Ignacio Romero Raizábal

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For Andalusian Carlist activist, see Ignacio Romero Osborne.
Ignacio Romero Raizábal
Born1901
Santander, Spain
Died1975
Santander, Spain
OccupationDentist
Known forWriter
Political partyCarlism

Ignacio Romero Raizábal (1901-1975) was a Spanish writer and a Carlist activist. In the 1930s in Cantabria he gained some local recognition as a poet, while in the early Francoist era he was moderately known nationwide as the author of novels and historiographic accounts; he published some 35 volumes in total. In the 1930s he headed a Traditionalist review Tradición; during the post-war period he contributed mostly to Carlist periodicals, especially the daily El Pensamiento Navarro and the monthly Montejurra. He did not engage in politics, though he briefly served as secretary to the regent-claimant Don Javier and was one of key Carlist propagandists. Since the early 1960s, when the movement was subject to struggle for domination between traditionalists and progressists, Romero assumed an in-between position.

Family and youth[edit]

Santander, late 19th c.
Santander, late 19th c.

None of the sources consulted provides any information on Romero's distant ancestors. It appears that his paternal grandparents were related to Madrid, but there is nothing known about them.[1] His father Justo Romero Magro was born probably in the early 1870s[2] and died prematurely in the late 1900s.[3] He practiced as a dentist; in the mid-1890s as a young doctor he reportedly earned his name in Madrid and served at the Spanish royal court, though details are not clear.[4] In 1896 he married Josefa Raizábal Legorburu (died 1941),[5] the native of Santander; she was daughter to a recognized local dental surgeon and professor, Ramón Raizábal.[6] The latter suggested that the son-in-law moves to the Cantabrian capital so that they could practice together.[7] The newly-wed couple indeed settled in Santander;[8] after Romero Magro got his credentials confirmed by the local authorities in 1897,[9] he started practicing and then opened his own dentist's office.[10]

Justo and Josefa had 4 children, born at the turn at the centuries: two sons and two daughters. The oldest son, Ignacio Romero Raizábal, perished in 1899 at 9 months of age;[11] his younger brother was named after him. The oldest daughter María de los Angeles married in 1927;[12] her sister Pilar married in 1932;[13] she was assassinated during the revolutionary turmoil in Santander in December 1936.[14] Following the death of Justo the widow took over the dentist's office; she was one of the first women practicing and has even attended scientific congresses.[15] The half-orphaned children were brought up in a very pious way;[16] Romero's maternal grandfather was a Franciscan tertiary and Romero's maternal aunt became a nun in the Carmelite order.[17]

odontologia at Complutense today
odontologia at Complutense today

Details of Romero's early education are not clear and it is not known what schools he frequented. At the turn of the 1910s and the 1920s he moved to Madrid and commenced studies at Facultad de Odontologia of Universidad Central; he graduated in 1925.[18] At unspecified time he did the obligatory military service.[19] At some point he worked as assistant to the famous odontologist Florestán Aguilar Rodríguez;[20] later he returned to Santander and opened his own dentist practice no later than in 1928;[21] he practiced until 1974.[22] In 1931[23] Romero married María Rosa Arche Aguirre (died after 1974)[24] from La Cavada[25] in Riotuerto county near Santander, daughter to a local modest landowner.[26] The couple had two children, both of them sons. The first one, Ignacio Romero Arche, died in 1936 at the age of 4.[27] The younger son, Carlos Romero Arche,[28] did not become a public figure. Neither any of the 3 grandsons from the Romero Korndorffer family is recognized nationally.[29]

Writer[edit]

Romero as young poet

Already during his college days Romero penned few dramas.[30] In the late 1910s[31] and early 1920s[32] he was reciting own poems in Catholic círculos;[33] most revolved around religious topics.[34] In 1924 he won first local poetic awards[35] and the same year his poem appeared in a nationwide newspaper.[36] In 1925 Romero published his first poetic volume, Un alto en el camino.[37] In 1928 it was followed by Montón de besos, issued in very limited edition and intended for friends only.[38] The subsequent volumes were La novia coqueta, prologued by Ramón de Solano y Polanco (1928)[39] and Los tres cuernos de satanás (1929);[40] all explored mostly Christian and amorous themes and adhered to serene and popular tone.[41] Boinas rojas (1933) produced a turn to history with emphasis on loyalty and male virtues,[42] with return to previous lyrical and somewhat lighter tone in Rosario de amor (1934)[43] and El cancionero de la Novia formal (1935). Wartime events triggered collections marked by religious and patriotic flavor, En el nombre del Padre (1936) and Cancionero carlista (1938); the last one proved his most popular poetic volume and came out in 3 editions.[44]

In the late 1930s Romero parted the poetic muse and turned to prose. In 1938 he published his first and best-known novel, La promesa del tulipán; its protagonist is a sybarite who undergoes evolution before he volunteers to requeté and finds reward, also in matters of the heart.[45] The author returned to prose with brief Alma en otoño (1944) and Inés Tenorio (1947), the latter a historical variation of the Don Juan theme. Almas distantes (1949) featured two artists facing quasi-apocalyptical disaster embodied in the great fire of Santander,[46] while Como hermanos (1951) again exploited the wartime past. El príncipe requeté (1965), was in fact a veiled documentary account dwelling on Civil War deeds of the Carlist prince, Gaetano Borbón-Parma; in order not to challenge the Francoist censorship, the author formatted the work as literary fiction.[47]

