,[89] and the usage of old cuneiform texts to build the temple can be seen as an appreciation for the past.[90] Shaudig, on the other hand, believes that Temple A was built during the Neo-Babylonian times,[91] and disagrees with Radner that the pre-Parthian Temple A was built to honour the history of Assyria,[92] and the usage of the ancient texts as flooring implies a more mocking stance.[93]

During the Seleucid period Ashur (rendered Assor) also appears as the theophoric component in Aramaic names.[94] One of the attested names was Ahhiy-Assor (lit. my brother is Ashur) may indicate that Ashur was now seen as more approachable.[95] In the Parthian period, a group of iwans were constructed over the ruins of the old Ashur temple. Worshippers scratched the names of the deities on the third iwan, and among the deities the gods Ashur and Šerua appeared the most often.[96] A Parthian era building was also erected on the ruins of Sennacherib's akītu house following a similar ground plan, indicating the survival of the cult.[97]

Characteristics and Iconography

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Ashur is a god intrinsically associated with his city. The inscription of Zarriqum, the Ur III governor of Assur, writes Aššur with both the divine determinative and geographical determinative. However, this spelling is not attested in subsequent royal inscriptions,[98] reappearing once in a treaty between the king of Assur and the king of Tikunani.[30] Old Assyrian documents from Anatolia are sometimes unclear with the usage of determinatives, lacking a distinction between the city and the god.[99] He also lacks characteristics, stock epithets or a divine persona in general,[100] and no early mythology surrounding Ashur is known.[101] He has no attributes and traits, solely representing the city (and later the state) and its power.[102]

Lambert had suggested that the god Ashur was the deified hill upon which the city of Assur was built.[5] It is also likely that the cliff over the Tigris river near the city of Assur was the original cult place of Ashur.[103]

A possible representation of Ashur in Old Assyrian seals is the bull altar motif, which appears commonly in seals from Kanesh[104] and also in Assur,[105] with the motif appearing on seals belonging to high officials in Assur.[106] The bull altar can also be the subject of worship on the seal and occasionally replaces the crescent in the presentation scenes.[107] A similar motif is found in the seal of the city hall, which depicts a goddess standing in front of a mountain with a bull head. Since the seal is said to also belong to the divine Ashur, it is likely that the bull represents Ashur.[108][109]

A relief found in a well in the inner courtyard of the temple of Ashur in the city of Assur portrays a mountain god flanked by two water-goddesses. Cones growing from the side of the figure, which were being nibbled by two goats. The figure's nose and mouth were badly damaged, suggesting that it was deliberately vandalised and thrown into the well along with other debris following the conquest of the city of Assur in 614 BCE.[110] There is good evidence to suggest that the figure in question is the god Ashur,[111] especially once you consider that the image was specifically mutilated and thrown down a well.[112]

The wild goat is suggested to be the sacred animal of Ashur.[113] The goat appears several times as a symbol in Assyrian cylinder seals,[114] and also in Neo-Assyrian art such as the royal pavilions of Ashurnasirpal and Shalmaneser III.[111] The cone could also be considered to be a symbol of Ashur.[115] The Neo-Assyrian sun disc is generally viewed to represent Ashur. However, some scholars argue that the disc represents something else, such as another god,[116] or that it represents Shamash instead.[117] Similarly, the chariot standard is also argued to represent another god.[116]

Ashur was never consulted oracularly in the Neo-Assyrian period, and never appeared in Akkadian exorcism literature. [118] However, in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser III, the king claimed that Ashur gave him oracular consent by confirmation through an omen before each campaign.[119]

Family and relationships

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In contrast to many other gods, Ashur lacks original familial connections.[120] Mullissu, who is to be identified with Ninlil, reflects instead the identification of Ashur with Enlil,[e] and it is the same for Ninurta and Zababa, sons of Enlil who were occasionally identified as Ashur's sons.[120] The only native relative of Ashur is the goddess Šerua, but Assyrian sources are divisive on whether she was Ashur's wife, daughter,[120] or sister.[122] Šerua was referred to as Ashur's daughter by Tukulti-Ninurta I, but later Tiglath-pileser III referred to her as Ashur's wife,[123] and a Neo-Assyrian text claims that Šerua should not be referred to as Ashur's daughter but as his wife instead.[124]

