Popularity is a social phenomenon that dictates who or what is best liked, sometimes referred to as in vogue. Through peer influence, target objects can quickly skyrocket in how pervasive they are in society. The more pervasive something is, the more people have access to it. Since popularity is judged in a social context, the more people who support or know something or someone, the more popular it will then be judged. Interpersonally, people can alter their appearance to change how others perceive them, causing popularity to increase or decrease in the form of individual likability or group consensus.
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Popularity of objects from social influence
- 3 Types of interpersonal popularity
- 4 Interpersonal causes
- 5 Effects of popularity in the workplace
- 6 See also
- 7 References
- 8 Further reading
The term Popularity is borrowed from the Latin term popularis, which originally meant "common" or "being well-liked". The current definition of the word popular, the "fact or condition of being well liked by the people", was first seen in 1601.
While popularity is a trait often ascribed to an individual, it is an inherently social phenomenon and thus can only be understood in the context of groups of people. Popularity is a collective perception, and individuals report the consensus of a group’s feelings towards an individual or object when rating popularity. It takes a group of people to like something, so the more that people advocate for something or claim that someone is best liked, the more attention it will get, and the more popular it will be deemed.
Popularity comes from individuals and can be assigned to others or directed towards objects such as songs, movies, websites, activities, soaps, foods etc. that collectively make up popular culture, or the consensus of mainstream preferences in society. Through group opinion and activity, anything can become prominent in society, at which point it is termed "popular".
Popularity is a social phenomenon but it can also ascribed to objects that people interact with. Collective attention is the only way to make something popular, and information cascades play a large role in rapid rises in something's popularity. Rankings for things in popular culture, like movies and music, often do not reflect the public's taste, but rather the taste of the first few buyers because social influence plays a large role in determining what is popular and what is not through an information cascade. Independent of personal information, the information cascade acts as a strong influence, causing individuals to imitate the actions of others, whether or not they are in agreement. When downloading music, people don't necessarily decide for themselves what exact song to buy. Instead, they look at the list of most downloaded songs and decide to get those same top songs. Since people rely on what those before them do, one can manipulate what becomes popular among the public by manipulating a website's download rankings. Experts are paid large salaries to predict what should be offered and marketed by a firm, but they often fail to correctly predict what the biggest selling items will be. They are not bad at their job, but instead cannot control what the first people will prefer, attracting all of the attention and influencing everyone else. To some extent, experts succeed because things of bad quality will never be liked, thereby allowing a general prediction to be made on whether or not something will sell at all. In music, good songs rarely perform poorly on the charts and poor songs rarely perform very well, but there is large amount of room in which songs can fall and that makes predicting the popularity of a given song much harder.
Experts can determine if a product will sell in the top 50% of related products or not, but it is difficult to be more specific than that. Due to the strong impact that influence plays, this evidence emphasizes the need for marketers. They have a significant opportunity to show their products in the best light, with the most famous people, or being in the media most often. Such constant exposure is a way of gaining more product followers. Marketers can often make the difference between an average product and a popular product. However, since popularity is primarily constructed as a general consensus of a group's attitude towards something, word-of-mouth is a more effective way to attract new attention. Websites and blogs start by recommendations from one friend to another, as they move through social networking services. Eventually, when the fad is large enough, the media catches on to the craze. This spreading by word-of-mouth is the social information cascade that allows something to grow in usage and attention throughout a social group until everyone is telling everyone else about it, at which point it is deemed popular.
Individuals also rely on what other's say when they know that the information they are given could be completely incorrect. As an example, when individuals are presented with urns containing colored balls and asked to estimate what percentage of each color of ball that the urn contains, many people tend to not rely on their own evidence, but instead on whatever the person in front of them thought that the urn contained. If an urn can be 2/3 blue and 1/3 red or 2/3 red and 1/3 blue, it is more likely for someone to assume that the urn has more blue balls if they pull a blue ball out. When a couple people go ahead and pull blue balls out and announce that they think an urn is blue, everyone else continues to go with this consensus and announce the urn to be mostly blue, even if they are pulling out red balls. Conforming to a general consensus causes such a strong information cascade that the end result could be everyone claiming an urn to be more heavily saturated with one color ball, when instead it is the opposite. Relying on others to influence one's own decisions is a very powerful social influence, but can have negative impacts.
Popularity of many different things can be described by Zipf's powerlaw, which posits that there is a low frequency of very large quantities and a high frequency of low quantities. This illustrates popularity of many different objects.
