Jump to content

Welsh fiscal balance: Difference between revisions

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Content deleted Content added
m Disambiguating links to River Dee (link changed to River Dee, Wales) using DisamAssist.
rm material that is tangential to the topic of the deficit
Line 4: Line 4:
[[File:Net fiscal balance by UK nation and region per capita, 2017-18.png|thumb|upright=1.3|Net fiscal balance by UK nation and region per capita, 2017–18]]
[[File:Net fiscal balance by UK nation and region per capita, 2017-18.png|thumb|upright=1.3|Net fiscal balance by UK nation and region per capita, 2017–18]]
The '''Welsh fiscal deficit''' is the amount by which the [[public expenditure]] in [[Wales]] exceeds the [[tax revenue]] collected in that country. For the 2017–18 [[fiscal year]], the deficit was estimated at around £13.7&nbsp;billion, which was 19.4 percent of GDP and the equivalent of £4,300 ''per capita''. In Wales, fiscal policies that affect the economy of Wales are mainly influenced by the [[UK Government]]. The [[Welsh Government]] is not allowed to borrow more than £1&nbsp;bn, to issue bonds or to exercise quantitative easing measures.<ref name="Nation Cymru">{{cite news |title=Why framing the union as a progressive force is pure dogma |url=https://nation.cymru/opinion/why-framing-the-union-as-a-progressive-force-is-pure-dogma/ |access-date=16 February 2021 |agency=Nation Cymru |publisher=Nation Cymru |date=17 January 2021}}</ref><ref name="Borrow more">{{cite news |title=Allow Welsh Government to borrow more, says Mark Drakeford |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-44147363 |access-date=17 February 2021 |agency=BBC |publisher=BBC |date=16 May 2018}}</ref>
The '''Welsh fiscal deficit''' is the amount by which the [[public expenditure]] in [[Wales]] exceeds the [[tax revenue]] collected in that country. For the 2017–18 [[fiscal year]], the deficit was estimated at around £13.7&nbsp;billion, which was 19.4 percent of GDP and the equivalent of £4,300 ''per capita''. In Wales, fiscal policies that affect the economy of Wales are mainly influenced by the [[UK Government]]. The [[Welsh Government]] is not allowed to borrow more than £1&nbsp;bn, to issue bonds or to exercise quantitative easing measures.<ref name="Nation Cymru">{{cite news |title=Why framing the union as a progressive force is pure dogma |url=https://nation.cymru/opinion/why-framing-the-union-as-a-progressive-force-is-pure-dogma/ |access-date=16 February 2021 |agency=Nation Cymru |publisher=Nation Cymru |date=17 January 2021}}</ref><ref name="Borrow more">{{cite news |title=Allow Welsh Government to borrow more, says Mark Drakeford |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-44147363 |access-date=17 February 2021 |agency=BBC |publisher=BBC |date=16 May 2018}}</ref>

By comparison, the entire [[UK fiscal deficit]] was £350 billion between 2019-2020.<ref>{{cite news |title=UK set to borrow £350b and more is likely: think tank |url=https://www.businesstimes.com.sg/government-economy/uk-set-to-borrow-£350b-and-more-is-likely-think-tank |access-date=30 January 2021 |publisher=Business Times |date=9 July 2020}}</ref> The total UK public debt exceeds £2 trillion (which is equivalent to 85% of GDP).<ref>{{cite report|url=https://www.cardiff.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/1540498/Government-Expenditure-and-Revenue-Wales-2019.pdf|publisher=Wales Fiscal Analysis ([[Wales Governance Centre]]; [[Cardiff University]])|date=2019|title=Government Expenditure and Revenue Wales 2019|page=39}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last=Barry |first=Professor Mark |title=The Environment, Tax and Wales |url=https://swalesmetroprof.blog/2021/01/04/the-environment-tax-and-wales/#_edn25 |website=swalesmetroprof.blog |access-date=13 January 2021}}</ref> GDP per head in Wales in 2018 was £23,866, an increase of 2.9% on 2017. This compares to Italy's GDP/capita of £25,000, Spain £22,000, Slovenia £20,000 and New Zealand £30,000.<ref>{{cite web |last=Barry |first=Professor Mark |title=The Environment, Tax and Wales |url=https://swalesmetroprof.blog/2021/01/04/the-environment-tax-and-wales/#_edn25 |website=swalesmetroprof.blog |access-date=13 January 2021}}</ref><ref name="Nation Cymru"/>


