Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo
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The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Spanish: Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo) is an association of Argentine mothers whose children were "disappeared" during the Dirty War of the military dictatorship, between 1976 and 1983. They organized while trying to learn what had happened to their children, and began to march in 1977 at the Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires, in front of the Casa Rosada presidential palace, in public defiance of the government's state terrorism intended to silence all opposition.
The years of 1976 to 1983 in Argentina are referred to as the “Dirty War” period. To the people of the country, this era represents the lives taken, families broken, and numerous human rights atrocities executed by Argentina's military regime. The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo were the initial responders to these human rights violations. Together, the women created a dynamic and unexpected force, which existed in opposition to traditional limitations on women and motherhood in Latin America. The mothers came together, and pushed for information on the whereabouts of their children. In carrying out these efforts they also highlighted for the world the human rights violations occurring, and raised awareness on local and global scales. Their legacy and subsequent progress have been successful due to their sustained group organization, use of symbols and slogans, and silent weekly protests. Today, the Mothers are persistently engaged in the struggle for human, political, and civil rights in Latin America and elsewhere.
- 1 Origins of the movement
- 2 Divisions and radicalization
- 3 Final March of Resistance
- 4 Social involvement and political controversies
- 5 Significance of voice
- 6 Grandmothers
- 7 Awards and prizes
- 8 Representation in other media
- 9 See also
- 10 References
- 11 Further reading
- 12 External links
Origins of the movement
On April 30, 1977, Azucena Villaflor de De Vincenti was accompanied by a dozen other mothers to the Plaza de Mayo in Argentina's capital city. Arising from a multitude of histories and families, the women had one universally shared experience: each had at least one child who had been disappeared by the military government. Together they made the decision to protest. The location they zeroed in on was just across the street from the presidential office building, la Casa Rosada (the Pink House). In choosing this location the mothers utilized their visibility as a means to gain information on and hopefully recover their children. While they held weekly marches, the mothers also began an international campaign to defy the propaganda distributed by the military regime. This campaign brought the attention of the world to Argentina.
The Mothers' association was made up of women who had met each other while trying to find their missing sons and daughters. Many of the disappeared were believed to have been abducted by agents of the Argentine government during the years known as the Dirty War (1976–1983); the "disappeared" were often tortured and killed before their bodies were disposed of in rural areas or unmarked graves. The original founders of the group were Azucena Villaflor de De Vincenti, Berta Braverman, Haydée García Buelas; María Adela Gard de Antokoletz, Julia, María Mercedes and Cándida Gard (four sisters); Delicia González, Pepa Noia, Mirta Baravalle, Kety Neuhaus, Raquel Arcushin, and Senora De Caimi.
In the years of the military regime, citizens were highly fearful of attracting the government's attention. Opposition was not tolerated; those opposing the government were made to go away. Just a year after the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo was created, hundreds of women were participating, gathering in the Plaza for weekly demonstrations. They found strength in each other by marching in public, and even attracted some press. They made signs with photos of their children and publicized their children's names. The government tried to marginalize and trivialize their work by calling them "las locas" (the madwomen).
As the number of disappeared grew, the movement grew, and the Mothers gained international attention during the years of the Dirty War. They drew international attention, and began to try and build pressure by outside governments against the Argentine dictatorship by sharing the many stories of the "disappeared". On 10 December 1977, International Human Rights Day, the Mothers published a newspaper advertisement with the names of their missing children. That same night, Azucena Villaflor (one of the original founders) was kidnapped from her home in Avellaneda by a group of armed men. She is reported to have been taken to the infamous ESMA torture centre, and from there on one of the “death flights” to the middle of the ocean. During these flights, the abducted were drugged, stripped and flung into the sea.  In 1978, when Argentina’s hosted the World Cup, the Mothers' demonstrations at the Plaza were covered by the international press corps in town for the sporting event.