For example, there are few very popular websites, but many websites have small followings. This is the result of interest; as many people use e-mail, it is common for sites like Yahoo! to be accessed by large numbers of people; however, a small subset of people would be interested in a blog on a particular video game. In this situation, only Yahoo! would be deemed a popular site by the public. This can additionally be seen in social networking services, such as Facebook. The majority of people have about 130 friends, while very few people have larger social networks. However, some individuals do have more than 5,000 friends. This reflects that very few people can be extremely well-connected, but many people are somewhat connected. The number of friends one has been a way to determine how popular an individual is, so the small number of people who have an extremely high number of friends is a way of using social networking services, like Facebook, to illustrate how only a few people are deemed popular.
Types of interpersonal popularity
Everyone can point to the popular person in the room, but they do not necessarily like that person the most. If asked to choose someone to spend time with, they would likely point to someone else. This is evidence that there are two main forms of personal popularity that social psychology recognizes, sociometric popularity and perceived popularity.
Sociometric popularity is more or less the result of an individual's likability. If a person is generally well-liked and known for positive traits then they are sociometrically popular. People who are sociometrically popular are often known for their interpersonal abilities, their empathy for others, and their willingness to cooperate non-aggressively. This is a more private judgement, characterized by likeability, that will not generally be shared in a group setting. Often, it is impossible to know whom individuals find popular on this scale unless confidentiality is ensured.
Perceived popularity is a characteristic used to describe individuals who are well known for being popular. This form of popularity does not have a positive correlation with perceived kindness and pro-social traits like sociometric popularity. This form of popularity, especially amongst adolescents has been widely explored by the popular media. Notable works dealing with perceived popularity include Mean Girls, Odd Girl Out, and Ferris Bueller's Day Off. Individuals who have perceived popularity are often highly socially visible and frequently emulated but rarely liked. Since perceived popularity is a measure of visible reputation and emulation, this form of popularity is most openly discussed, agreed upon within a group, and what most people refer to when they call someone popular.
One of the most widely agreed upon theories about what leads to an increased level of popularity for an individual is the perceived value which that individual brings to the group. This seems to be true for members of all groups, but is especially demonstrable in groups that exist for a specific purpose. For example, sports teams exist with the goal of being successful in competitions against other sports teams. Study groups exist so that the members of the group can mutually benefit from one another's academic knowledge. In these situations, leaders often emerge because other members of the group perceive them as adding a lot of value to the group as a whole. On a sports team, this means that the best players are usually elected captain and in study groups people might be more inclined to like an individual who has a lot of knowledge to share. It has been argued that this may be a result of our evolutionary tendencies to favor individuals who are most likely to aid in our own survival.
It is also of note that the actual value which an individual brings to a group is not of consequence in determining his or her popularity; the only thing that is important is his or her value as perceived by the other members of the group. While perceived value and actual value may often overlap, this is not a requisite and it has been shown that there are instances in which an individual's actual value is relatively low, but they are perceived as highly valuable nevertheless.
Attractiveness has been shown to have very profound effects on popularity. People who are attractive are more likely to be thought of as possessing positive traits. People who are attractive are expected to perform better on tasks and are more likely to be trusted. Additionally, they are judged to possess many other positive traits such as mental health, intelligence, social awareness, and dominance.
Additionally, people who are of above average attractiveness are assumed to also be of above average value to the group. Research shows that attractive people are often perceived to have many positive traits based on nothing other than their looks, regardless of how accurate these perceptions are. This phenomenon is known as the Halo effect This means that, in addition to being more well-liked, attractive people are more likely to be seen as bringing actual value to the group, even when they may be of little or no value at all. In essence, attractive people are given the benefit of the doubt while ordinary looking individuals must prove that they are bringing value to the group. It has been shown empirically that being considered physically attractive does, on average, increase one's sociometric and perceived popularity. Some possible explanations for this include increased social visibility and an increased level of tolerance for aggressive, social interactions that may increase perceived popularity.
The degree to which an individual is perceived as popular is often highly correlated with the level of aggression with which that individual interacts with his or her peers. There are two main categories of aggression, relational and overt, both of which have varying consequences for popularity depending on several factors, such as the gender and attractiveness of the aggressor.
Relational aggression is nonviolent aggression that is emotionally damaging to another individual. Examples of relationally aggressive activities include ignoring or excluding an individual from a group, delivering personal insults to another person, and the spreading of rumors. Relational aggression is more frequently used by females than males.
It has been found that relational aggression almost always has a strongly negative relationship with sociometric popularity but can have a positive relationship with perceived popularity depending on the perceived level of attractiveness of the aggressor. For an aggressor who is perceived as unattractive, relational aggression, by both males and females, leads to less perceived popularity. For an attractive aggressor however, relational aggression has been found to actually have a positive relationship with perceived popularity.
