Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Korea)

This article is about the South Korean commission. For Truth and reconciliation commission, see Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Korea) (disambiguation).

Truth and Reconciliation Commission
Hangul	진실화해를위한과거사정리위원회
Revised Romanization	Jinsil-Hwahaereul-Wihan-Gwageosa-Jeongni-Wiwonhoe

South Korea's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Korean: 진실·화해를 위한 과거사 정리 위원회), established on December 1, 2005, is a governmental body responsible for investigating incidents in Korean history which occurred starting from Japan's rule of Korea in 1910 up until the end of Authoritarian Rule in Korea with the election of President Kim Young Sam in 1993.

The body has investigated numerous atrocities that were committed by various government agencies during the Japan's occupation of Korea, the Korean War, and the authoritarian governments that ruled afterwards. The commission estimates that at least 100,000 people—and possibly 200,000 or higher—were executed in the summer of 1950. The victims include political prisoners, civilians who were killed by US Forces, and civilians who allegedly collaborated with communist North Korea or local communist groups. Each incident that is investigated is based on a citizen's petition, with some incidents having as many as hundreds of petitions. The commission, staffed by 240 people with an annual budget of $19 million, is expected to release a final report on their findings in 2010.

Daffodils of the Sea

I am an ever tragic bird. I am wandering in a dark cave and a deep valley. Hit by a wave, my soul cannot fly. The sky is torn and the earth is divided. My soul has been wandering for half a century. My wounds have not yet healed over the many years. Time has passed, but nothing seems resolved. I wish I could see eternity. I hope our dearest wish can move the heavens,

And the heavens send us fresh spring water and peaceful doves.

— Seo Young-sun, a bereaved family of Ganghwa Massacre.

Objective

Operating under the Framework Act on Clearing up Past Incidents for Truth and Reconciliation, the purpose of the Commission is to investigate and reveal the truth behind violence, massacres, and human rights abuses that occurred throughout the course of Japan's rule of Korea and Korea's authoritarian regimes. It is hoped that by doing so, Korea can reconcile its past and foster national legitimacy.