The military has admitted that over 9,000 of those kidnapped are still unaccounted for, but the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo say that the number of missing is closer to 30,000. Most are presumed dead. An estimated 500 of the missing are the children born in concentration camps or prison to pregnant 'disappeared' women; many of the babies were given in illegal adoptions to military families and others associated with the regime. Their mothers were generally believed to have been killed. The numbers are hard to determine due to the secrecy surrounding the abductions.
Esther Careaga and María Eugenia Bianco, two other founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, were also "disappeared". In early 1978, unidentified bodies began to wash up on the beaches south of Buenos Aires. Some of the movement's most prominent supporters have been disappeared but their bodies never found, like French nationalist Leonie Duquet. Duquet and her sister, both French nuns, were taken during the Dirty War. Their disappearance attracted international attention and outrage, with demands for a United Nations investigation of human rights abuses in the country. France demanded information on the sisters, but the Argentine government denied all responsibility for them.
In 2005, forensic anthropologists dug up some bodies that had been buried in an unmarked grave after washing ashore in late December 1977 near the beach resort of Santa Teresita, south of Buenos Aires. DNA testing identified among them Azucena Villaflor, Esther Careaga and María Eugenia Bianco, the three disappeared pioneer Mothers of the Plaza. In December 2005, Azucena Villaflor's ashes were buried in the Plaza de Mayo.
Divisions and radicalization
In the years after the war, the association grew and became more persistent, demanding answers from the government as to the fates and locations of their missing children. After the military gave up its authority to a civilian government in 1983, the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo rekindled their hopes that they might at last learn what had become of their children. Far from abandoning their campaign, now that the military was out of power, they pushed for more information.
Beginning in 1984, teams assisted by the American geneticist Mary King began to use DNA testing to identify remains, when bodies of the "disappeared" were found.
The government conducted a national commission to collect testimony about the "disappeared", hearing from hundreds of witnesses. In 1985, it began prosecution of men indicted for crimes, beginning with the Trial of the Juntas, in which several high-ranking military officers were convicted and sentenced. The military threatened a coup to prevent widening of prosecutions, and in 1986, Congress passed Ley de Punto Final, which ended the prosecutions.
In addition, together with Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, the Mothers have identified 256 missing children who were adopted soon after being born to mothers in prison or camps who were later "disappeared". Seven of the identified children have died. Thirty-one of the children were returned to their biological families. In 13 cases, the adoptive and biological families agreed to raise the children jointly. Parents who were judged in court to be guilty of having adopted—or “appropriated”—the children of the disappeared while knowing the truth about their origins were susceptible to imprisonment. The Mothers and Grandmothers were also subject to repeated disappointments on this front: many DNA tests came back negative, and not all recovered grandchildren embraced their biological grandparents, who were strangers to them. Many, loyal to the only parents they’d known, refused even to be tested.
In 1986, the Mothers split into two factions. One group, called the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo-Founding Line, focused on legislation, the recovery of the remains of their children, and bringing ex-officials to justice. Hebe de Bonafini continued to lead a more radical faction under the name Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo Association. These mothers felt responsible for carrying on their children's political work; they assumed the agenda that originally led to the disappearance of the dissidents they wanted returned. Unlike the Founding Line, the Association refused government help or compensation. They pledged not to recognize the deaths of their children until the government would admit its fault.
A scholar of the movement, Marguerite Guzman Bouvard, wrote that the association faction wanted "a complete transformation of Argentine political culture" and "envisions a socialist system free of the domination of special interests". The Mothers association is backed by younger militants who support a Cuban-style revolution in Argentina. In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States, Bonafini defended the actions of the airline hijackers, calling them "courageous", stating that many people "had been avenged", and connecting their ideals with the cause of the guerrilla groups in 1970s Argentina. Speaking for the Mothers, she rejected the investigations of alleged Iranian involvement in the 1994 AMIA Bombing (the terrorist attack on the AMIA Jewish community center), saying the Argentine government was serving U.S. interests.
