Jump to content

User:Twillm93/sandbox

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Human Rights[edit]

Due to the instability of anocratic regimes, human rights violations are significantly higher within anocracies than democratic regimes.[1][2][3] According to Maplecroft’s 2014 Human Rights Risk Atlas, eight of the top ten worst human rights violating countries are anocracies.[4] [5] In addition, the report categorized every current anocracy as “at risk” or at “extreme risk” of human rights offenses.[6]

The high correlation between anocratic regimes and human rights abuses denotes the nonlinear progression in a country’s transition from an autocracy to a democracy.[7] [8] [9][10] Generally, human rights violations substantially decrease when a certain threshold of full democracy is reached.[11] [12]However, human rights abuses tend to remain the same, or even increase, as countries move from an autocratic to an anocratic regime.[13] [14][15]

During the revolutions of the Arab Spring, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, all made relative progress towards more democratic regimes.[16] With many of the authoritarian practices of their governments remaining, the states currently fall under the category of anocracies.[17] They are also listed as some of the most extreme human rights violating countries in the world.[18] [19] These violations include, but are not limited to, torture, police brutality, slavery, discrimination, unfair trials, and restricted freedom of expression.[20][21] Research has shown that political protests, such as those that occurred during the Arab Spring, generally lead to an increase in human right violations as the existing government tries to retain power and influence over governmental opposition.[22][23] [24][25][26] Therefore, transitioning governments tend to have high levels of human rights abuses.[27][28]

In their annual Freedom in the World report, Freedom House scored state’s violations of civil liberties on a seven-point scale, with a score of seven representing the highest percentage of violations.[29]Freedom House defined civil liberty violations as the infringement of freedom of expression, associational and organizational rights, rule of law, and individual rights.[30] While most consolidated democracies received scores of one, almost all anocracies were scored between four and six, due to the high percentage of civil liberties violations within most anocratic regimes.[31]

Violence[edit]

Statistics show that anocracies are ten times more likely to experience intrastate conflict than democracies, and twice as likely as autocracies.[32] One explanation for the increase in violence and conflict within anocracies is a theory known as More Murder in the Middle (MMM).[33][34] The theory argues that the unstable characteristics of anocratic regimes, which include the presence of divided elites, inequality, and violent challengers who threaten the legitimacy of the current social order, cause governing elite to resort to political repression or state terror at a much higher rate than democratic or authoritarian regimes. [35][36][37][38] This leads to high levels of what are termed "life-integrity violations"[39] [40][41]which include state-sponsored genocide, extrajudicial executions, and torture.[42][43][44][45][46][47][48]

State life-integrity violations can be categorized as acts of state-terror.[49][50][51]Acts of terrorism by both governmental and outside groups are generally higher in transitioning, anocratic, governments than in either democratic or authoritarian regimes.[52][53]Harvard Public Policy Professor Alberto Abadie argues that the tight control of authoritarian regime is likely to discourage terrorist activities within the state. However, without the stability of a clear authoritarian rule or a consolidated democracy, anocracies are more open and susceptible to terrorist attacks.[54][55] He notes that in Iraq, and previously in Spain and Russia, transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy were accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism.[56][57] According to the Political terror scale (PTS ), a data set which ranks state sponsored violence on a five-point scale, almost every anocracy is ranked as having a score between three and five.[58] On the scale, a score of three indicates a state where "there is extensive political imprisonment, or a recent history of such imprisonment. Execution or other political murders and brutality may be common. Unlimited detention, with or without a trial, for political views is accepted."[59] States are ranked as a four when,"civil and political rights violations have expanded to large numbers of the population. Murders, disappearances,and torture are a common part of life. In spite of its generality, on this level terror affects those who interest themselves in politics or ideas."[60] Scores of five are given to states where, "terror has expanded to the whole population. The leaders of these societies place no limits on the means or thoroughness with which they pursue personal or ideological goals."[61]While only eleven states were given scores of five in the 2012 Political Terror Scale report, four of those states, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan, were classified by the Polity data series as anocracies.[62][63]