Truth in danger in South Korea Sydney Morning Herald - Hamish Mcdonald - ‎Jan 22, 2010‎ One of the most impressive things to happen in Asia in the past 20 years has been the emergence of South Korea as a vigorous democracy with a competitive, high-tech economy and a sophisticated urban society. Considering what the Koreans endured last century, that's a miracle of human resilience. They were occupied by the Japanese and subjected to a brutal system of assimilation designed to erase their nationality, conscripted into Japan's wars as soldiers and comfort women, divided and occupied by the Allied powers, trampled over and massacred in one of history's most vicious wars, then ruled by harsh dictatorships, one of which survives in the North. That's a terrible history that can't simply be pushed out of sight. Commendably, South Korea embarked about four years ago on a reappraisal of the historical record, taking as its model the Truth and Reconciliation Commission set up in South Africa after apartheid. The South Korean version has worked hard during those four years to determine the truth behind about 11,000 cases of alleged state crime and abuse submitted by the public in its opening stages. Working on a modest budget, its researchers have dug up the physical evidence: skeletons with bullet holes in the back of the heads and hands bound with wire, buried in mass graves or shoved down mine shafts. Even harder, with no powers of subpoena or compulsion, they've dug into memory. Now elderly witnesses have talked of seeing truckloads of prisoners taken out into the country and not coming back. Relatives have talked of decades of fearful association with these alleged communists and traitors. A few former policemen and soldiers have come forward and confessed to taking part in mass executions. But only 3200 cases have been explored. Now, in just over two months, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is being wound up. Its latest report has been withdrawn on dubious grounds, the findings accused of political partisanship. A new government is in power, edgy at being seen as inheriting a strand of authoritarian rule. That was always going to be hard to avoid. Since its inception in 1948, the Republic of Korea was controlled by a succession of right-wing, mostly military presidents, with periodic outbursts of student-led revolt, until more contested elections brought a succession of civilian presidents from 1993. The first three of these - Kim Young-sam, Kim Dae-jung, and Roh Moo-hyun - were former opposition figures who had all suffered under the military regimes. It was under Roh that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was launched, with a mandate to cover not just the Korean War atrocities, but also the litany of human rights abuses under the previous dictatorships. Then in December 2007, the electorate swung to the right, installing as president Lee Myung-bak, a former top Hyundai executive who had carried our a sweeping transformation of Seoul as the city's mayor. Lee had joined the Grand National Party, an amalgam of conservatives including many connecting with previous military regimes. President Lee has made it clear that the commission's four-year mandate will not be renewed when it expires at the end of March. Last month the commission's president, a liberal-minded history professor named Ahn Byung-ook, came to the end of his two-year term, and was replaced by another commission member, Lee Young-jo, an academic known for past association with the New Right Union, a conservative political advocacy group. The new commission chief has controversially withdrawn from circulation an English-language report by his predecessor on the grounds of alleged translation errors. He has also criticised the commission for not producing enough results from its $20 million in funds over the past four years. But he's not arguing for more funds. His friends in the New Right Union make it clear that left-wing bias is the problem. A reading of the contested document makes it clear that the English is not the problem: it is quite clear and correct. There is a distinct left-wing tinge to Professor Ahn's introduction. For example, he writes about General Park Chung-hee's rule from his coup in 1961 until his death in 1979 at the hands of his intelligence chief: Influenced by the extreme rightist ideology of Japanese nationalism and the sophisticated manipulation skills of the US military, the Park military junta introduced an extreme right-wing fascist regime into Korean society during a time when the nation lacked thoughts, values and awareness of democracy. Yet the body of the report is generally factual and includes details of massacres carried out by the North Korean army in areas it controlled during the Korean War, as well as killings by South Korean and US forces. (Well before the commission, the Pentagon acknowledged in 2001 that American soldiers had shot civilians sheltering under a bridge at a village called No Gun Ri in 1950. When I met Professor Ahn last August, he said the commission had not received any accusations against the Australian forces in the war.) It would be a huge pity if the commission is disbanded before its work is done. The historical self-examination has done the Republic of Korea an immense amount of credit, and stands in sharp contrast to the obfuscations and denials of its neighbours, not least North Korea. The way to counter perceived bias is surely to get in and argue for wider analysis. Yet none of the allies which shed blood to defend this republic (the United States had 36,574 killed, Australia 339) have spoken out about this impending shame and cover-up - not the governments, not the official military historians, not the veterans. Surely they should be putting a message to President Lee that this is not what we fought for?

Translators to Sue Truth Commission Korea Times - Bae Ji-sook - ‎Jan 17, 2010‎ By Bae Ji-sook Staff Reporter The Truth and Reconciliation Commission is under fire for blaming the distribution ban on an English-language book covering the nation's modern history on poor English translation. Translators plan to file a suit against Lee Young-jo, the new head of the commission, for libel. Last month, the commission ordered an end to the distribution of "Historical Background of Korea's Past Settlement," written by former chief commissioner Ahn Byung-ook, perceived a liberal, for its allegedly poor translation. The suspension was made right after Lee, who was a key member of an affiliate of conservative group New Right Union, took office. The book says that many of the killings of civilians were conducted by the Korean army, police and right wing organizations. It also says the Park Chung-hee military junta introduced an extreme right-wing fascist regime to Korean society. One of the translators, named Kim, claimed that the former New Right member found the "truth" uncomfortable. "While the New Right focuses on the economic fruits of the past administrations, the commission has highlighted the human rights infringements," he said. "Citing the translational errors is a mere stunt to gloss over the ideological war. However, that has hurt our dignity and pride as professional translators." Kim, who works both as a translator and interpreter, was invited to help in the commission's seminars and events after the book's release. "They shouldn't have hired me if I had problems with English proficiency," he said. The book was released last March, translated by three experts and proofread by three English-speaking foreigners. The commission has printed 2,000 copies and distributed 1,200 of them.