Tallqvist, when studying Old Assyrian inscriptions, noted that different manifestations of Ishtar are occasionally mentioned alongside Ashur and concluded that Ishtar was seen as Ashur's wife in the Old Assyrian Period. However, Meinhold finds this unlikely as Ishtar only came to be seen as Ashur's consort or wife during the Neo-Assyrian Period.[125][f] Another Neo-Assyrian text claims Ishtar of Arbela to be Ashur's daughter.[128]

In a bilingual prayer of Tukulti-Ninurta I to the god Ashur, Nusku is listed as Ashur's vizier.[27]

In the Assyrian recension of the Enuma Elish, Ashur's parents were listed as Lahmu and Lahamu. However, subsequent inscriptions from Sennacherib claimed that Ashur effectively created himself, which is reaffirmed in the so-called "Marduk Ordeal" that claimed Ashur came into being from nothingness.[129]

The cult of Assur

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The Temple of Assur

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The main temple of Assur is located atop a rocky outcrop overlooking the city of the same name and the surrounding plain. It is set apart from the other sacred monuments of the city, which are located further west, separated by the Old Palace, the oldest of the Assyrian royal palaces[130].

The oldest foundation inscriptions indicate that the temple was built in the second half of the 20th century BCE, during the reign of Erishum I, whose ceremonial name was "Wild Bull" (in Akkadian rimum)[131]. It was rebuilt around 1800 BCE by Shamshi-Adad I, who in his inscriptions refers to it as a temple of Enlil and gives it the ceremonial name "Wild Bull House of the Lands" (in Sumerian é-am-kurkurra)[132]. Archaeologists have not identified any earlier stages of the temple’s development[133]. The temple was approximately 108 meters by 54 meters, oriented southwest to northwest. It consisted of an initial unit built to the southwest around a small courtyard. The central part of the structure featured another set of rooms organized around a larger courtyard measuring 37 meters by 31 meters. This courtyard led through a northeastern doorway into a transverse cella (28 meters by 8 meters) that housed the statue of the god. On the southeast side of the temple, there was a trapezoidal courtyard, enclosed by walls measuring approximately 70 meters by 190 meters at their maximum lengths[134] · [135].

The temple was rebuilt several times under the Middle Assyrian kings, especially under Shalmaneser I (1275–1245 BCE), after the building was ravaged by fire. He added a new courtyard to the southwest of the structure, extending its length to 140 meters[136]. An inscription from this king recounts previous constructions and restorations:

At that time, the "Mountain House of the Lands" (é-hursag-kurkurra), the old temple that Ushpia, my ancestor, vicar of the god Assur, had built, (and when) it fell into disrepair, Erishum, my ancestor, vicar of the god Assur, rebuilt it, (and after) 159 years had passed, Shamshi-Adad, also my ancestor (and) vicar of the god Assur, rebuilt it. 580 years passed and the temple was destroyed in a fire. I cleared (the debris of) this temple down to its foundations. I made its foundations (solid) like the base of a mountain. I added two towers to it that had not been built before. I greatly expanded it beyond the previous court of the god Nunnamnir and the expansion of the court of the god Assur, my lord. I set seats and cult platforms in their sanctuaries (and) I placed all the gods of the "Mountain House" (é-kur) there. I deposited my monumental and clay inscriptions there.

When Assur was assimilated with the god Enlil, the sanctuary was given the official names of Enlil's great temple in Nippur, namely the "House of the Totality" (é-šarra) and the "Mountain House" (é-kur). The cella of the temple was called the "Mountain House of the Lands" (é-hursag-kurkurra)[137]. The last major renovation of the temple took place during the reign of Sennacherib (704–681 BCE), who added a new unit to the northeast with its own cella, creating a new doorway on the east side connected to the cella of Assur[138]. The texts explain the purpose of this new annex, which was part of the theological and ritual changes introduced during this reign, for the akitu ritual that was established at that time: it housed the "dais of destinies," the place where the destiny of the world was proclaimed[139].