In 2003, Congress repealed the Pardon Laws, and in 2005 the Argentine Supreme Court ruled them unconstitutional. The government re-opened prosecution of war crimes, and former high-ranking military and security officers have been convicted and sentenced in new cases. Among the charges is the stealing of babies of the disappeared. The first major figure, Miguel Etcholatz, was convicted and sentenced in 2006.
Final March of Resistance
On 26 January 2006, members of the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo Association announced what they said was their final annual March of Resistance at the Plaza de Mayo, saying "the enemy isn't in the Government House anymore." They acknowledged the significance of President Néstor Kirchner's success in having the Full Stop Law (Ley de Punto Final) and the Law of Due Obedience repealed and declared unconstitutional. They said they would continued weekly Thursday marches in pursuit of action on other social causes.
The Founding Line faction announced that it would continue both the Thursday marches and the annual marches to commemorate the long struggle of resistance to the Dirty War.
Social involvement and political controversies
The Association remained close to Kirchnerism. They established a newspaper (La Voz de las Madres), a radio station, and a university (Popular University of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo).
The Association at one time managed a federally funded housing program, Sueños Compartidos ("Shared Dreams"), which it founded in 2008. By 2011, Sueños Compartidos had completed 5,600 housing units earmarked for slum residents, and numerous other facilities in six provinces and the city of Buenos Aires.
Its growing budgets, which totaled around US $300 million allocated between 2008 and 2011 (of which $190 million had been spent), came under scrutiny. There was controversy when the Chief Financial Officer of Sueños Compartidos, Sergio Schoklender, and his brother Pablo (the firm's attorney) were alleged to have embezzled funds. The Schoklender brothers had been convicted in 1981 for the murder of their parents and served 15 years in prison. After gaining Bonafini's confidence, they were managing the project's finances with little oversight from the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo or the program's licensor, the Secretary of Public Works. Their friendship with the Association ended in June 2011 after Bonafini learned of irregularities in their handling of the group's finances. Following an investigation ordered by Federal Judge Norberto Oyarbide, the Secretary of Public Works canceled the Sueños Compartidos contract in August 2011. The outstanding projects were transferred to the Undersecretary of Housing and Urban Development.
Significance of voice
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||This section possibly contains original research. (October 2013)|
The public and collaborative nature of the activism engaged in by the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo existed in stark contrast and opposition to the oppression and silence tactics of the government. Many victims dealt with their stress by "retreating into private worlds and turning inward. As they became separated from each other, their lives were controlled by the terror that influenced every thought, action and feeling". The response of isolation by these individuals allowed the government to maintain a level of control through fear. When the Mothers began to talk to each other and tell their stories, it represented a significant change in the community's habits of isolation. Peter Ackerman and Jack DuVall, president and founding chair of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, write of the movement: "At first the mothers of the disappeared felt only numb loss. But as they realized that no one else would act, they began a melancholy migration from the world of their families and homes out onto Argentina's cold plains of political lawlessness. Yet the mothers sensed that they were not alone: If they had no one else, they had each other." 
There was sufficient transparency with the movement due to the women's choice to congregate in the central business district of Buenos Aires, which is the financial and political capital of Argentina. They moved into a physically male-dominated space and through their activism created an open social space which became and remains a center for change. Furthermore, many of these women were coming to the urban business districts of Buenos Aires from rural parts of Argentina. According to Marina de Curia, the government had waited too long to take them seriously. "They didn't destroy us immediately because they thought we couldn't do anything and when they wanted to, it was too late. We were already organized." 