Reconciliation or Reconcealment : is censorship back to Korea ? Agoravox (blog) - ‎Jan 18, 2010‎ Is the independent body in charge of uncovering the inconvenient truth starting to rewrite its own history under a new leadership ? According to OhMyNews*, translators are considering suing Lee Young-Jo, the new President of Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission**, for defamation. One of the first decisions of Lee Young-Jo was to ban the English brochure published by the TRCK in March 2009 to present its recent achievements ("Truth and Reconciliation - Activities of the Past Three Years") because "it is biased and the English is incorrect". Translators deny the charges and OhMyNews couldn’t get any example of translation errors from the organization. Since I’m not a native English speaker, I cannot judge what’s grammatically correct... but "the Park military junta introduced an extreme right-wing Fascist regime into Korean society during a time when the nation lacked thoughts, values, and awareness of democracy" may sound politically incorrect. I reckon the cover of the report featuring civilian massacres could also hurt the feelings of ultra-conservatives who would prefer to keep the lid on such inconvenient truths (not to mention the feelings of grieving families). Maybe Lee Young-Jo, a TRCK commissioner since 2005 and a fluent English speaker, saw the document under a different light after his nomination... I wouldn’t dare imagining that his very nomination, under a conservative government, was part of a scheme to undermine the formidable achievements of the TRCK under his predecessors. Yet, several medias point out Mr Lee’s own conservative credentials as an eminent leader of the New Right movement***, and a SisaIN article even evokes a possible sabotage of the organization, and past efforts from the New Right to revise history textbooks****. If this book ban proves to be actually an act of censorship, I wonder what kind of changes could be already happening within this up to now irreproachable organization... As we saw earlier, the TRCK did such a good job in performing its missions that it was politically impossible for ultra-conservatives to put an end to it. If their intention is to discreetly sabotage it, it is bound to backfire and at the end of the day, President Lee Myung-bak will have to make a choice : maintain the TRCK on its original tracks, or let the discredit and international uproar hurt his own image. blogules 2010 - initially published on Seoul Village ("TRCK lost in translation or lost in transition ?") and blogules. => all posts related to TRCK. • "Translators upset by ’New Right Truth and Reconciliation Commission’" ("번역자들, ’뉴라이트 진실화해위’에 뿔났다" - 20100113 updated 20100114). • we mentioned his nomination last December in "Achievements and Tasks of TRCK’s Activities". • Last month I was a little bit disturbed by his resume but didn’t find any website about these organizations : Lee Young-jo was President of the Capitalism Economy and Nationalism Research Center and Secretary General of the Citizens United for Better Society • "New Right received by past Commission" ("뉴라이트가 접수한 과거사정리위원회" - SisaIn 20091221)

Historical background

Main article: History of South Korea

Korea’s history during the last sixty years as it transitioned from an occupied nation to a Democracy has been fraught with violence, war, and civil disputes. With Japan’s defeat in World War II in 1945, Korea was divided in two at the 38th parallel with administration of the north side given to the Soviet Union while the south side was administered by the United States (see Gwangbokjeol). In 1948, two separate governments formed each claiming to be the legitimate government of all of Korea.

South Korea (Republic of Korea) was formally established on 15 August 1948 by Syngman Rhee. The establishment of a legitimate government body in South Korea was marked by civil unrest and several instances of violence (see Jeju Uprising, Yeosu-Suncheon Incident). Two years after the establishment of Republic of Korea, North Korean forces invaded South Korea precipitating the Korean War.

The war ended with an Armistice agreement signed on July 1953. Syngman Rhee attempted to maintain his control of the government by pushing through constitutional amendments, declaring martial law, and jailing members of parliament who stood against him. His rule came to an end in April 1960 as protests throughout Korea forced him to resign on April 26. (see April Revolution).