Romero (2fL) among Cantabrian writers, Santander 1936

Apart from poems and novels, Romero wrote also documentary and essayistic works.[48] Chronologically the first one is Boinas Rojas en Austria (1936), covering the journey of the author and the Carlist executive to the funeral of Don Alfonso Carlos.[49] Regalo de la boda (1939) was collection of his earlier Tradición articles, La paloma que venció a la serpiente (1943) was a set of essays on Cristero war in Mexico, while Sendero de luz (1948) and A la hora de la Salve (1950) were pieces on religious topics. Heroes de romance,[50] 25 hombres en fila (both 1952)[51] and Era un monje perfecto (1954) are attempts in psychology and contain short individual portraits of persons related to Carlism or religion. Altar y trono (1960, re-worked and re-issued in 1968 as El carlismo en el Vaticano) is a loose historiographic attempt to reconstruct relations between Carlist kings and Vatican,[52] while El prisionero de Dachau 156.270 (1972)[53] is a set of hagiographic essays revolving around Don Javier and his lot during World War Two.[54]

Periodista[edit]

Tradición editorial board, 1934 (Romero sitting in the middle)

Romero's press career commenced in the 1920s, when his single poems appeared first in local Cantabrian dailies and then in the nationwide Integrist newspaper El Siglo Futuro. At the turn of the decades he started to publish poetry in an ambitious literary review Revista de Santander.[55] His most challenging task, however, commenced in 1932, when with a group of friends[56] he decided to launch a high-level Traditionalist review, “más formativa que informativa, mejor dogmática que gráfica”.[57] It materialized as “revista quincenal de orientación política” Tradición, based in Santander, and with Romero as its director.[58] Since 1933 the bi-weekly was issued by Comunión Tradicionalista de Montaña, the provincial Cantabrian Carlist organisation,[59] and since 1935 it became “organó del Consejo de Cultura”,[60] sort of official Carlist periodical supposed to provide ideological guidance.[61] There were 50 issues printed until August 1935, though paradoxically, having been incorporated into the nationwide party media machinery it turned from a bi-weekly to a monthly.[62] Romero remained its editor-in-chief until the end and maintained a very ambitious profile of Tradición; he contributed almost every second issue, steered clear of heated ideological or political questions and focused on literature, history of Traditionalism or exaltation of the Carlist dynasty. It is not clear why Tradición ceased to publish in mid-1935.

Montejurra front page

In 1936-1939 Romero published rather few pieces in various titles; initially they included the Falangist Labor[63] but later they were only unification-spared and Traditionalism-flavored titles like the Pamplona-based El Pensamiento Navarro or the Vitoria-based El Pensamiento Alavés.[64] During early Francoism his name ceased to appear in the press; some authors claim he was member of the editorial board or even the co-manager of the Catholic daily Ya,[65] but this information is not confirmed elsewhere. In the 1950s his single articles – usually revolving around literary or historical topics - sporadically appeared in El Pensamiento Navarro or El Correo Catalán. In the 1960s,[66] when the conciliatory turn of Carlist policy towards the regime produced some concessions on part of the administration and few new Carlist periodicals appeared on the market, Romero started contributing. The most important of these titles is the illustrated review Montejurra, where he turned one of the most prolific authors; he focused almost exclusively on history.[67] However, Romero's articles were appearing also in more niche party periodicals, like Azada y asta[68] and Esfuerzo común. In case of the latter, an ambitious Zaragoza-based strongly left-leaning doctrinal monthly, sort of Tradición à rebours, he even entered the editorial board in the early 1970s.[69] It is not clear whether he realized its agenda and to what extent he approved of its line.

Carlist (until 1936)[edit]

Nocedal

Ignacio's father Justo Romero was related to Integrism[70] and his son inherited this political outlook. During his academic years in Madrid in the early 1920s he was member of Juventud Integrista de Madrid[71] and in the mid-1920s he penned an exalted poem in honor of the late Integrist leader, Ramón Nocedal.[72] There is no trace of his strictly political activity until the very late monarchy. In local elections of April 1931 he ran as “monárquico”[73] and “católico” to the Santander town hall[74] but narrowly failed.[75] In May 1931, following instauration of the republic, as a reserve second lieutenant he refused to take oath to the new regime[76] and was crossed out from the service list.[77] At the time the Integrists, in the 1880s a breakaway branch of Carlism, were re-integrating within the movement; Romero followed suit. When in the fall of 1931 the Alfonsist and Carlist representatives held secret talks about would-be rebellion against the republican regime, one of the meetings was staged in Romero's Santander home, though there is no information on his specific role.[78] In late 1931 he already took part in a joint Traditionalist banquet, yet still formatted as a homage to the Integrist journalist, Manuel Senante.[79]