A passage reserved for the king directly connected the temple to the Old Palace, on the north side of the city, along the wall, where there was also access to a stairway leading down to the branch of the Tigris River below[130].

To the west of the temple of Assur, a large ziggurat, with a square base measuring about 61 meters per side, was erected, probably during the reign of Shamshi-Adad I. A second phase of construction likely occurred during the sanctuary's reconstruction under Shalmaneser I, as foundation deposits in the form of metal discs bearing his name have been found at the building’s corners. This ziggurat was unique among Assyrian ziggurats in being an isolated structure, not attached to a temple. Severely eroded after the city’s fall in 614 BCE, it was later transformed into a fortress during the Parthian period and is poorly understood. It is unknown how access to the top of the building was achieved, as no external stairs have been identified[140] · [141]. Its ceremonial name was the "Mountain House of the Universe" (é-aratta-kišarra).

Assyrian texts help identify the function of various buildings and rooms within the sanctuary and also reveal the existence of other locations that have not been excavated or identified. Particularly, topographical texts provide a list of the deities worshipped in the sanctuary and parts of the complex: the "Divine Directory of Assur" (Götteradressbuch) and the "List of the Temples of Esharra"[142]. It is difficult to match the textual and archaeological data beyond the main cult rooms of the temple. However, they show that, as was customary in great Mesopotamian temples, Assur was worshipped alongside members of his divine circle (mostly derived from Enlil's circle), who had chapels or at least cult installations: his consort Ninlil/Mullissu; the goddess Sheru’a, sometimes presented as his daughter, sometimes as his consort; the warrior god Ninurta, considered his son in Assyria; Nusku, the great vizier of the king of the gods; Kak(k)a, another vizier and messenger of the gods. Ritual texts also mention chapels for the great sovereign gods Enlil and Dagan, but these were not necessarily located within the sanctuary complex (Dagan's cult site seems to have been in the Old Palace)[143]. Identifying other rooms within the structure is difficult, particularly because it is hard to distinguish between cult spaces and utility rooms, such as storage rooms, kitchens, breweries, workshops, etc.[144] · [145].

The gates and large courtyards of the sanctuary were also imbued with a sacred character[146]. The main courtyard (the one located to the south of the temple) was named the "Lead Courtyard of the Apsû", in reference to the domain of subterranean waters. A monumental basin decorated with fish-men was found there, likely dedicated to the god personifying the river and his wife, used in rituals[147][148].

Excavators at the site uncovered several batches of tablets within the sanctuary area. A 13th-century BCE archive, mainly administrative, was found northeast of the temple courtyard. Another archive of around 650 tablets, dated to a slightly later period, was discovered in ten ceramic jars southwest of the courtyard, documenting provincial offerings to the temple. Hundreds of tablets were also found in the western part of the sanctuary, stored in the Neo-Assyrian period. These included about sixty literary tablets from the Middle Assyrian era, possibly from an ancient library. The Neo-Assyrian tablets are mostly administrative, related to cult activities, with a few letters also found in the collectionPedersén, Olof (1998). Archives and Libraries in the Ancient Near East 1500-300 BC. Bethesda: CDL Press. p. 83-85 et 132.. Other Neo-Assyrian private archives and libraries discovered elsewhere in the city were produced by clergy members or people working for the temple, providing insights into the cult of Assur[149].