||This article is written like a personal reflection or opinion essay that states the Wikipedia editor's particular feelings about a topic, rather than the opinions of experts. (August 2012)|
While the intent of the Madres' organization was not rooted in feminist ideals, there is some sense of feminism present in their movement. This potential feminist sentiment contrasts with some traditional understandings of the feminist movement in other countries. According to Sara Eleanor Howe, "the Madres reinterpreted the traditional role of motherhood, subverting it from a restrictive label to a positive force, asserting the rights of mothers and transforming motherhood into a positive and politicised force." The Madres themselves have rejected the feminist label, seeking to distance themselves from what they consider bourgeois thinking that neglects real issues. Even so, the Madres can be seen to have contributed to feminist aims, especially within the increasing acceptance of diversity witnessed in feminism since the 1980s. The traditional role of the woman in Argentina has been in the household. She has been the mother: the nurturer, the protector, the educator of the family and the children. As the Mothers came together in the Plaza de Mayo, they were moving their role into the public eye. The women took unapologetic responsibility for dealing with their grief. They carried out any actions they could to that aim. Women began to gain experience in organizing and political processes. However, the group was not interested in "challenging the gender system and the sexual division of labor, the …[Mothers] were committed to the preservation of life; and they demanded the right as "traditional" women to secure the survival of their families" (Arditti 80). As Rita Arditti says in her book: "In… [joining together], the Mothers were creating a new form of political participation, outside the traditional party structures and based on the values of love and caring. Motherhood allowed them to build a bond and shape a movement without men". Men were quietly involved in support of the movement. Their quiet support was further impetus for the women to move into the public arena. Despite the fact that it put them in great danger, the repressive military dictatorship of the Dirty War in Argentina presented an opportunity for the women of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo to break free from the world of homemaking. They were able to create a strong human rights organization because their experiences led them to strongly identify as mothers, because they used their identities to take action, and because they refused to stop fighting until they had answers.
The Mothers and Grandmothers also received support from groups across the world fighting for social justice. This helped transform the actions of the Mothers and Grandmothers working to search for their lost family into a broader fight against human rights violations. In Arditti's "Searching For Life", she quotes Nélida de Navajas: "One of the most beautiful things that came out of my work with the Grandmothers was learning that there was so much interest and solidarity from people in other parts of the world. It was an extraordinarily positive experience. We have had support from the women's movement, from the CHA (Comité Homosexual Argentino), even the transsexual groups". It has since been revealed that many of the children born to "disappeared" parents while in captivity were given to and raised by military families within the government. The Mothers and Grandmothers acted in response to their need to find their children. However, when the truth about the family histories of these adopted children became public, many of these children were devastated that their past was not what they thought it was.
The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Spanish: Asociación Civil Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo) is an organization which has the aim of finding the "stolen" babies, whose mothers were killed during the "Dirty War". Its president is Estela Barnes de Carlotto. As of 2014, their efforts have resulted in finding 114 grandchildren.
Awards and prizes
- In 1992, all members of the Mothers' association were awarded the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought.
- In 1997, María Adela Gard de Antokoletz was awarded the Gleitsman International Activist Award by the Gleitsman Foundation.
- In 1999, the organization was awarded the United Nations Prize for Peace Education.
- On 10 December 2003, the Grandmothers' president, Estela Barnes de Carlotto, was awarded the United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights.
Representation in other media
- The Official Story is a film related to the "stolen babies" cases.
- Cautiva is another film related to the "stolen babies" cases.
- An opera entitled Las Madres de la Plaza (2008) premiered in Leffler Chapel at Elizabethtown College in Pennsylvania. It was written in a collaboration of students, staff, and faculty of the school, headed up by James Haines and John Rohrkemper.
- In an episode of Destinos set in Argentina, protagonist Raquel is told about the Mothers of the Plaza and sees a portion of a march.
- Black Sash
- Films depicting Latin American military dictatorships
- Mourning Mothers
- Maria Eugenia Sampallo
- Tiananmen Mothers
- Women in Black
- Ladies in White
- . Denver University, Case Specific Briefing Paper, "Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo: First Responders for Human Rights", 2011. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- . "Purdue University Press", article, "Textual Strategies to Resist Disappearance and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo", 2007. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- Lester Kurtz. "Movements and Campaigns", Nonviolent Conflict website, N.p., n.d. Web. 16 December 2012
- . "Gariwo", article, "Azucena Villaflor: A Mother of the Plaza de Mayo". Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- Durham, Robert B. (2014). False Flags, Covert Operations, & Propoganda. lulu.com. p. 96. ISBN 1312462884.