Alfonso Carlos, 1930s

In the early 1930s Romero started to emerge as sort of Carlist authority on culture. This was so partially thanks to the 1932 launch of Tradición, initially his private initiative.[80] However, the impact of this sublime intellectual review was incomparable to impact of the 1933 release of his poetic volume Boinas rojas, a tribute to Carlist paramilitary and military deeds; almost overnight it elevated Romero to the status of a top Carlist poet. Following the 1934 ascent of another former Integrist Manuel Fal Conde to political leadership of Comunión Tradicionalista, Tradición was made official mouthpiece of Consejo de la Tradición, the party's doctrinal body, and reportedly Romero entered this council himself.[81] He started to tour the country, e.g. Romero delivered an address during a grand Carlist rally near Seville;[82] the story was later discussed in detail in his review.[83] At times he demonstrated zeal which bordered grotesque; e.g. his 1934 article dedicated to the claimant Alfonso Carlos was dated “17 de Abril del año 101 de la Era Carlista”.[84] His newly born son was named Carlos in honor of the Carlist king;[85] Romero came to know him personally when the octogenarian started to spend winters in southern France, near the Spanish frontier.[86] It is not clear whether Romero took part in internal debates related to the party strategy, though his articles demonstrated a penchant for “Catholic unity”[87] and at times contained barely veiled insurgent anti-republican tone.[88] Prior to the 1936 elections Romero employed his pen to support the fellow Cantabrian Carlist and also an ex-Integrist, José Luis Zamanillo.[89]

Carlist (war)[edit]

in Vienna, October 1936

It is not clear whether Romero was involved in the Carlist conspiracy unfolding in the spring and early summer of 1936 or whether he was even aware of it. He was rather occupied by deteriorating health of his oldest son; the 4-year-old died on July 13, 1936,[90] and the funeral took place one day before the coup commenced. Romero's whereabouts during few early weeks of the conflict are not known. In early September the Santander police commander demanded that he shows up at the nearest station or be declared a rebel.[91] Later that month he was in Burgos,[92] in the Nationalist zone, but his wife and other relatives remained in the Republican-held Cantabria.[93] Though Romero was not member of Carlist wartime executive or any of its affiliated institutions, in early October 1936 he accompanied top party leaders who travelled from Spain via France and Switzerland to attend the funeral of Don Alfonso Carlos in Vienna.[94] His written account of the journey, which was also an attempt to idolize Fal Conde,[95] was later the same year published by the Carlist Delegación de Prensa y Propaganda;[96] fairly popular, it was re-issued in the second edition of 1938.

Either in October 1936 or shortly afterwards Romero became secretary to the new Carlist regent-claimant Don Javier, resident in the French Saint-Jean-de-Luz.[97] In this role he took part in the February 1937 meeting in the Portuguese Ínsua, when the party executive gathered to discuss strategy towards growing political unification pressure on part of the military;[98] accounts from this meeting do not note him as a protagonist.[99] In the summer of 1937 as Don Javier's secretary he talked to a number of envoys from Spain, like Eladio Esparza.[100] Some sources claim that he served also as secretary to Gaetano Borbón-Parma,[101] though other accounts suggest that he merely interviewed the prince and perhaps helped him to navigate across northern Spain.[102]

in Insua, February 1937
in Insua, February 1937

Romero's service at the regent's office in Saint-Jean-de-Luz lasted around a year,[103] but it is not clear whether following the Nationalist takeover of Cantabria he returned to Santander in late 1937. As late as in July 1938 he appeared as witness during a Bordeaux trial of a Republican militia commander from Santander Manuel Neila, apprehended in France. Romero claimed wrongly that the defendant was responsible for death of his mother and 2 sisters;[104] in fact, his mother and one sister survived the war. Also in 1938 and already with approval of the Francoist censorship he published the poetic volume Cancionero carlista[105] and his best-known novel, La promesa del tulipán; both celebrated the Carlist wartime military effort.[106]

Carlist (Francoism)[edit]

Carlist standard

There is no information on Romero's engagement in Carlist structures during early Francoism[107] and even his literary production – save Héroes de romance (1952), dedicated to requetés – evolved mostly around religious topics or episodes from distant past. It is not known how he viewed the change in Carlist strategy, dismissal of Fal Conde and the new, conciliatory course, adopted by the movement in the mid-1950s. However, he maintained links with numerous personalities, including Don Javier, and was gradually getting involved in efforts to install his son, prince Carlos Hugo, in Spain. Romero viewed him in rather sympathetic terms, as “muy sonriente y cariñoso como es norma en los Borbón Parma”,[108] even though he was somewhat skeptical about the mediatic strategy adopted by young entourage of the prince.[109] In 1962 Romero accompanied Carlos Hugo to El Pardo prior to his interview with Franco.[110] In the early 1960s Romero noted that the secretariat of the prince formed an impenetrable wall around him, but he thought it a tactical requirement of the new times.[111] He viewed the invasion of young activists on top Carlist offices as a rather welcome emergence of “nueva ola del carlismo”.[112]

The years of 1963-1964 produced a showdown between the Carlist youth, which assumed an increasingly new tone, and the older traditionalists. Romero was forced to take sides when the huguistas tried to expel his old friend Zamanillo from the party.[113] He sided with his fellow Cantabrian and confronted the virulent anti-Zamanillo pamphlet by Melchor Ferrer,[114] but failed to prevent expulsion of the former. He also nurtured increasing doubts about what he viewed as the clumsy huguista tactics versus Franco; in 1964 he complained that it produced loss of some opportunities and previous gains.[115] At one point he was even leaning towards the breakaway RENACE faction,[116] but eventually Romero opted for full loyalty to his king.