During the renovation of Assur's buildings and the modification of its cult, Sennacherib added a structure intended to be incorporated into the god's rituals, the Bīt Akītu, located 200 meters outside the city's walls to the northwest. This mirrored the Babylonian model of a building serving as the endpoint for the procession of divine statues during the New Year ritual (akītu). The building was connected to the temple of Assur by a processional way passing through the temple and palace district, crossing the wall through the Tabira Gate. The building had two phases, both dated to Sennacherib's reign, with the first construction destroyed by fire. It was bordered by gardens (irrigation traces were found) and measured 55 by 60 meters in its first phase and 67 by 60 in the second. Both were organized around a large central courtyard leading to a colonnade that opened into a vast transverse hall about 30 meters long, likely the cella of the building meant for the assembly of divine statues[150][151]. A foundation inscription by Sennacherib records that he decorated it with a bronze door depicting the god Assur's battle against Tiamat and her army of demons, a task requiring the approval of the oracle gods[152] This building was ceremonially named "House Where Tiamat is Slain" (é-abba-ugga)[153]. Its location outside the city, in an uninhabited steppe area, symbolized the chaos brought by Tiamat, which Assur conquered to restore order[154].

Clergy and Administration of the Temple

[edit]

Although the Assyrian king was occasionally referred to as holding the "priesthood" of the god Assur, the šangu ("priest") of the god Assur was typically another individual, head of the sanctuary and its clergy. His primary role was to direct religious activities, including the organization and execution of major rituals. He also led processions, performed purification and sacrifice rituals, and represented the god during important ceremonies such as coronations and oath-taking. Additionally, he served as the temple's chief administrator and could hold judicial authority, making him a prominent figure in the kingdom[155]Jakob, Stefan (2003). Mittelassyrische Verwaltung und Sozialstruktur (in German). Leiden: Brill. p. 509-513.[156].

The priest of Assur was supported by a hierarchical organization, as evidenced by a list dating to the reign of Shalmaneser III (858–824 BCE)[157]. Below the head priest was a "deputy priest" or "second priest," responsible for assisting in general affairs and acting in his absence, followed by the temple scribe and steward, who managed the temple's resources (non-religious personnel, stores, workshops, lands, animals, etc.). The presence of other šangû priests dedicated to specific deities or aspects of worship, such as a šangû of Sheru'a or a šangû overseeing sacrificial meals, is also noted[158]. In the Middle Assyrian period, provincial offerings were managed by officials titled "supervisors of offerings" (rab ginā'ē), who had their own subordinates[159].

Part of the temple personnel specialized in ritual execution and required technical texts, leading to the establishment of libraries. The temple's exorcists, including notable figures like Kiṣir-Assur and his family in the 7th century BCE, were among the kingdom's leading ritual specialists. Their family library provides critical documentation on Assyrian rituals, including the copying and writing of temple texts[160]. Another library, found in the house of the temple's chief chanters, contained primarily hymns[161].

The temple's economic activities are also documented. Multiple references mention the "workshop" (bīt mummi, literally "house of craftsmen"), which was a collection of workshops for artisans working for the temple[162]. A Neo-Assyrian archive details the work of the temple's chief goldsmiths, who were part of the city's elite and possessed significant wealth [163]

Royal Rituals

[edit]

Another characteristic of the cult of Assur is its close connection with Assyrian kings: they are considered the representatives of the god on earth (and to some extent, also their foremost priest). As such, they are required to participate in several major rituals in Assur, each of which is linked to the Assyrian royal ideology.

The ritual of royal coronation is documented for the Middle and Neo-Assyrian periods, primarily through hymns. The limited documentation is surprising given the symbolic importance of this ritual. It takes place at least at the beginning of a king’s reign, largely within the temple of Assur, in the presence of the highest-ranking figures in the kingdom and the assembly of the gods, thereby legitimizing the fact that the human sovereign has received their power from the god. However, it is always emphasized that this god is the true master of the kingdom, as in the rite where a priest slaps the king, reminding him of his inferiority before the god[164]:

[After completing] their blessings, [the magnates and royal eunuchs] place [……] before Assur […]. The king [……] touches the king [……]… The bearers place [the king's throne on their shoulders] and depart for the House of God (the temple of Assur). They enter the [House] of God. The priest of Assur slaps [the king’s face] in their presence and says thus: "Assur is king! Assur is king!" He says it [until] the Gate of Anzû. Having reached the Gate of Anzû, the king enters the House of God[165].