After Syngman Rhee’s resignation, an interim government briefly held power until Major General Park Chung-hee took control through a Military coup on May 16, 1961. Amid pressure from the United States, the new military government decided to hold elections in 1963 to return power to a civilian government. Park Chung-hee ran for President in those elections and was narrowly elected. In 1967 and 1971, Park Chung-hee ran for re-election and won using a constitutional amendment that allowed a president to serve more than two terms.

During his rule, Korea saw dramatic economic growth and increased international recognition as it maintained close ties with and received aid from the United States. On October 17, 1972, Park Chung-hee declared martial law, dissolving the national assembly and putting forth the Yusin Constitution which gave Park Chung-hee effective control of parliament. This led to civil unrest and the jailing of hundreds of dissidents. In 1979, Park Chung-hee was assassinated by Kim Jae-kyu leading to another military coup by Major General Chun Doo-hwan. This coup led to a more civil unrest and government clampdowns (see Gwangju Massacre). Public outrage over government killings led to more popular support for democracy.

In 1987, Roh Tae-woo, a colleague of Chun Doo-Hwan, was elected President. During his rule, he promised a more democratic constitution, a wide program of reforms, and popular election of the president. In 1993, Kim Young-sam was elected President, becoming the first civilian President in 30 years.

Scope of Investigation: Korea under Japanese rule

Independence movements during/immediately before the Japanese occupation and efforts by overseas Koreans to uphold Korea's sovereignty are dealt within this category.

1. Abuses of Governmental Power against the Guro Farmland Owners
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Korea) verified that the government abused its power by fabricating facts concerning the Guro farmland owners. In 1942, the Japanese Ministry of Defense confiscated the land of 200 farmers in the Guro area. The farmers continued to use the land under the supervision of the Central Land Administration Bureau, even after Korea’s liberation in 1945. Beginning in 1961, the government constructed an industrial complex and public housing on the land. In 1964, the farmers claimed rightful ownership of the land and brought several civil action lawsuits against the government. The rulings for many of these cases weren’t passed until after 1968. By that time, the government began appealing the rulings. They appealed three cases in 1968 and one case in 1970. They accused the defendants of defrauding the government and launched an investigation. The prosecutor arrested the accused without warrants or explanation and coerced them into surrendering their rights through the use of violence. The investigation did not uncover any evidence that supports the accusations. A lack of evidence and the fact that the civil action suit rulings were already passed did not deter the government from demanding the defendants to surrender their rights. After 40 of the defendants refused to accept such a demand, several lawsuits were brought against them. The prosecution accused them of fraud and attempted to punish the defendants by holding criminal trials. Official documents verify the defendants were eligible for farmland distributed by the government under the Farming Land Reform Act. Therefore, they did not defraud the government as claimed. Although most of the defendants were cleared of suspicion, the government conducted a second investigation to punish them. The Commission recommended the government to officially apologize, hold a retrial, and conduct relevant measures for the defendants.

2. Contribution of Taekwondo to Heighten Korea’s Prestige
The commission found the well-known martial art of Taekwondo has been contributed to heighten the national prestige of Korea overseas throughout Europe, Asia, Africa, etc. Taekwondo has grown its popularity over last decades and became a sports practiced by some 60,000,000 people worldwide in more than 188 countries. The popularity of Taekwondo has continued to spread around the globe largely due to instructors either sent out by the Korea’s Taekwondo Federation or the Korean government, which have remained supportive on activities of dispatched Taekwondo instructors.

The International Taekwon-Do Federation (ITF) established by Hong-hee CHOI in 1966, in particular, prepared a corner stone to introduce Taekwondo internationally at the beginning of the period by hosting international competitions and dispatching instructors overseas. At the later stage, Taekwondo became more systemized and eventually got selected as an official category of the Olympic Games, largely thanks to the efforts of the World Taekwondo Federation (WTF) founded in 1973 and its first president Woon-yong KIM.