Don Javier and his wife, 1970
Don Javier and his wife, 1970

In the late 1960s Romero was already one of very few Traditionalist personalities in top Carlist strata; most have either withdrawn or had been already marginalized. He kept publishing traditional, historiographic articles in increasingly progressist party periodicals and even figured in editorial board of Esfuerzo común,[117] a doctrinal organ of the progressists. One source claims he was one of the speakers during the 1967 Montejurra rally,[118] though other sources claim otherwise.[119] At the 1968 Montejurra amassment Romero acted as sort of mediator between two factions, as traditionally-minded Santanderinos tried to assault the progressists with batons and bats.[120] In the early 1970s he kept standing by the dynasty, even though he received repeated warnings about its “carlismo-leninismo”.[121] Romero viewed the Zamanillo-led attempt to build an alternative requeté combatant organisation, code-named Operación Maestrazgo, as sort of treason.[122] His last book El prisionero de Dachau (1972) was a homage to Don Javier personally and to his family.[123]

Reception and legacy[edit]

Before the war Romero's poetry was acknowledged only in his native Cantabria; reviewers praised his “elegant style”, “simple and delicate” language[124] and “la formula peca de sencilla y de breve”,[125] at times concluding that “the spirit of our poetry is not lost”.[126] Some saw the Carlist turn as sort of Valle-Inclan's melancholic fascination, but the sincere one.[127] Initially categorized as classicist in tone,[128] in the mid-1930s his poetry was rather described as “agradable cocktail de poesía entre clásica y moderna”.[129] Romero was approached as “delicadísimo poeta”[130] and “romántico siglo XX”,[131] though some complained about shortages in originality, colloquialisms[132] and historiographic misrepresentations.[133]

During Francoism his prosaic works were barely noted nationwide, but reviewers remained rather sympathetic. In case of novels they praised “ease of narration” which maintains “velocidad y ligereza de torrente” though noted some simplistic psychological construction of the protagonists.[134] In case of essays they underlined “estilo suelto, agilidad de espiritú, cultura poco común”[135] and “prosa sencilla y fluida”.[136] Romero was held in particularly high regard among the monarchist audience, which hailed his “Traditionalist soul”[137] and spirit.[138] However, there were exceptions: Roman Oyarzún destroyed his Boinas Rojas en Austria as the piece which referred the tragic episode in “unforgivable light tone” and presented invented fiction as facts.[139]

In the early 1960s Romero started to appear as sort of Cantabrian literary authority, especially in journalism,[140] and received first local homages;[141] they were even more pronounced by the end of the decade.[142] His single poems appeared in centrally printed anthologies[143] and he was noted in some general works on history of Spanish poetry.[144] During late Francoism he earned his place in literary vademecums, though some noted him as “periodista, poeta”[145] and some declared him rather the author of “los mejores novelas contemporáneas”.[146] His death was noted in local Cantabrian press.[147]

Romero's production have not outlived their author and currently he is missing even in footnotes of works on history of Spanish literature. His most frequently referred piece, La promesa del tulipán, is usually presented as typical hopelessly stereotypical work of early Francoism,[148] burdened with nagging moralizing objectives[149] and Manichean perspective;[150] it is relegated to “novela rosa”[151] or “novela para muchachos” rubric.[152] Historians of literature are somewhat less damning when assessing Romero's poetry, valued above his prosaic production.[153] Though some stigmatize him as “chiefly a religious poet”,[154] some note his “línea prudente y antimoderna con el gusto literario petrificado en la residualidad epigonal del 98”[155] and others place him within a wave of young Cantabria-related poets like María Teresa de Huidobro, Alejandro Nieto and Bernardo Casanueva Mazo.[156] In 2007 Romero's poem made it even to a local Cantabrian poetic anthology.[157] Rarely he is mentioned in accounts on history of Spanish republican press[158] or lined-up in a sequence of Carlist writers.[159]

See also[edit]

Footnotes[edit]