The relationship between attractiveness and aggression is further intertwined by the finding that increased levels of physical attractiveness actually further decreased the sociometric popularity of relationally aggressive individuals.
In short, the more physically attractive an individual is, the more likely they are to experience decreased levels of sociometric popularity but increased levels of perceived popularity for engaging in relationally aggressive activities.
Overt aggression is aggression that involves individuals physically interacting with each other in acts such as pushing, hitting, kicking or otherwise causing physical harm or submission in the other person. This includes threats of violence and physical intimidation as well.
It has been shown that overt aggression directly leads to perceived popularity when the aggressor is attractive. Experiments that are controlled for levels of physical attractiveness show that individuals who are attractive and overtly aggressive have a higher degree of perceived popularity than attractive non-overtly aggressive individuals. This was found to be true to a small degree for females and a large degree for males.
Interestingly, attractive individuals who are overtly aggressive barely suffer any consequences in terms of sociometric popularity. This is a key difference between overt and relational aggression because relational aggression has a strongly negative relationship on sociometric popularity, especially for attractive individuals. For unattractive individuals, there is again a strongly negative relationship between overt aggression and sociometric popularity. This means that attractive individuals stand to gain a lot of perceived popularity at the cost of very little sociometric popularity by being overtly aggressive while unattractive individuals stand to gain very little perceived popularity from acts of overt aggression but will be heavily penalized with regards to sociometric popularity.
According to Talcott Parsons, as rewritten by Fons Trompenaars, there are four main types of culture : marked by love/hate (Middle East, Mediterranean, Latin America) approval/criticism (United Kingdom, Canada, Scandinavia, Germanic countries) esteem/contempt (Japan, Eastern Asia). The last one, responsiveness/rejection, is typical for the United States.
There is no effort for popularity in Northern or Southern Europe, Latin America or Asia. This emotional bonding is specific for the high schools of the United States. In the love/hate cultures, the family and close friends are more important than popularity. In the approval/criticism cultures, actions are more important than persons, no strong links develop during school.
Popularity is gauged primarily through social status. Because of the importance of social status, peers play the primary role in social decision making so that individuals can increase the chances that others like them. However, as children, individuals tend to do this through friendship, academics, and interpersonal conduct. By adulthood, work and romantic relationships become much more important. This peer functioning and gaining popularity is a key player in increasing interest in social networks and groups in the workplace. To succeed in such a work environment, adults then place popularity as a higher priority than any other goal, even romance
These two types of popularity, perceived popularity and sociometric popularity, are more correlated for girls than they are for boys. However, it is said that men can possess these qualities to a larger extent, making them more likely to be a leader, more powerful, and more central in a group, but also more likely than women to be socially excluded. Boys tend to become popular based on athletic ability, coolness, toughness, and interpersonal skills; however, the more popular a boy gets, the worse he tends to do on his academic work. On the other hand, this negative view of academics is not seen at all in popular girls, who gain popularity based on family background (primarily socioeconomic status), physical appearance, and social ability. Boys are also known to be more competitive and rule focused, whereas girls have more emotional intimacy. Since boys possess competitiveness, popularity can be seen as a negative aspect for their development. Because aggression is correlated with popularity, many researchers fear the long term effects outside of the immediate social content. Additionally, because perceived popularity is partially characterized by emulation, some worry about the development of antisocial behaviors in peers.
In some instances, it has been found that in predominantly white high schools, attractive non-white students are on average significantly more sociometrically popular than equally attractive white students. One theory that has been put forth to explain this phenomena is a high degree of group cohesiveness among minority students compared with the relative lack of cohesion amongst members of the majority. Since there is more cohesion, there is more availability for one person to be liked by many since they are all in contact. This acts like Zipf's Law, where the cohesion is a confounding factor that forces the greater links in the smaller minority, causing them to be more noticed and thus more popular. When considering race as a predictor for perceived popularity by asking a class how popular and important each other person is, African American students were rated most popular by their peers. Popularity in race was found to be correlated with athleticism, and because African Americans have a stereotype of being better at sports than individuals of other races, they are viewed as more popular. Additionally, White and Hispanic children were rated as more popular the better they succeeded in school and came from a higher socioeconomic background. No single factor can explain popularity, but instead the interaction between many factors such as race and athleticism vs. academics.
Effects of popularity in the workplace
More tasks in the workplace are being done in teams, leading to a greater need of people to seek and feel social approval. In academic settings, a high social standing among peers is associated with positive academic outcomes. Popularity also leads to students in academic environments to receive more help, have more positive relationships and stereotypes, and be more approached by peers. While this is the research found in schools, it is likely to be generalized to a workplace.