Afterward, the king offers stones to the gods, then receives the royal insignia: the priest places the crowns of Assur and Mullissu on his head before reminding him of his mission to ensure the greatness and prosperity of Assyria. Once the king is confirmed in his role, the kingdom's magnates and other crown servants are also confirmed, reaffirming the hierarchical order from the god down to ordinary officials, through the intermediary of the king[166].

The tākultu is another major ritual that signifies the relationship between the gods and royal power in Assyria. It takes the form of a banquet during which the great gods of Assyria, particularly those of the city of Assur and its national god, are invited by the king. By invoking the main gods of the empire, the ritual celebrates the unity of the imperial territory around its god, whom it presents as a universal deity, uniting the other gods of the subjugated lands as his aspects. The blessings also serve to remind the people of the king’s role as the earthly representative of the god Assur[167].

A major ritual cycle of the cult of Assur and the eponymous city begins during the eleventh month, Sabattu, and continues for the next two months, Addaru and Nisannu, the latter marking the start of the year. During this festive period, several offering rituals led by the king, who wears the crown of the god Assur symbolizing his investiture by the god, take place in the sanctuary of Assur and other sacred sites in the city, such as temples and palaces. The statue of the god Assur is brought out of his temple in processions. On the 23rd of Sabattu, the king performs a rite of "mouth opening," a ceremony typically intended to bring a cult statue to life. In this case, however, it symbolically transforms the king’s body into the receiver of royalty, reaffirming his authority conferred by the god Assur. The statue of the god Assur is then taken to the "House of Dagan," probably located in the Old Palace (or a part of his sanctuary), where various rituals marked by significant offerings take place over four days. The statue returns to its temple along with the other deities at the beginning of Addaru. This momentous occasion is sometimes concluded by divine birth or sacred marriage rites, depending on the period[168].

This period of festivities culminates in the akitu New Year festival at the beginning of the month of Nisannu, introduced during the reign of Sennacherib based on the Babylonian model. It spans eleven days and commemorates the god's triumph (Marduk first, then Assur) over the forces of chaos led by Tiamat and his ascension to the status of king of the gods, as told in the myth Enuma Elish. Again, this ritual is fundamentally linked to sovereignty, with the king present. The divine battle is commemorated, if not reenacted, during the rituals held in the akitu temple, where Assur’s statue is carried in a grand procession traversing the city from east to west[169].

Texts and literature

[edit]

Marduk Ordeal

[edit]
Main article: Marduk § Marduk Ordeal

Written in the Assyrian dialect,[170] versions of the so called Marduk Ordeal Text are known from Assur, Nimrud and Nineveh.[62] Using sceneries and language familiar to the procession of the Akitu Festival, here Marduk is instead being held responsible for crimes committed against Ashur and was subject to a river ordeal and imprisonment.[62] Nabu arrives in Babylon looking for his father Marduk, and Tashmetum prayed to Sin and Shamash.[171] Meanwhile, Marduk was being held captive, the color red on his clothes was reinterpreted to be his blood, and the case was brought forward to the god Ashur. The city of Babylon also seemingly rebelled against Marduk, and Nabu learned that Marduk was taken to the river ordeal. Marduk claims that everything was done for the good of the god Ashur and prays to the gods to let him live, while Sarpanit was the one who prays to let Marduk live in the Ninevite version.[172] After various alternate cultic commentaries, the Assyrian version of the Enuma Elish was recited, proclaiming Ashur's superiority.[173]