  1. ^ following the engagement ceremony in Santander the couple went briefly to Madrid, La Atalaya 18.11.96, available here
  2. ^ in the year of 1896 he was referred to as “joven aventajado” who already gained his name in Madrid, La Atalaya 18.11.96, available here
  3. ^ in April 1906 Justo Romero was reported as present during a religious ceremony in Bilbao, La Atalaya 29.04.06, available here; in June 1910 Josefa Raizabal was already referred to as a widow, Boletin Oficial de la Provincia de Santander 18.06.10, available here
  4. ^ La Atalaya 18.11.96, available here
  5. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 03.02.41, available here
  6. ^ La Voz Montañesa 16.04.81, available here
  7. ^ La Atalaya 18.11.96, available here
  8. ^ La Atalaya 08.12.96, available here
  9. ^ La Atalaya 07.06.97, available here
  10. ^ La Atalaya 02.08.00, available here
  11. ^ La Atalaya 21.07.99, available here
  12. ^ La Montaña 10.09.27, available here
  13. ^ La Región 29.12.31, available here
  14. ^ she is referred to as a nun killed by the Republicans, Gregorio Rodríguez Fernández, El hábito y la cruz: religiosas asesinadas en la Guerra Civil española, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788484076216, p. 479. It is not clear how the 1931 information on her marriage (she has also given birth to a child) can be reconciled against later historiographic claim about her membership in a religious order
  15. ^ El Pueblo Cantábro 08.05.19, available here
  16. ^ at some time Ignacio Romero Raizábal entered the lay Tertiary Franciscan Order, Hoja Oficial de Lunes 10.02.75, available here
  17. ^ La Atalaya 15.10.01, available here
  18. ^ La Atalaya 09.04.25, available here
  19. ^ in 1931 he was referred to alferez in regimento Garellano, Diario Oficial del Ministerio de la Guerra 20.05.31, available here
  20. ^ in the late 1920s Romero was placing press adverts of his dentist's office and introduced himself as a former assistant to Aguilar, compare e.g. La Voz de Cantabria 19.10.28, available here
  21. ^ La Voz de Centabria 19.10.28, available here
  22. ^ the last identified press advert is from the summer of 1974, Hoja Oficial de Lunes 12.08.74, available here
  23. ^ La Voz de Cantabria 24.01.31, available here
  24. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 10.02.75, available here
  25. ^ for a view of her native house see Google.Maps service, available here
  26. ^ Romero's father in law was Eulogio Arche Camporredondo, La Voz de Cantabria 18.02.31, available here, his mother-in-law was Delfina Aguirre González, El Cantábrico 05.03.11, available here. Eulogio Arche spent some time in Mexico, see Ficha de Arche Camporredondo, Eulogio, [in:] Portal de Archivos Españoles service, available here
  27. ^ La Voz de Cantabria 14.07.36, available here, El Cantabrico 14.07.36, available here
  28. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 10.02.75, available here
  29. ^ Enrique is a lawyer, see Enrique Romero Korndorffer entry, [in:] Expansion service, available here. Other brothers were Carlos (perished due to a mountain accident in 2015) and Ignacio
  30. ^ titled El tigre de Castilla and Visita inesperada; they were neither published nor staged, Hoja Oficial de Lunes 17.02.75, available here
  31. ^ e.g. in 1919 he was reciting own poetry in Círculo Católico in Santander, La Atalaya 20.09.19, available here
  32. ^ e.g. in 1921 he was reading own poetry in Asamblea of Capuchinos in Santander, La Basilica Teresiana June 1921, available here
  33. ^ at times he appeared with other slightly older poets, like José del Río Sainz, La Atalaya 04.03.24, available here. José del Río Sainz, or "Pick", in his youth a Carlist and also later somewhat sympathetic towards the movement, was a longtime friend of Romero Raizabal, see his De como volvio al Carlismo el gran "Pick", [in:] Montejurra 46 (1964), p. 7
  34. ^ the first poem mentioned in the press was En la Cruz y en el Sagrario, see La Atalaya 20.09.19, available here
  35. ^ El Cantabrico 08.03.24, available here
  36. ^ El Siglo Futuro 07.01.24, available here
  37. ^ La Revista de Santander 5 (1931), available here
  38. ^ Romero Raizábal, Ignacio, [in:] Escritores.Cantabros service, available here
  39. ^ La Revista de Santander 5 (1931), available here
  40. ^ referred after La Revista de Santander 5 (1931), available here
  41. ^ La Voz de Liebana 03.05.25, available here
  42. ^ El Siglo Futuro 23.03.33, available here
  43. ^ Romero Raizábal, Ignacio, [in:] Escritores.Cantabros service, available here
  44. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 17.02.75, available here
  45. ^ Piotr Sawicki, La narrativa española de la Guerra Civil (1936-1975). Propaganda, testimonio y memoria creativa, Alicante 2010, pp. 66-67
  46. ^ the novel was intended as the first part of a tetralogy, La Vanguardia 24.11.49, available here; however, subsequent parts have never materialized
  47. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 21.03.66, available here
  48. ^ apart from essayistic and documentary works, Romero was also the editor the and author of preface to the anthology of texts by another Cantabrian poet, see Emilio Cortiguera. Selección y estudio, Santander 1953; Romero knew Cortiguera (1873-1951) personally; both were poets and both were dentists