  1. ^ Vreeland, James Raymond (2008). The Effect of Political Regime on Civil War: Unpacking Anocracy. Journal of Conflict Resolution, Issue 52, No. 3, 401-425. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/27638616
  2. ^ Davenport, C., & Armstrong, D. A. (2004). Democracy and the violation of human rights: A statistical analysis from 1976 to 1996. American Journal of Political Science, Volume, 48, Issue 3, 538-554. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1519915
  3. ^ Landman, Todd. (2005, July). The Political Science of Human Rights. British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 35, No. 3, 549-572. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/4092244
  4. ^ Maplecroft 2014 Global Risk Analytics, Maplecroft Home. Retrieved from http://maplecroft.com/about/news/ccvi.html.
  5. ^ Gates, Sara (4, December 2014). The 10 Worst Countries For Human Rights. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/12/03/human-rights-risk-atlas-2014-violations-maplecroft_n_4374133.html
  6. ^ Maplecroft 2014 Global Risk Analytics
  7. ^ Fein, Helen (1995). Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987. "Human Rights Quarterly" Vol 7:1, 170-191.Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/v017/17.1fein.html
  8. ^ Zanger, Sabine. (2000, March). A Global Analysis of the Effect of Political Regime Changes on Life Integrity Violations, 1977-93. Journal of Peace Reaserch, Vol. 37, No. 2, 213-233 Retrieved from http://www.jstor.ort/stable/424921
  9. ^ Davenport, Christian (1996). Constitutional Promises' and Repressive Reality: A Cross-National Time-Series Investigation of Why Political and Civil Liberties are Suppressed. Journal of Politics 58(3) 627–54. Retrieved from http://www.gvpt.umd.edu/davenport/jop1996.pdf
  10. ^ Gartner, S S & Regan P M. (1996) Threat and repression: the non-linear relationship between government and opposition violence, "Journal of Peace Research", Volume 33, Issue 3, 273–288. Retrieved from:http://www.jstor.org/stable/425316
  11. ^ Christian Davenport and David A. Armstrong (2004). Democracy and the Violation of Human Rights: A Statistical Analysis from 1976 to 1996 II American Journal of Political Science Vol. 48, No. 3, 538-554. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1519915
  12. ^ Dahl, Robert (1966). Political Opposition in Western Democracies."Yale University Press".
  13. ^ Patrick M. Regan and Errol A. Henderson (2002). Democracy, Threats and Political Repression in Developing Countries: Are Democracies Internally Less Violent? "Third World Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 1 , 119-136. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3993579
  14. ^ Landman, Todd. (2005, July).
  15. ^ King, John. 1998. Repression, Domestic Threat, and Interactions in Argentina and Chile. Journal of Political and Military Sociology Volume 25, Issue 2, 1–27. Retrieved from http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/1390754/repression-domestic-threat-interactions-argentina-chile
  16. ^ Brown, Nathan J. Hamzawy, Amr. (2007). Arab Spring Fever. The National Interest, No. 91, 33-40 Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/42896072
  17. ^ Marshall, Monty G. (2014) Polity IV Project:Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800-2013. http://www.systemicpeace.org/polity/polity4.htm
  18. ^ Maplecroft 2014 Global Risk Analytics, Maplecroft Home. Retrieved from http://maplecroft.com/about/news/ccvi.html.
  19. ^ Gates, Sara (2014, December 4). The 10 Worst Countries For Human Rights. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/12/03/human-rights-risk-atlas-2014-violations-maplecroft_n_4374133.html
  20. ^ Williams, Paul; United Nations General Assembly (1981). The International bill of human rights. Entwhistle Books. ISBN 978-0-934558-07-5.
  21. ^ Gates, Sara (2014, December 4). The 10 Worst Countries For Human Rights.
  22. ^ Manuel Antonio Garreton M. (1994), Democratisation and Human Rights. Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol. 26, No. 1, 221-234
  23. ^ Landman, Todd (2005) The Political Science of Human Rights.