The Korean government recognized Taekwondo as an effective device to utilize the cultural diplomacy and has actively aided to dispatch instructors overseas, host international Taekwondo competitions, and secured adequate budgets and facilities to implement thereof.

Hereby, the commission found there have not been sufficient documentation and evaluation concerning the above-mentioned issue and ascertained Taekwondo has had a positive impact to reinforce the Korea’s national prestige in this regard.

• in Korean: http://www.jinsil.go.kr/Information_Notice/news/news_31/news31_4.asp

3. Korea’s Economic Growth Contributed by Dispatched Korean Nurses and Miners in Germany

In accordance with the commission’s findings, Korean miners were recruited and dispatched to Germany. The Korean government was involved in both their recruitment and dispatch. A total of 7,936 Korean miners were relocated to Germany between 1963 and 1977. In the case of nurses, a total of 10,723 registered Korean nurses were dispatched to Germany beginning in the late 1950s until 1976. The Korean government also played roles in the later stage of this period. Between 1965 and 1975, the Korean miners and registered nurses in Germany wired a total of USD 101,530,000 back to Korea, which comprised 1.6%, 1.9% and 1.8% of Korea’s total export amount in 1965, 1966, and 1967, respectively.
Considering that the foreign exchange rate was 100% and the earned dollars in the past were valued much higher than today, the Korean miners and nurses in Germany are estimated to have greatly contributed to Korea’s economic growth.
The commission found it untrue that the Korean government received commercial loans successfully from Germany in return for forcefully depositing the Korean miners and registered nurses’ income in Commerz Bank in Germany.
From Korea’s total commercial loan of DM 150,000,000 from Germany, the German government issued DM 75,000,000 under the “Protocol concerning Economic and Technical Cooperation between the Government of the Republic of Korea and Germany” to guarantee the invoice payments of imported German industrial facilities. It was also found that approximately 60% of the dispatched Korean miners and nurses have resided in Germany and other nations, and contributed greatly in forming and developing Korean communities in their respective residing nations.
The commission’s findings report the dispatch of Korean miners and registered nurses to Germany was considered to be the Korean government’s first attempt to relocate Korea’s workforce overseas. Its impact on Korea’s economic growth has been greatly underestimated and inadequately documented. A significant finding reveals that the commercial loan from German was not a result of the German Commerz Bank forcefully holding wages of the dispatched Korean miners and nurses. This was found to be false. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Republic of Korea, hereby, recommended the Korean government to collect relevant documents and make full use of them for educational purposes, as well as to take adequate actions to prevent the spread of false information in this regard.

Scope of Investigation: Human Rights Abuses under Authoritarian Regimes

Incidents of death, injury or disappearance, and any other major acts of human rights violation including politically fabricated trials committed through illegal or seriously unjust exercise of state power such as breaking the constitutional order from August 15, 1945 up until the end of authoritarian governments, particularly under the former generals Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan.
Sometimes, the commission deals with cases that have already been ruled in court, but qualify for new trials and need to be reinvestigated for truth; and cases that the Presidential Truth Commission on Suspicious Deaths inconclusively investigated and requested the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to reinvestigate.

• Further information: Transitional Politics of Korea, 1987-1992: Activation of Civil Society

1. Fabricated Espionage Charge on Seo Chang-deok
Seo Chang-deok, a fisherman kidnapped to the North Korea in 1967 when going out for his regular fishing trip and returned home in the South Korea. 17 years later, Jeonju Security Forces illegitimately arrested Seo without any particular prosecuting charges using a falsified confession resulted in from illegal confinement and torture. As a result, Seo was sentenced with 10 years of imprisonment and his human rights (see also Universal Declaration of Human Rights) was violated.

2. The Fabricated Spy Case of Five Fishermen Kidnapped to North Korea
The TRCK’s investigation into North Korea’s kidnapping of the five fishermen found that the organization overseeing investigations illegally detained and interrogated the returning men and their families. Based on the organization’s fabrications, the detained were falsely accused and punished for espionage.