  49. ^ José Luis Agudín Menéndez, Un rey viejo para tiempos nuevos: la construcción mediática del pretendiente Alfonso Carlos I en la prensa carlista durante la II República, [in:] Pasado y memoria 18 (2019), p. 157
  50. ^ Romero Raizábal, Ignacio, [in:] Escritores.Cantabros service, available here
  51. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 23.03.53, available here
  52. ^ the work “presentó en un marco devocional las relaciones entre los reyes carlistas y los papas”, Antonio M. Moral Roncal, La cuestión religiosa en la Segunda República Española: Iglesia y carlismo, Madrid 2009, ISBN 9788497429054, p. 57
  53. ^ published in 1972, it was written in 1970 but based on talks during Romero's spell at Don Javier's residence shortly before Christmas of 1968, compare Ignacio Romero Raizábal, El prisionero de Dachau 156.270, Santander 1972, p. 143, Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, p. 69
  54. ^ e.g. the work presented Don Javier as the man who cheered up other prisoners and helped them to survive, with particular reference to the former French prime minister León Blum, Josep Miralles Climent, La rebeldía carlista. Memoria de una represión silenciada: Enfrentamientos, marginación y persecución durante la primera mitad del régimen franquista (1936-1955), Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416558711, p. 237
  55. ^ La Revista de Santander 3 (1931), available here
  56. ^ other co-founders were Manuel Pombo and Fernando Bustamante, Tradición 15.12.33, available here
  57. ^ Tradición 15.12.33, available here
  58. ^ also in 1933 Romero was among co-founders of Ediciones Literarias Montañesas, a publishing house set up to publish works of local Cantabrian authors; indeed it published few books, Fernando de Vierna, El CEM hasta la concordia de 1941, [in:] LXXV Aniversario del Centro de Estudios Montañeses, Santander 2009, ISBN 9788493370893, p. 33
  59. ^ El Siglo Futuro 04.01.34, available here
  60. ^ Tradición 01.01.35, available here
  61. ^ Antonio Checa Godoy, Prensa y partidos políticos durante la II república, Sevilla 2013, ISBN 9788488067326, p. 331
  62. ^ the last known issue (numbered 50) was published in August 1935. In 1932 there was 1 issue published, in 1933 there were 23, in 1934 there were 15, and in 1935 there were 8, compare Tradicion [in:] PrensaHistorica service, available here
  63. ^ Labor 19.07.37, available here
  64. ^ Pensamiento Alaves 17.07.39, available here
  65. ^ Jacek Bartyzel, Umierać ale powoli, Kraków 2002, ISBN 8386225742, p. 301
  66. ^ Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641, p. 56
  67. ^ chronologically the number of identified Romero's articles is as follows: 1962 (3), 1963 (7), 1964 (3), 1965 (1), 1966 (0), 1967 (1), 1968 (1)
  68. ^ Javier Lavardín, Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, p. 137
  69. ^ Josep Miralles Climent, El carlismo militante (1965-1980). Del tradicionalismo al socialismo autogestionario [PhD thesis Universidad Jaume I], Castellón 2015, p. 59
  70. ^ in 1890 a Justo Romero signed open letters published by the integrist daily El Siglo Futuro, see El Siglo Futuro 03.09.90, available here
  71. ^ for 1921 see El Siglo Futuro 09.12.21, available here, for 1922 see El Siglo Futuro 18.04.22, available here
  72. ^ it contained the verses “¿Es aquel el campeón / del Sagrado Corazón / único Bey Inmortal? / Es aquel, sí; don Ramón Nocedal”, El Siglo Futuro 20.03.25, available here
  73. ^ some sources claim he was on the list of Coalición Monárquica, La Voz de Cantabria 10.04.31, available here
  74. ^ El Cantabrico 01.04.31, available here
  75. ^ Boletin Oficial de la Provincia de Santander 15.04.31, available here
  76. ^ the person referred to is named “Ignacio Romero Roizábal”, La Nación 20.05.31, available here
  77. ^ in the official ministerial bulletin the person is referred to as Ignacio Romero Raizábal, assigned to regimento Garellano, Diario Oficial del Ministerio de la Guerra 20.05.31, available here
  78. ^ Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. XXIX, Sevilla 1960, pp. 216-217
  79. ^ El Siglo Futuro 14.12.31, available here
  80. ^ Tradición 15.12.33, available here
  81. ^ Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931-1937), [in:] El Argonauta Español 9 (2012), p. 5. Other sources do not mention Romero among at least original members of the Consejo, see e.g. El Siglo Futuro 29.11.34, available here, or Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español vol. XXX/2, Sevilla 1979, p. 44
  82. ^ El Siglo Futuro 16.04.34, available here
  83. ^ El Siglo Futuro 02.08.34, available here
  84. ^ Tradición 01.05.34, available here
  85. ^ El Siglo Futuro 11.06.35, available here
  86. ^ e.g. in November 1935 Romero attended a dinner with Don Alfonso Carlos and his wife in Guetaria in southern France, Cristina de la Puente, José Ramón Urquijo Goitia, El contexto de viaje, [in:] Alfonsode Borbón Austria-Este, Viaje al Cercano Oriente en 1868: Constantinopla, Egipto, Suez, Palestina, Zaragoza 2012, ISBN 9788413403755, p. LXXI
  87. ^ e.g. in 1933 Romero stressed the need for catholic unity, possibly within Acción Católica, Moral Roncal 2009, p. 148
  88. ^ e.g. the 1934 article in Tradicion dwelled on a meeting with Sanjurjo; it ended with “oh Fal, why didn't you give this [requeté] uniform to the little Sanjurjo on April 1, 1931”?, Tradición 15.07.34, available here
  89. ^ El Siglo Futuro 21.02.36, available here