  24. ^ Francisco, R. A. (1996). Coercion and protest: An empirical test in two democratic states. American Journal of Political Science, 40(4), 1179-1204. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/196850306?accountid=10141
  25. ^ ein, Helen (1995). Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987. "Human Rights Quarterly" Vol 7:1, 170-191.Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/v017/17.1fein.html
  26. ^ Lichbach, Mark Irving, (1987). Deterrence or Escalation? The Puzzle of Aggregate Studies of Repression and Dissent, Journal of Conflict Resolution Volume 31, Issue 2, 266-297. Retrieved from http://www.gvpt.umd.edu/lichbach/publications/lichbach6.87.pdf
  27. ^ Poe, Steven C. Tate, C. Neal. Keith, Linda Camp. (1999). Repression of the Human Right to Personal Integrity Revisited: A Global Cross-National Study Covering the Years 1976–1993. International Studies Quarterly Volume 43, Issue 2 Retrieved from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00121
  28. ^ Lichbach, Mark. (1984). Regime Change and the Coherence of European Governments. "American Political Science Review" .Retrieved from http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=8975651&fileId=S0003055400184679
  29. ^ Freedom in the World 2014: Aggregate and Subcategory Scores. Freedom House Retrieved from https://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-aggregate-and-subcategory-scores#.VHJum1fF8o
  30. ^ Freedom in the World 2014: Methodology, Freedom in the World 2014. Freedom House. Retrieved from https://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-2014/methodology#.VHJvwFfF8oZ
  31. ^ Freedom in the World 2014: Aggregate and Subcategory Scores. Freedom House
  32. ^ Gehem, M., Marten, P., & Schellekens, M. (2014). Balancing on the Brink: Vulnerability of states in the Middle East and North Africa Hague: The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies, Vol. 3, 23. Retrieved from http://www.hcss.nl/reports/download/146/2456/
  33. ^ Fein, Helen (1995). Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987. "Human Rights Quarterly" Vol 7:1, 170-191.Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/v017/17.1fein.html
  34. ^ Hendrix, Cullen S. Wong, Wendy H. (July, 2013). When Is the Pen Truly Mighty? Regime Type and the Efficacy of Naming and Shaming in Curbing Human Rights Abuses. "British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 43, No. 3, 651-672. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23526248
  35. ^ Fein, Helen (1995). Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987. "Human Rights Quarterly" Vol 7:1, 170-191.Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/v017/17.1fein.html
  36. ^ Gates, Scott. Havard, Heger. Mark P. Jones, and Havard Strand. (2003). Institutional Inconsistency and Political Instability: The Duration of Polities.”Unpublished manuscript, Prio Institute.
  37. ^ Lichbach, Mark. (1984). Regime Change and the Coherence of European Governments. "American Political Science Review" .Retrieved from http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=8975651&fileId=S0003055400184679.
  38. ^ Fein, Helen (1995). Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987. "Human Rights Quarterly" Vol 7:1, 170-191.Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/v017/17.1fein.html
  39. ^ Fein, Helen (1995). Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987. "Human Rights Quarterly" Vol 7:1, 170-191.Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/v017/17.1fein.html
  40. ^ Poe, Steven C. Tate, C. Neal. Keith, Linda Camp. (1999). Repression of the Human Right to Personal Integrity Revisited: A Global Cross-National Study Covering the Years 1976–1993. International Studies Quarterly Volume 43, Issue 2 Retrieved from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00121
  41. ^ Lichbach, Mark. (1984). Regime Change and the Coherence of European Governments. "American Political Science Review" .Retrieved from http://journals.cambridge.org/action/disp
  42. ^ Fein, Helen (1995). Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987. "Human Rights Quarterly" Vol 7:1, 170-191.Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/v017/17.1fein.html