== Forecast ==
== Forecast ==

Revision as of 18:51, 19 February 2021

Net fiscal balance of Wales (red) and UK (blue) in percent of GDP
Net fiscal balance by UK nation and region per capita, 2017–18

The Welsh fiscal deficit is the amount by which the public expenditure in Wales exceeds the tax revenue collected in that country. For the 2017–18 fiscal year, the deficit was estimated at around £13.7 billion, which was 19.4 percent of GDP and the equivalent of £4,300 per capita. In Wales, fiscal policies that affect the economy of Wales are mainly influenced by the UK Government. The Welsh Government is not allowed to borrow more than £1 bn, to issue bonds or to exercise quantitative easing measures.[1][2]

Forecast

The total revenues to Wales were expected to grow by an average of 3.5% a year between 2018-19 and 2023-24. On a per capita basis, total expenditure was set to recover its 2011-12 level by 2023-24. The effect of COVID-19 may now influence these figures. [3]

Deficit

Nine of the twelve UK countries and statistical regions[4] carry a deficit; the exceptions are London, South East England and East of England. At £4,300, Wales's fiscal deficit per capita is the highest of the regions except for Northern Ireland fiscal deficit, which is nearly £5,000 per capita.[5][6] Tax revenue per capita in Wales is only 76 percent as much as the UK average, but spending is 108 percent as much, leading to shortfall. Wales spends more on social security than other parts of the UK; the capital expenditure on infrastructure such as transport (which is not devolved to Wales) however is significantly less.[3]

In 2016, Wales spent £14.7 billion more than it gathered in local revenue, which decreased to £13.7 billion for the 2018–19 fiscal year, due to reduction in public spending. Public spending peaked in 2011–12.[7][6] For the 2018–19 fiscal year, the fiscal deficit is about 19.4 percent of Wales's estimated GDP, compared to 2 percent for the United Kingdom as a whole.[3]

The Welsh economist John Ball suggests that an independent Welsh government could plug the budget shortfall by instituting land value tax (possibly raising £6 billion per year), tourist tax and "exploring some ways in which taxation revenue could be improved in a sovereign state". In his opinion, VAT revenues from businesses not owned by Welsh residents are underestimated in the current revenue data, meaning that the shortfall may not be as high as it appears.[8][9]

Reducing the Welsh fiscal deficit

The fiscal policies which create the economy of Wales are, on the whole, created by the UK Government and as such, Wales is not allowed to borrow money, issue bonds, exercise quantitative easing etc.

The Welsh economist John Ball suggests that an independent Welsh government could plug the budget shortfall by instituting land value tax (possibly raising £6 billion per year), tourist tax and "exploring some ways in which taxation revenue could be improved in a sovereign state". In his opinion, VAT revenues from businesses not owned by Welsh residents are underestimated in the current revenue data, meaning that the shortfall may not be as high as it appears.[8][10]

Ball also suggests that Wales' £3bn defence cost is excessive and that at 3% of GDP is more than any other country. He also notes that incoming pensioners from England cost £2bn and a further “accounting adjustment” of another £3bn. [11] The vast number of external business ownership in Wales makes it difficult to estimate the amount of VAT actually collected in Wales and which is allocated to the business headquarters in England. An independent Welsh government would decide how much to spend on matters such as defence, and could have its own currency.[12]

Identifiable and non-identifiable expenditure

HM Treasury’s (2018) Country and Regional Analysis (CRA) aims to identify where resources were spent - depending on where those who benefitted are located, and is publishes on an 'Expenditure on Services' (TES) basis, formed by two types of spending:

  1. identifiable expenditure: spending identified as benefitting Wales
  2. non-identifiable expenditure: and expenditure outside the UK that is deemed to be incurred on behalf of the UK as a whole, for example,

public debt interest payments and defence spending. [12]

Breakdown of non-identifiable and expenditure outside the UK apportioned to Wales, 2017-18 [13]
Public Sector Debt Interest (£2,123m)
2123
Defence (£1,821m)
1821
International Services (£505m)
505
Public and common services (£250m)
250
Social protection (£228m)
228
Recreation, culture and religion (£201m)
201

By UK law, Wales must pay for items that do not directly benefit Wales, where there is no 'Barnet consequential' e.g. over £5 billion for HS2 "which will damage the Welsh economy by £200m pa", according to the UK and Welsh Government's transport adviser Prof. Mark Barry.[14] Wales also pays more for military costs than most similarly sized countries, e.g. Wales pays twice the amount Ireland spends on the military.[14] The UK government spends £1.75bn per year on the military in Wales which is almost as much as Wales spend on education every year (£1.8 billion in 2018/19).[15][4]