Assyrian Enuma Elish

[edit]
Main article: Enuma Elish

The content of the Assyrian recension of the Enuma Elish remains largely the same, except that Marduk was replaced by Ashur, written as Anshar. This creates a dilemma where two Anshars are attested in the myth, one being the old king of the gods, and one being the great-grandson, the new king of the gods. Lambert attributed this inconsistency to poor narrative skills, although Frahm believes that this was intentional, to give Ashur both genealogical superiority and political superiority.[174]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ Similarly, the god Tishpak was also sometimes addressed with Ur III royal titles.[12]
  2. ^ In the actual treaties however, gods from both parties were invoked, indicating that gods from both parties needed to be present for the treaty to work[57]
  3. ^ Although the writing AN.ŠÁR for Ashur was first attested in an inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I.
  4. ^ In another copy, the relationship of Marduk as Ashur's son was not stated. It could be that this other copy was intended for the Babylonian audience, who may not have accepted the drastic change in Marduk's genealogy.[68]
  5. ^ However, Mullissu gradually became a title for the wife of Ashur[121]
  6. ^ Three main Ishtars shared the title of Mullissu in late Assyrian texts, being Ishtar of Assur, Ishtar of Arbela and Ishtar of Nineveh.[126] Assyrian texts do not always make it clear which Ishtar they are referring to.[127]