Popular people may not be those who are best liked interpersonally by their peers, but they do receive most of the positive behavior from coworkers when compared to nonpopular workers. This is a result of the differences between sociometric and perceived popularity. When asked who is most popular, employees typically respond based on perceived popularity; however, they really prefer the social interactions with those who are more sociometrically popular. For each individual to ensure that they are consistent with the group's popularity consensus, those who are high in perceived popularity are treated with the same positive behaviors as those who are more interpersonally, but privately, liked by specific individuals. Well-liked workers are most likely to get salary increases and promotions, while disliked (unpopular) workers are the first to get their salary cut back or laid off during recessions. During interactions with others in the work environment, more popular individuals receive more organizational citizenship behavior (helping and courteousness from others) and less counter productive work behavior (rude reactions and withheld information) than those who are considered less popular in the workplace. Coworkers agree with each other on who is and who is not popular and, as a group, treat popular coworkers more favorably. While popularity has proven to be a big determiner of getting more positive feedback and interactions from coworkers, such a quality matters less in organizations where workloads and interdependence is high, such as the medical field.
In many instances, physical appearance has been used as one indicator of popularity. Attractiveness plays a large role in the workplace and physical appearance influences hiring, whether or not the job might benefit from it. For example, some jobs, such as salesperson, benefit from attractiveness when it comes down to the bottom line, but there have been many studies which have shown that, in general, attractiveness is not at all a valid predictor of on-the-job performance. Many individuals have previously thought this was only a phenomenon in the more individualistic cultures of the Western world, but research has shown that attractiveness also plays a role in hiring in collectivist cultures as well. Because of the prevalence of this problem during the hiring process in all cultures, researchers have recommended training a group to ignore such influencers, just like legislation has worked to control for differences in sex, race, and disabilities.
Popularity is positively linked to job satisfaction, individual job performance, and group performance. The popular worker, besides just feeling more satisfied with his job, feels more secure, believes he has better working conditions, trusts his supervisor, and possesses more positive opportunities for communication with both management and co-workers, causing a greater feeling of responsibility and belongingness at work. Others prefer to work with popular individuals, most notably in manual labor jobs because, although they might not be the most knowledgeable for the job, they are approachable, willing to help, cooperative in group work, and are more likely to treat their coworkers as an equal. If an employee feels good-natured, genial, but not overly independent, more people will say that they most prefer to work with that employee.
According to the mere-exposure effect, employees in more central positions that must relate to many others throughout the day, such as a manager, are more likely to be considered popular. There are many characteristics that contribute to popularity:
- Expressing and acting in genuine ways - others will turn away if they can detect that someone is being fake to them
- Focusing on positive energy - others will feel too drained to be around someone if their interactions are not started on a positive note or they don't have empathy to share in someone else's positive news
- Treating others with respect - others do not like to be around someone if they aren't treated equally and acknowledged for their hard work
- Create connections - others are more likely to approach individuals they have strong relationships with; these can be built by talking about more personal issues, attending work gatherings, and communicating outside the office walls
- Patience - turning away too quickly ignores that relationships take time to grow, especially in the busy and stressful environments that work often induces
- Incorporating others - others feel a sense of trust and belongingness when they are asked for help on a project
With a greater focus on groups in the workplace, it is essential that leaders effectively deal with and mediate groups to avoid clashing. Sometimes a leader does not need to be popular to be effective, but there are a few characteristics that can help a leader be more accepted and better liked by his group. Without group or team cohesiveness, there is no correlation between leadership and popularity; however, when a group is cohesive, the higher up someone is in the leadership hierarchy, the more popular they are for two reasons. First, a cohesive group feels more personal responsibility for their work, thus placing more value on better performance. Cohesive members see leaders as taking a bulk of the work and investing a lot of personal time, so when they see a job's value they can ascribe its success to the leader. This greatest contribution principle is perceived as a great asset to the team, and members view the leader more favorably and he gains popularity. Secondly, cohesive groups have well established group values. Leaders can become more popular in these groups by realizing and acting on dominant group values. Supporting group morals and standards leads to high positive valuation from the group, leading to popularity.
- Adj. 1. in vogue - in the current fashion or style. thefreedictionary.com. Retrieved July 18, 2013.
- Etymology Online entry for Popular, April 05, 2009.
- Scott, B. A., & Judge, T. A. (2009). The popularity contest at work: Who wins, why, and what do they receive? Journal Of Applied Psychology, 94(1), 20-33.