- . "Los Angeles Times", article, "Argentines Remember a Mother Who Joined the "Disappeared"", March 24, 2006. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- . "JSTOR", article, "Argentina's Mothers of Plaza de Mayo: The Mourning Process from Junta to Democracy", 1987. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- . "The New Yorker", article, "Children of the Dirty Way", March 19, 2012. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- . "The Oxford International Encyclopedia of Peace", Volume 2, "Early Christianity and Antimilitarism - Mass Violence and Trends", 2010. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- "Aldo Marchesi: Old Ideas in New Discourses". Ssrc.org. 2001-11-26. Retrieved 2012-03-01.
- "Página/12 :: El país :: "Se escucha sólo a una parte"". Pagina12.com.ar. Retrieved 2012-03-01.
- DyN, EFE (news agencies) (26 January 2006). "Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo realizaron la última Marcha de la Resistencia". Clarin. Retrieved March 28, 2011.
- "Bonafini anunció que las Madres harán la última Marcha de la Resistencia". El Pais. Edant. 14 January 2006. Retrieved 2012-03-01.
- "Hebe de Bonafini S.A.: Cuando el dolor sirve para ganar dinero y poder". Patagones Noticias.
- "Página/12 - Las Madres y su construcción de sueños". Pagina12.com.ar. Retrieved 2012-03-01.
- "Podrían denunciar plan de viviendas de Madres de Plaza de Mayo". El Intransigente.
- "Les quitan a las madres el manejo del plan de viviendas". La Nación.
- "Bonafini says Schoklenders are 'scammers, traitors'". Buenos Aires Herald.
- "Bonafini says Schoklenders are 'scammers, traitors". Buenos Aires Herald.
- (Arditti 82)
- Loeb, Paul Rogat (2014). The Impossible Will Take A Little While. Basic Books. p. 357.
- . "Journal of International Women's Studies", scholarly paper, "The Madres de la Plaza de Mayo", 2006. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- (Arditti 80)
- . "Northwest Passages", Volume I Issue I, "The Madres de Plaza de Mayo: Motherhood's Search For Answers During The Dirty War In Argentina", 2014. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- (Arditti 93)
- . "The Guardian", article, "I'm a child of Argentina's 'disappeared'", December 27, 2014. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
- [dead link]
- "Grandmothers' president recovers grandson taken away under dictatorship". Buenos Aires Herald. 5 Aug 2014.
- Gandsman, Ari (16 April 2009). ""A Prick of a Needle Can Do No Harm": Compulsory Extraction of Blood in the Search for the Children of Argentina's Disappeared". The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology. 1 14: 162–184. doi:10.1111/j.1935-4940.2009.01043.x. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
- "Gleitsman International Activist Award". Center for Public Leadership. Retrieved 2012-03-01.
- Mothers of the Disappeared, by Jo Fisher (1989).
- Revolutionizing Motherhood: The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, by Marguerite Guzman Bouvard (1994).
- Circle of Love Over Death: Testimonies of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, by Matilde Mellibovsky, trans. by Maria & Matthew Proser (1997).
- Searching for Life: The Grandmothers of the Plaza De Mayo and the Disappeared Children of Argentina, by Rita Arditti (1999).
- A Lexicon of Terror: Argentina and the Legacies of Torture, by Marguerite Feitlowitz (1998)
- "Las cenizas de Azucena, junto a la Pirámide", Página/12, 9 December 2005 (Spanish).
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo.|
- (Spanish) Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo
- (Spanish) Madres de Plaza de Mayo – Línea Fundadora
- (English) Asociación Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo
- (Spanish) Proyecto Desaparecidos
- International Committee Against Disappearances
- "A 'Recovered Grandchild' Finds His Way Home", 12 November 2010 video report, Democracy Now!