On July 22, 1967, the crew of the fishing vessel, Song-yang, operated off the coast of Soyeonpyeong-do when a North Korean coastal defense ship kidnapped them. After a month of captivity, the North Koreans released the fishermen on the west coast where they were met by police officers who promptly questioned them before releasing them without charges.

In December 1968, a year after the kidnapping, a special investigation organization interrogated, without a warrant, five of the fishermen in regards to their work at the time of the incident.

While it had been determined that sea currents carried the Song-yang within range of the North Korean coastal defense ship, the organization accused the men of escaping to North Korea and then infiltrating South Korea for propaganda purposes. The organization illegally detained all of the men, including one of their wives, for eighty-eight days. The wife was accused of receiving counterfeit money and coded messages from three unidentified men thought to be spies, as well as failing to notify the authorities.

During their imprisonment, the organization subjected them to abusive interrogation tactics, including torture and assault. Initial reports indicated the Song-yang to be in South Korean waters at the time of the incident, but the interrogators coerced the fishermen to sign false statements saying otherwise. The organization also falsified charges against Ms. Kim, the wife, after they detained her on accusations of accepting counterfeit money. No specific evidence of the unidentified men existed, nor was there any evidence of anyone of that nature visiting her house. The counterfeit money of 500,000 won and the coded message were not found, nor mentioned in any investigation document, and no report describing such an incident was every submitted to the court.

Based on the charges, the fishermen were sentenced to serve between one to five years in prison. Ms. Kim was sentenced to serve one year in prison and one year of probation. As they served their sentences, their families encountered discrimination due to the stigma of being related to a suspected North Korea spy. This ostracizing affected many family members’ employment as they were unable to obtain jobs. Besides the social stigmatization they experienced after their release, the fishermen suffered psychological trauma from torture and abusive treatment.

The special investigation organization did not limit the scope of the probe to the fishermen. Instead, they extended their interrogations to village acquaintances. Such wide sweeping investigations further ostracized the men and disrupted the amicable relations of the community by exacerbating the hostility and discrimination.

The TRCK recommends that the government apologize to the victims and reexamine or take action of similar level to repair the damage and restore the honor of the victims and their families.

3. The Human Rights Abuse Case of Lim Seong-kook

The TRCK ascertained Lim Seong-kook was forcefully taken by the Gwangju Security Forces and tortured during his twenty eight hours of detention. At the time of the incident, the Gwangju Security Forces did not have investigative jurisdiction and it abused its power by repeatedly torturing Lim Seong-kook during the interrogation. He died two weeks after his release.

Without a warrant, the Security Forces forcibly detained Lim Seong-kook in July 1985 and placed him under custody for an espionage charge based on an ambiguous suspicion that he might be in contact and cooperating with North Korean spies.

The landlord’s family, with whom Mr. Lim had a close relationship with until his arrest, was sentenced to imprisonment for meeting his brother who had been dispatched as a spy from North Korea in 1969.

The security forces’ interrogators in Gwangju were aware of the restrictions of the judicial measurements while investigating civilians. Nevertheless, they illegally arrested and interrogated Mr. Lim.

In accordance with combined statements from eye witnesses and other referees, including the interrogators, it was found that Mr. Lim was lynched, which became the main cause of his death.

Mr. Lim suffered from severe physical and mental damage after the security forces tortured him. However, no adequate medical treatment was given.

Furthermore, as Lim having been the main income earner, Mr. Lim’s family suffered severe financial difficulties after he died. The unjust discrimination received from their neighbors drove out the family to relocate in Gunsan, Jeonbuk Province.

After enduring decades of silence, the bereaved family petitioned the Presidential Truth Commission on Suspicious Deaths and the National Human Rights Commission of Korea to find the truth concerning Lim’s death. However, their petitions were rejected because they either missed the application period or the statute of limitations had expired.