Citations

[edit]
  1. ^ "Sumerian dictionary entry Aššur [1] (DN)". oracc.iaas.upenn.edu. Archived from the original on 2020-07-25. Retrieved 2020-06-19.
  2. ^ Hirsch 1961, p. 6.
  3. ^ a b Beaulieu 1997, p. 64.
  4. ^ a b c Beaulieu 2003, p. 332.
  5. ^ a b Lambert 1983, p. 85.
  6. ^ a b Valk 2018, p. 107.
  7. ^ Maul 2017, p. 338.
  8. ^ Valk 2018, p. 127.
  9. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 103.
  10. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 108.
  11. ^ a b Veenhof & Eidem 2008, p. 104.
  12. ^ a b c d Eppihimer 2013, p. 42.
  13. ^ Eppihimer 2013, p. 43.
  14. ^ Valk 2018, p. 128.
  15. ^ Valk 2018, p. 154-155.
  16. ^ Valk 2018, p. 137.
  17. ^ Veenhof & Eidem 2008, p. 56.
  18. ^ a b Veenhof & Eidem 2008, p. 103.
  19. ^ Valk 2018, p. 139.
  20. ^ Veenhof & Eidem 2008, p. 155.
  21. ^ Cogan 1974, p. 53.
  22. ^ Holloway 2002, p. 167-168.
  23. ^ Cogan 1974, p. 54.
  24. ^ Valk 2018, p. 170-171.
  25. ^ Stepniowski 2003, p. 235.
  26. ^ Valk 2018, p. 172.
  27. ^ a b Meinhold 2014, p. 142.
  28. ^ a b Valk 2018, p. 173.
  29. ^ Valk 2018, p. 173-174.
  30. ^ a b Valk 2018, p. 129.
  31. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 393.
  32. ^ Grayson 1985, p. 12.
  33. ^ a b Pongratz-Leisten 2011, p. 110.
  34. ^ Maul 2017, p. 344.
  35. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 393-394.
  36. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 394.
  37. ^ Valk 2018, p. 200.
  38. ^ Valk 2018, p. 202.
  39. ^ Valk 2018, p. 203-204.
  40. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 203.
  41. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 138.
  42. ^ Valk 2018, p. 204.
  43. ^ Valk 2018, p. 206.
  44. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2011, p. 112.
  45. ^ a b Valk 2018, p. 208.
  46. ^ Liverani 2017, p. 13.
  47. ^ Machinist 1976, p. 469-470.
  48. ^ Machinist 1976, p. 467.
  49. ^ Machinist 1976, p. 474.
  50. ^ a b Gilibert 2008, p. 181.
  51. ^ Gilibert 2008, p. 180.
  52. ^ a b Gilibert 2008, p. 183.
  53. ^ Karlsson 2015, p. 5.
  54. ^ Holloway 2002, p. 68.
  55. ^ Holloway 2002, p. 73-74.
  56. ^ Liverani 2017, p. 222.
  57. ^ Zaia 2015, p. 27.
  58. ^ Liverani 2017, p. 12.
  59. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 145.
  60. ^ Liverani 2017, p. 14.
  61. ^ a b Liverani 2017, p. 11.
  62. ^ a b c d e Nielsen 2018, p. 98.
  63. ^ Frahm 2010, p. 8.
  64. ^ Porter 1993, p. 120.
  65. ^ Porter 1993, p. 122.
  66. ^ Porter 1993, p. 124.
  67. ^ Porter 1993, p. 124-125.
  68. ^ Porter 1993, p. 125.
  69. ^ Cogan 1974, p. 60.
  70. ^ Cogan 1974, p. 51.
  71. ^ Liverani 2017, p. 220.
  72. ^ Liverani 2017, p. 221.
  73. ^ Liverani 2017, p. 229.
  74. ^ Holloway 2002, p. 67.
  75. ^ Liverani 2017, p. 221-222.
  76. ^ Radner 2017, p. 80-81.
  77. ^ a b Radner 2017, p. 81.
  78. ^ Holloway 2002, p. 66-67.
  79. ^ Holloway 2002, p. 330.
  80. ^ Frame 1995, p. 63.
  81. ^ Frahm 2017, p. 561.
  82. ^ Aster 2017, p. 19.
  83. ^ Aster 2017, p. 39.
  84. ^ Levine 2005, p. 423.
  85. ^ Beaulieu 1997, p. 61.
  86. ^ Beaulieu 1997, p. 60-61.
  87. ^ Beaulieu 1997, p. 61-62.
  88. ^ Radner 2017, p. 84.
  89. ^ a b Radner 2017, p. 85.
  90. ^ Radner 2017, p. 89.
  91. ^ Schaudig 2018, p. 621-622.
  92. ^ Schaudig 2018, p. 628.
  93. ^ Schaudig 2018, p. 629.
  94. ^ Livingstone 2009, p. 152.
  95. ^ Livingstone 2009, p. 154.
  96. ^ Haider 2008, p. 197.
  97. ^ Livingstone 2009, p. 156.
  98. ^ Valk 2018, p. 105.
  99. ^ Lambert 1983, p. 83.
  100. ^ Lambert 1983, p. 82-83.
  101. ^ Valk 2018, p. 106.
  102. ^ Maul 2017, p. 339.
  103. ^ Maul 2017, p. 340.
  104. ^ Lassen 2017, p. 182.
  105. ^ Lassen 2017, p. 183.
  106. ^ Lassen 2017, p. 185.
  107. ^ Lassen 2017, p. 181.
  108. ^ Lassen 2017, p. 187.
  109. ^ Veenhof 2017, p. 73.
  110. ^ Reade & Freydank 2000, p. 106.
  111. ^ a b Reade & Freydank 2000, p. 108.
  112. ^ Reade & Freydank 2000, p. 111.
  113. ^ Ungen 1965, p. 437.
  114. ^ Ungen 1965, p. 439-441.
  115. ^ Reade & Freydank 2000, p. 109.
  116. ^ a b Holloway 2002, p. 66.
  117. ^ Ungen 1965, p. 463.