Taxes or levies on water and electricity exports

Among other areas where Wales, presently, can not charge are water and power. Severn Trent abstracts 133 billion litres of water for English customers and United Utilities can take 110 billion litres of water a year from Lake Vyrnwy and the River Dee to serve its customers in Merseyside, for profit. In 2018, Wales generated 30.2 TWh of electricity, around twice what it consumed (14.9 TWh), with the surplus being exported to England and other countries. Post-independence, a tax or levy on energy exports from Wales could be imposed, possibly worth around £890 million on the wholesale market according to Wales Fiscal Analysis (Wales Governance Centre) in March 2020.[16]

Implications

Wales spends 11 percent more per person than England. Welsh economist Ed Gareth Poole notes that fiscal transfers between wealthier and poorer parts of a sovereign state are not unusual.[3] Wales's government deficit was consistently higher than that of Greece during the Greek government-debt crisis[17][18] but, unlike Greece, the gap was covered by transfer payments from the rest of the UK. Such transfer payments, according to the economist Robert A. Mundell, are essential to a functional currency union.[19]

References

  1. ^ "Why framing the union as a progressive force is pure dogma". Nation Cymru. Nation Cymru. 17 January 2021. Retrieved 16 February 2021.
  2. ^ "Allow Welsh Government to borrow more, says Mark Drakeford". BBC. BBC. 16 May 2018. Retrieved 17 February 2021.
  3. ^ a b c d "Shortfall in public finances in Wales due to lower revenues, report finds". Cardiff University. 2 July 2019. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  4. ^ a b Ifan et all, Guto. "Government Expenditure and Revenue Wales 2019" (PDF). Government Expenditure and Revenue Wales. Government Expenditure and Revenue Wales. Retrieved 17 February 2021.
  5. ^ Birnie, Esmond (18 February 2020). "Scrutinising Northern Ireland's sizeable fiscal deficit is interesting". Belfast Telegraph. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  6. ^ a b Rutter, Calum (2 August 2019). "Welsh spending cuts cause deficit reduction, says study". Public Finance. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  7. ^ Dickins, Sarah (29 July 2019). "Tax and public spending gap narrows in Wales". BBC News. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  8. ^ a b Ball, John (25 January 2019). "Is Wales really too poor to be independent?". Institute of Welsh Affairs. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  9. ^ Ball, Dr John (5 July 2019). "Does Wales have the tax base to make independence viable?". birminghampost. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  10. ^ Ball, Dr John (5 July 2019). "Does Wales have the tax base to make independence viable?". birminghampost. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  11. ^ Ball, Dr John (5 July 2019). "Does Wales have the tax base to make independence viable?". birminghampost. Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  12. ^ a b Ifan et all, Guto. "Wales' Fiscal Future: Closing the fiscal gap as an independent country". Wales Fiscal Analysis Wales Governance Centre. Wales Fiscal Analysis Wales Governance Centre. {{cite web}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Missing or empty |url= (help)
  13. ^ Source: ONS (2019) Country and Regional Public Sector Finances
  14. ^ a b Barry, Mark (7 January 2020). "Wales and HS2..." SWalesMetroProf (blog). Retrieved 4 February 2021. We do know for example, that Wales is allocated expenditure for items that do not directly benefit Wales
  15. ^ "UK defence invests more than £1-billion in Wales". GOV.UK. UK Government. Retrieved 17 February 2021. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |Quote= ignored (|quote= suggested) (help)
  16. ^ Government Expenditure and Revenue Wales 2019 (PDF) (Report). Wales Fiscal Analysis (Wales Governance Centre; Cardiff University). 2019. p. 52.
  17. ^ Kindreich, Adam (20 July 2017). "The Greek Financial Crisis (2009–2016)". Financial Scandals, Scoundrels & Crises. Exhibit 2. Retrieved 23 April 2020.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: location (link)
  18. ^ Government Expenditure and Revenue Wales 2019 (PDF) (Report). Wales Fiscal Analysis (Cardiff University). 2019. p. 9.
  19. ^ Thomas, Landon (27 January 2012). "The Welsh Economy Slips, but London Cushions the Fall". The New York Times. Retrieved 23 April 2020.

See also