Mr. Lim’s family testified that people neglected or failed to believe in their claim that his death was a result of the harsh interrogation from the public authority. Additionally, they stated that they did not know which of the authorities was responsible for Mr. Lim’s forceful abduction and torture. In particular, fear of further persecution for seeking the truth inhibited them from bringing the case to attention.

This case indicates that the widespread fear and distrust of public power was deeply rooted in Korean society, and suggests that it is necessary to implement adequate education on preventive measures concerning manipulation of public power and protection of human rights.

Hereby, the commission recommended the Korean government to offer a formal apology to Lim’s family and adequate acts for reconciliation.

4. DongA Teugwi

In the latest of a series of findings, the official government Truth and Reconciliation Commission has determined that one of the more famous press suppression cases of the Park Chung-hee years, the “DongA Ilbo Advertising Coercion and Forced Layoff Case” during 1974 and 1975, was orchestrated by the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA, now known as the National Intelligence Service), and that the DongA Ilbo itself went along with what was unjust oppression by the Yusin regime, as it was called.

In a report issued October 29, the commission formally recommends that the state and the DongA Ilbo “apologize to those who were fired and make appropriate amends” for what the report defines as “a case in which the state power apparatus, in the form of the KCIA, engaged in serious civil rights violations.”

According to the commission, the KCIA summoned companies with significant advertising contracts with the DongA Ilbo Company to the KCIA’s infamous facility in Seoul’s Namsan neighborhood and had them sign written documents pledging to cancel their contracts with the company for advertisements with its various periodicals, including the daily DongA Ilbo, and also with DongA Broadcasting, which Chun Doo-hwan later took from them.

Individuals who bought smaller advertisements with the DongA Ilbo expressing encouragement to the paper were either called in or physically detained by the KCIA and threatened with tax audits.

The commission cited the DongA Ilbo for “surrendering to the unjust demands of the Yusin regime by firing journalists at the government’s insistence, instead of protecting the journalists that had stood by the newspaper to defend its honor and press freedom.” The report says the KCIA demanded, and the DongA Ilbo accepted, the condition that no less than five newspaper section chiefs always confer with the KCIA before resuming advertisements.

On seven occasions between March and May 1975, the DongA Ilbo fired 49 journalists and “indefinitely suspended” the employment of 84 others. The commission cited executives at the time for “failing to admit that the firings were forced by the regime” and for thereby “going along with suppression of press freedoms for claiming they were being fired for managerial reasons.”

“Ultimately,” the report says, the DongA Ilbo “will find it hard to avoid responsibility for hurting the freedom of the press, the livelihoods of journalists, and (its own) honor.”

Later on the day the report was made public, members of the Struggle Committee to Defend Press Freedom at the DongA (DongA Teugwi), an organization of journalists who were fired at the time, met with the media in front of the DongA Ilbo Company’s offices along Seoul’s Sejongno boulevard to read a statement calling on the government and the newspaper to “accept the recommendation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and apologize to us journalists, and take action commensurate with what happened to correct the damage.”

Many of the journalists suspended or fired from the DongA Ilbo later went on to found The Hankyoreh.

4. Falsification of an Espionage Charge on Lee Soo-keun

Lee Soo-keun, the former vice president of the Korean Central News Agency in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, was exiled to the Republic of Korea through the Demilitarized Zone in March 22, 1967. Lee, then, had worked as an analyst at the KCIA until he was caught by KCIA agents en route to Cambodia under forged passports on January 27, 1969. After returning to South Korea, Lee was charged with violating the National Security Law and the Anti-communist Law by secretly collecting classified information and taking them out of the country, etc. Death sentence was imposed on Lee on May 10, 1969 and his execution was subsequently followed on July 2 of the same year. South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, hereby ascertained the KCIA illegally confined Lee, thereby meeting prerequisites of a retrial abiding by the provision 7 under Article 420 and Article 422 of the Criminal Law. The commission also said the illegal confinement during the interrogation, the prosecution solely relying on defendant’s statements failed to satisfy the Rule of Evidence. Hereby, the commission recommended the government with an official apology, restoration of the honor of the dead, and a retrial in accordance with its findings.