  118. ^ Holloway 2002, p. 65.
  119. ^ Liverani 2017, p. 16.
  120. ^ a b c Lambert 1983, p. 82.
  121. ^ Meinhold 2014, p. 144.
  122. ^ Krebernik 2011, p. 400.
  123. ^ Meinhold 2014, p. 145.
  124. ^ Meinhold 2014, p. 146.
  125. ^ Meinhold 2014, p. 141.
  126. ^ Porter 2004, p. 42.
  127. ^ Porter 2004, p. 43.
  128. ^ Meinhold 2014, p. 147.
  129. ^ Meinhold 2014, p. 143.
  130. ^ a b Maul 2017, p. 346.
  131. ^ Grayson 1987, p. 20.
  132. ^ Grayson 1987, p. 49.
  133. ^ P. A. Miglus, “Der Aššur-Tempel des Königs Šamšī-Adad I. und die mesopotamische Sakralarchitektur seiner Zeit,” in J.-W. Meyer et al. (eds.), Beiträge zur Vorderasiatischen Archäologie Winfried Orthmann gewidmet, Frankfurt, 2013, pp. 322–331.
  134. ^ J. Margueron, "Sanctuaries sémitiques" in Supplément au Dictionnaire de la Bible, fasc. 64 B-65, 1991, cols. 1173–1175
  135. ^ J. Russell, "Assyrian Cities and Architecture" in Frahm (ed.) 2017, p. 428.
  136. ^ J. Russell, "Assyrian Cities and Architecture" in Frahm (ed.) 2017, p. 431.
  137. ^ Villard 2001, p. 98.
  138. ^ J. Russell, "Assyrian Cities and Architecture" in Frahm (ed.) 2017, p. 449.
  139. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 417.
  140. ^ J. Russell, "Assyrian Cities and Architecture" in Frahm (ed.) 2017, pp. 428 and 431.
  141. ^ P. A. Miglus, “Zur Grossen Ziqqurrat in Assur,” in Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 117, 1985, pp. 21–45
  142. ^ Andrew R. George, Babylonian Topographical Texts, Louvain, Leuven Departement Oriëntalistiek, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 1992, pp. 167–191 (edition) and 455–470 (commentary).
  143. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, pp. 410–411.
  144. ^ van Driel 1969, pp. 37–45.
  145. ^ Identification of deities and their roles from Douglas R. Frayne, Johanna H. Stuckey, A Handbook of Gods and Goddesses of the Ancient Near East: Three Thousand Deities of Anatolia, Syria, Israel, Sumer, Babylonia, Assyria, and Elam, Eisenbrauns, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, 2021.
  146. ^ van Driel 1969, p. 45-50.
  147. ^ van Driel 1969, p. 46.
  148. ^ George 1992, p. 468.
  149. ^ Villard 2007, § 17-25.
  150. ^ J. Margueron, "Sanctuaires sémitiques", in Supplément au Dictionnaire de la Bible, fasc. 64 B-65, 1991, col. 1199
  151. ^ P. A. Miglus, "Architektur der Festhäuser in Assur und Uruk sowie des Aššur‐Tempels in Kār‐Tukultī-Ninurta", in Baghdader Mitteilungen 24, 1993, p. 193–215
  152. ^ Grayson, A. Kirk; Novotny, Jamie (2014). The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704–681 BC), Part 2. The Royal Inscription of the Neo-Assyrian Period. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. p. 222-225..
  153. ^ Grayson & Novotny 2014, p. 224.
  154. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 420-421.
  155. ^ van Driel 1969, p. 175-179.
  156. ^ Villard 2007, § 30-36.
  157. ^ Villard 2007, § 27-29.
  158. ^ Villard 2007, § 37-45.
  159. ^ Postgate 2013, p. 92-95.
  160. ^ Villard 2007, § 46-48 et 18.
  161. ^ Villard 2007, § 21.
  162. ^ Jakob 2003, p. 383.
  163. ^ Ouvrage|K. Radner, Ein neuassyrisches Privatarchiv der Tempelgoldschmiede von Assur, Saarbrücken, 1999
  164. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 435-438.
  165. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 438.
  166. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 438-441.
  167. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 392-407.
  168. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 407-416.
  169. ^ Pongratz-Leisten 2015, p. 416-426.
  170. ^ Frymer-Kensky 1983, p. 131.
  171. ^ Frymer-Kensky 1983, p. 134.
  172. ^ Livingstone 1989, p. 88.
  173. ^ Livingstone 1989, p. 85.
  174. ^ Frahm 2010, p. 9.

References

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  • Veenhof, Klaas R. (2017). "Chapter 3: The Old Assyrian Period (20th–18th Century bce)". In Frahm, Eckart (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Wiley Blackwell. pp. 336–358. doi:10.1002/9781118325216.ch3.
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