- , Cornell Course INFO 2040 blog. (2011). Information Cascade in Music. Networks.
- Salganik, J. (2006). Experimental Study of Inequality and Unpredictability in and Artificial Cultural Market. Science, 311, 854-856.
- Leskovec, J., Singh, A., and Kleinberg, J. Patterns of Influence in a Recommendation Network.
- Anderson, L. and Holt, C. (1997). Information cascades in the laboratory The American Economic Review, 87, 847-863.
- Adamic, L. (2002). Zipf, power-laws, and pareto-a ranking tutorial. Glottometrics, 3, 143-150.
- Dunbar, R. (2010). You've got to have (150) friends. New York Times December 25
- Lansu, T. M., & Cillessen, A. N. (2012). Peer status in emerging adulthood: Associations of popularity and preference with social roles and behavior. Journal Of Adolescent Research, 27(1), 132-150.
- Cillessen, Antonius; Amanda J. Rose (2005). "Understanding popularity in the peer system". Current Directions In Psychological Science (American Psychological Society) 14 (2): 102–105. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
- Borch, Casey; Allen Hyde, Antonius H. N. Cillessen (13 May 2010). "The role of attractiveness and aggression in high school popularity". Social Psychology of Education 14 (1): 23–39. doi:10.1007/s11218-010-9131-1. Retrieved 6 November 2012.
- Berger, Joseph; Fişek, M. Hamit (1 January 2006). "Diffuse Status Characteristics and the Spread of Status Value: A Formal Theory". American Journal of Sociology 111 (4): 1038–1079. doi:10.1086/498633.
- Kanazawa, Satoshi; Jody L Kovar (May–June 2004). "Why beautiful people are more intelligent". Intelligence 32 (3): 227–243. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2004.03.003. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
- Mulford, Mathew; John Orbell, Catherine Shatto, and Jean Stockard (May 1998). "Physical Attractiveness, Opportunity, and Success in Everyday Exchange". American Journal of Sociology 103 (6): 1565–1592. doi:10.1086/231401. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
- de Bruyn, Eddy H.; van den Boom, Dymphna C. (1 November 2005). "Interpersonal Behavior, Peer Popularity, and Self-esteem in Early Adolescence". Social Development 14 (4): 555–573. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9507.2005.00317.x. Retrieved 7 November 2012.
- Feingold, Alan (March 1992). "Good-looking people are not what we think". Psychological Bulletin 111 (2): 304–341. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.111.2.304.
- Webster Jr., Murray; James E. Driskell, Jr. (July 1983). "Beauty as Status". American Journal of Sociology 89 (1): 140–165. JSTOR 2779050.
- Crick, Nicki R.; Grotpeter, Jennifer K. (1 June 1995). "Relational Aggression, Gender, and Social-Psychological Adjustment". Child Development 66 (3): 710–722. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.1995.tb00900.x.
- Adler, P. A., Kless, S. J., & Adler, P. (1992). Socialization to gender roles: Popularity among elementary school boys and girls. Sociology Of Education, 65(3), 169-187.
- Card, Noel; Casey Borch (July). Modeling dyadic and interdependent data in the developmental and behavioral sciences. New York, NY. pp. 61–86. More than one of
- Kennedy, E. (1995). Correlates of perceived popularity among peers: A study of race and gender differences among middle school students. The Journal of Negro Education, 64, 186-185.
- Eder, D. (1985). The cycle of popularity: Interpersonal relations among female adolescents. Sociology Of Education, 58(3), 154-165.
- Hawkins, K. (2012). Why Popularity At Work Matters And How To Achieve It. Officepro, 72(2), 22-25.
- Shahani-Denning, C., Dudhat, P., Tevet, R., & Andreoli, N. (2010). Effect of Physical Attractiveness on Selection Decisions in India and the United States. International Journal Of Management, 27(1), 37-51.
- SVan Zelst, R. H. (1951). Worker popularity and job satisfaction. Personnel Psychology, 4, 405-412.
- Porter, L. W., & Ghiselli, E. E. (1960). A self-description scale measuring sociometric popularity among manual workers. Personnel Psychology, 13, 141-146.
- Theodorson, G. A. (1957). The relationship between leadership and popularity roles in small groups. American Sociological Review, 22, 58-67.
- Turk, H. (1961). Instrumental values and the popularity of instrumental leaders. Social Forces, 39, 252-260.
|Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Popularity|
|Look up popularity in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.|
- The Cycle of Popularity: Interpersonal Relations Among Female Adolescents # Donna Eder; Sociology of Education, Vol. 58, No. 3 (Jul., 1985), pp. 154–165; American Sociological Association.