  90. ^ La Voz de Cantabria 14.07.36, available here
  91. ^ La Voz de Cantabria 05.09.36, available here
  92. ^ according to his own account in late September 1936 Romero was in Burgos, where he was reached by the news about Alfonso Carlos’ death, [Ignacio Romero Raizábal], Boinas Rojas en Austria, Burgos 1938, p. 2
  93. ^ in January 1937 his wife and father-in-law were in Santander, where they were fined for falisification of food ratio coupons, El Cantabrico 15.01.37, available here
  94. ^ Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, p. 114
  95. ^ some critics claimed that Romero invented fictitious episodes - e.g. an alleged attempt against Fal in France, en route to Austria - to project a charismatic image of the Carlist leader, resemblant of exaltation enjoyed by Mussolini or Hitler in respectively the Italian and the German press, Agudín Menéndez 2019, p. 157
  96. ^ Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788487863523, p. 146
  97. ^ the service reportedly lasted a year, probably from around the autumn of 1936 to the autumn of 1937, Ignacio Romero Raizábal, Cuando el Príncipe Cayetano era Getán de Lavardín, [in:] Centinela 4/5 (1958), available here
  98. ^ Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937-1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788487863714, p. 538
  99. ^ compare Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, who discusses in detail the developments of January–April 1937 but does mention Romero Raizábal at all
  100. ^ Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 263
  101. ^ Lavardín 1976, p. 137
  102. ^ Labor 01.07.37, available here
  103. ^ Ana Marín Fidaldo, Manuel M. Burgueño, In memoriam. Manuel J. Fal Conde (1894-1975), Sevilla 1980, pp. 45-46
  104. ^ Imperio 08.07.38, available here. It seems that in mid-1937 Romero thought his wife and all two sisters had been killed by the Republicans; the Nationalist press claimed that “así murio parte de la familia Romero-Raizábal, en el muelle”, Pensamiento Alaves 01.07.37, available here
  105. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 17.02.75, available here
  106. ^ Sawicki 2010, pp. 66-67
  107. ^ Romero Raizábal is entirely missing in historiographic accounts dealing with Carlism in the 1940s and the 1950s, compare respective chapters in Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641, Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015, Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009
  108. ^ Lavardín 1976, p. 130
  109. ^ Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 56
  110. ^ Lavardín 1976, p. 130
  111. ^ Lavardín 1976, p. 137
  112. ^ Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 75
  113. ^ in 1963s Romero maintained good relations with top Traditionalist personalities, like José María Arauz de Robles, Miguel Fagoaga, Agustín de Asís or Francisco Javier Astraín; the last one wrote a letter to Romero; he claimed that Zamanillo was a loyal Carlist and that it was rather prince Carlos Hugo whose credentials should be doubted, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, p. 187
  114. ^ in 1963 Ferrer wrote and distributed a virulent anti-Zamanillo pamphlet Breves consideraciones a una posición inadecuada adoptada por carlistas disidentes del dieciocho de julio. Romero tried to dismantle Ferrer's arguments and introduced a new thread: a possible conspiracy of young Carlos Hugo secretaries against Zamanillo, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 184
  115. ^ in 1964 Romero wrote to Don Javier “Pero tengo el dolor, el enorme dolor, de que acerté de plano en los temores que expresé a V.M…pues nuestras cosas van de mal en peor aunque no se lo comuniquen claramente a V.M., y hemos perdido con El Pardo y con la Falange la coyuntura más propicia para la Comunión…precisamente por las contraproducentes orientaciones de los consejeros del Príncipe, cuya preparación y dotes personales nos trajeron en momentos oportunos una maravillosa garantía de éxito que debía acrecentar por su boda con Dońa Irene”, quoted after García Riol 2015, p. 49
  116. ^ Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 140
  117. ^ Miralles Climent 2015, p. 59
  118. ^ García Riol 2015, p. 126
  119. ^ Romero Raizábal is not listed among 1967 Montejurra speakers in Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 302; as a speaker there is Ignacio Romero Osborne listed
  120. ^ García Riol 2015, p. 122
  121. ^ in 1972 Francisco Elías de Tejada in a private letter to Romero denounced Carlos Hugo as an anarchist, Joaquín Cubero Sánchez, Montejurra 1976. Intento de interpretación, [in:] Javier Tusell Gómez, Álvaro Soto Carmona (eds.), Historia de la transición y consolidación democrática en España: (1975-1986), vol. 1, Madrid 1995, ISBN 8436233158, p. 30
  122. ^ in 1971 in a local Carlist Valencia bulletin Romero wrote: “Insisto en que la Operación Maestrazgo puede ser oportuna y, en cierto modo, razonable. Sin entrar ni salir en la afición a las plumas de pavo real de puestos y prebendas de algunos de los nombres que la organizan. Pero tal vez le falte algo para quedar completa. La que pudiésemos denominar Operación Vergara. Porque no estaría de más que a la vez que los restos de Cabrera desde Inglaterra, nos trajesen desde Chile los de otro carlista celebérrimo, aunque no por sus triunfos, sino por haber sido el Judas número uno de la Causa: El General Maroto”, quoted after García Riol 2015, p. 305