  43. ^ Regan, Patric. Henderson, Errol. (2002). Democracy, Threats and Political Repression in Developing Countries: Are Democracies Internally Less Violent? Third World Quarterly Volume 23, Issue 1, 119–36. Retrieved from: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/01436590220108207
  44. ^ King, John. (1998). Repression, Domestic Threat, and Interactions in Argentina and Chile. Journal of Political and Military Sociology, Volume 25, Issue 2, 1–27.
  45. ^ Spirer, H. F. (1990). Violations of Human Rights—How Many?. American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Volume 49, Issue 2, 199-210. Retrieved from http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1536-7150.1990.tb02272.x/abstract
  46. ^ Poe, Steven C. Tate, C. Neal. Keith, Linda Camp. (1999). Repression of the Human Right to Personal Integrity Revisited: A Global Cross-National Study Covering the Years 1976–1993. International Studies Quarterly Volume 43, Issue 2 Retrieved from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00121
  47. ^ Lichbach, Mark. (1984). Regime Change and the Coherence of European Governments. "American Political Science Review" .Retrieved from http://journals.cambridge.org/action/disp
  48. ^ Fein, Helen (1995). Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987. "Human Rights Quarterly" Vol 7:1, 170-191.Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_rights_quarterly/v017/17.1fein.html
  49. ^ Gibney, Mark. Wood, Reed M. (2010)The Political Terror Scale (PTS): A Re-Introduction and a Comparison to CIRI."Human Rights Quarterly, Volume 32, Issue 2, 367–400. Retrieved from http://www.politicalterrorscale.org/datafiles/hrq%20pts.pdf
  50. ^ Poe, Steven C. Tate, C. Neal. Keith, Linda Camp. (1999). Repression of the Human Right to Personal Integrity Revisited: A Global Cross-National Study Covering the Years 1976–1993. International Studies Quarterly Volume 43, Issue 2 Retrieved from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00121
  51. ^ Lichbach, Mark. (1984). Regime Change and the Coherence of European Governments. "American Political Science Review" .Retrieved from http://journals.cambridge.org/action/disp
  52. ^ Frey, B. S. (2004). Dealing with terrorism: Stick or carrot? Cheltenham, UK ; Northhampton, MA: Edward Elgar Pub. Retrieved from http://www.bsfrey.ch/articles/C_480_08.pdf.
  53. ^ Abadie, A. (2004). Poverty, political freedom, and the roots of terrorism (No. w10859). National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved from http://core.kmi.open.ac.uk/download/pdf/6708194.pdf
  54. ^ >Abadie, A. (2004). Poverty, political freedom, and the roots of terrorism (No. w10859). National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved from http://core.kmi.open.ac.uk/download/pdf/6708194.pdf
  55. ^ Piazza, J. A. (2008). Incubators of terror: Do failed and failing states promote transnational terrorism?. International Studies Quarterly, 52(3), 469-488.
  56. ^ Abadie, A. and J. Gardeazabal. (2003). The Economic Costs of Conflict: A Case Study of the Basque Country. "American Economic Review" Volume 93, Issue 1, 113-131.
  57. ^ Abadie, A. and J. Gardeazabal. (2003). The Economic Costs of Conflict: A Case Study of the Basque Country. "American Economic Review" vol. 93(1), 113-131.
  58. ^ Gibney, M., Cornett, L., Wood, R., & Haschke, P., (2012) Political Terror Scale 1976-2012. Retrieved from http://www.politicalterrorscale.org/ .
  59. ^ Gibney, M., Cornett, L., Wood, R., & Haschke, P., (2012) Political Terror Scale 1976-2012. Retrieved from http://www.politicalterrorscale.org/.
  60. ^ Gibney, M., Cornett, L., Wood, R., & Haschke, P., (2012) Political Terror Scale 1976-2012. Retrieved from http://www.politicalterrorscale.org/.
  61. ^ Gibney, M., Cornett, L., Wood, R., & Haschke, P., (2012) Political Terror Scale 1976-2012. Retrieved from http://www.politicalterrorscale.org/.
  62. ^ Marshall, Monty G. (2014) Polity IV Project:Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800-2013. http://www.systemicpeace.org/polity/polity4.htm
  63. ^ Gibney, M., Cornett, L., Wood, R., & Haschke, P., (2012) Political Terror Scale 1976-2012. Retrieved from http://www.politicalterrorscale.org/.