  123. ^ Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 69
  124. ^ La Opinión 04.09.25, available here
  125. ^ La Region 04.09.28, available here
  126. ^ Acción Española 01.06.33, available here
  127. ^ La Voz de Cantabria 09.03.33, available here
  128. ^ La Opinion 04.09.25, available here
  129. ^ Boletín de la Biblioteca de Menéndez Pelayo 17 (1935), p. 192
  130. ^ El Cantabrico 01.10.26, available here
  131. ^ La Voz de Cantabria 18.09.28, available here
  132. ^ La Region 04.09.28, available here
  133. ^ El Debate 30.04.33, available here
  134. ^ “escribe tal como hoy se habla. Ni un sólo instante percibimos en él preocupación de clasicismo o de academia”, Hoja Oficial de Lunes 06.03.50, available here
  135. ^ Diario de Burgos 25.06.39, available here
  136. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 23.03.53, available here
  137. ^ El Siglo Futuro 24.03.33, available here
  138. ^ “esto es hermoso. Y esto existía con la República, y con la Dictadura, y con la Monarquía liberal... Esto no lo destruye nadie!”, Hoja Oficial de Lunes 21.03.66, available here
  139. ^ Oyarzun interpreted Romero's account as an attempt to idolize Fal Conde as a new caudillo; invented episodes, e.g. this of alleged attempt against Fal in France, were supposed to build the charismatic image of Fal. Oyarzun – who travelled to Vienna along Romero - concluded years later that “ni Fal Conde, ni su acólito R.R. autor de ‘Boinas Rojas en Austria’, tenian talia, ni para ser caudillo el primero, ni su mozo de estoques el segundo”, Román Oyarzún, Historia del Carlismo, Madrid 1944, p. 477. This damning judgement was repeated in all later editions, see e.g. Román Oyarzún, Historia del Carlismo, Madrid 1969, p. 526
  140. ^ see a courtesy note of 1960, Hoja Oficial de Lunes 23.05.60, available here
  141. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 25.11.63, available here
  142. ^ see especially a large homage article titled Fidelidad a una vida in Hoja Oficial de Lunes 21.03.66, available here
  143. ^ Pablo Schneider, La Madre en la poesía: colección de poesías de autores hispano-americanos, españoles y extranjeros, Madrid 1966, p. 467
  144. ^ the first one identified is Federico Carlos Sainz de Robles, Historia y antologia de la poesía española (en lengua castellana) del siglo XII al XX, Madrid 1955, p. 1571, re-issued until the late 1960s
  145. ^ Quién es quién en las letras españolas by Instituto Nacional del Libro Español, Madrid 1969, p. 360
  146. ^ Joaquín de Entrambasaquas, Las Mejores Novelas Contemporáneas, Madrid 1969, p. 1493
  147. ^ Hoja Oficial de Lunes 10.02.75, available here, also Hoja Oficial de Lunes 17.02.75, available here
  148. ^ Maryse Bertrand de Muñoz, La guerra civil española en la novela: bibliografía comentada, Madrid 1982, ISBN 9788473171144 p. 334, Klaus-Jörg Ruhl, Der spanische Bürgerkrieg: Der militärische Konflikt, Hamburg 1982, ISBN 9783763702251, p. 121, Carlos Fernández Santander, Bibliografía de la novela de la Guerra Civil y el franquismo, Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788474927924, p. 115
  149. ^ “modelo tradicional de la literatura dedicata a los héroes del alzamiento”, also “tono moralizante triunfa”, Sawicki 2010, p. 67
  150. ^ “en las novelas propiamente patrióticas , -véanse especialmente las de Romero Raizabal - el objeto del amor es la patria y entonces el esquema se reduce a una oposición de buenos y malos con menos matices aún que en la novela de amor”, Maryse Bertrand de Muñoz, La novela europea y americana y la guerra civil española, Madrid 1994, ISBN 9788433483096, p. 19
  151. ^ Isabel Foncea Hierro, Rosa Chacel: memoria e imaginación de un tiempo enigmático, vol. 2, Malaga 2008, ISBN 9788477853176, p. 69
  152. ^ Robert Franklin Sanders, La "Vertice" narrativa del facismo espanol: 1937-1942 [PhD thesis University of Arizona], Phoenix 2001, pp. 245-246
  153. ^ “en realidad, la obra poética de Ignacio Romero Raizabal es muy superior a su labor novelística y desde luego debe permanecer como un hito, no muy voluminoso si se quiere pero encantador, de la poesía de Santander”, Leopoldo Rodríguez Alcalde, Retablo biográfico de montañeses ilustres: Los escritores, Santander 1978, ISBN 9788485429011, p. 242
  154. ^ Bartyzel 2002, p. 297
  155. ^ Gonzalo Santonja, De un ayer no tan lejano: cultura y propaganda en la España de Franco durante la guerra y los primeros años del Nuevo Estado, Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788487462252, p. 78
  156. ^ Aurelio García Cantalapiedra, Desde el borde de la memoria: de artes y letras en los años del mediosiglo en Santander, Santander 1991, ISBN 9788487934063, p. 77
  157. ^ María Crespo López (ed.), Los ‘Via Crucis’ de los poetas cántabros con la reedición de Viernes Santo de Leopoldo Rodríguez Alcalde, Santander 2007
  158. ^ Checa Godoy 2013, p. 331
  159. ^ Jacek Bartyzel, Nic bez Boga, nic bez tradycji. Kosmowizja polityczna tradycjonalizmu karlistowskiego w Hiszpanii, Radzymin 2015, ISBN 9788360748732, p. 13

Further reading[edit]

  • Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641
  • Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015
  • Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015

External links[edit]

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