5. Abduction of Taeyoungho

Five petitioners pleaded for a truth verification concerning an abduction case of Taeyoungho crews. The crews were forcibly taken away by the North Korean coast guards when they get caught fishing on the North Korean side of the Military Demarcation Line (MDL). They were sentenced guilty by the South Korean authorities for violating Anti-communist Law soon after they returned from the four-month detention in North Korea. The commission found illegal confinement and torture were imposed to the crews during interrogation at Buan Police Office, which makes the case qualified for a retrial. Additionally, the commission verified the falsification of an espionage charge on the abductees and the prosecution without sufficient evidences, only based on testimonies from the defendants, did not meet the Rule of Evidence. Hereby, the commission advised the government to officially apologize to the victims and have a retrial in accordance with its findings.

6. Falsified Espionage Charges on Shin Gui-young’s Family

Shin Gui-young was sentenced 10 years of imprisonment for allegedly collecting classified military information with an order given by Shin Soo-young, the senior member of Chosen Soren in Japan. Shin was sentenced guilty at the Busan District Court in 1980 and released upon completion of his 10 year term. The commission ascertained the forceful confinement and the torture given to Shin violated the rule of evidence, thereby advising the government with an official apology and a retrial in accordance with the findings.

7. Aram-hoe Incident

Park Hae-jeon et al., a total of eleven residents of Geumsan and Daejon of which occupations varied from teacher, student, salary man, soldier, housewife, etc., had held a regular meeting between May 1980 and July 1981, based on friendship originated from their school days. They were taken to the Daejon Police Office and arrested soon after for having inappropriate gatherings and subsequently exchanging traitorous conversation therein. They were accused of violating the National Security Law by constituting a treasonous organization and praising enemies of the nation, and sentenced with the 10 years of imprisonment and suspension, etc. The commission found the concerned investigative institutes including Chungcheongnam-do’s Provisional Police Station conducted illegal confinement, brutal torture, and improperly imposed charges on the victims without sufficient evidence. Hereby, the TRC recommended the government with a retrial of the case along with an official apology to the victims.

Scope of Investigation: Civilian Massacres during the Korean War

Illegal summary executions of civilians was practiced, often on a large scale from August 15, 1945 up to the end of Korean War. Mass killings were conducted by various parties in both the North and South as well as US Forces who would bomb civilians indiscriminately for fear of disguised enemy soldiers.

Ulsan Bodo League massacre was taken place by the South Korean police against suspicious left leaning civilians, most of them being illiterate and uneducated peasants uninformed or wrongly informed when registering themselves as Bodo League (see Bodo League massacre) members. In the southeastern city of Ulsan, hundreds of people were massacred by the South Korean police during the early months of the Korean War between 1950 and 1953. 407 civilians were summarily executed without trials in July and August 1950 only. In January 24, 2008, the former President of Korea Roh Moo-hyun apologized for the mass killings. See also the mass killings conducted against the prison inmates, who were suspected leftists, and taken place at prisons in other cities such Busan, Masan, and Jinju.

1. Wolmi Island Incident(see also Battle of Incheon)
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission(South Korea)has concluded on March 11, 2008 that the indiscriminating bombing by the US on [1]Wolmi Island, Incheon, Korea on Sept. 10, 1950 caused severe casualties of civilians residing in the area. At the time, the United Nations attempted a sudden landing maneuver in Incheon, a.k.a. Battle of Incheon, a west coast city from Seoul to reverse the course of the war, and Wolmi Island was laid at a strategically significant location that needed to be secured. It is assumed the US decided to clear any potential threats therein to minimize casualties of its own troops, and thus conducting indiscriminate bombing on the region and resulting in massive civilian casualties from the local villagers. Survived villagers were forced to evacuate their homes and have not been returned, since it became designated as a strategically important military base even after the Korean War. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission has recommended the Korean government to negotiate with the US government to seek measurements to compensate those victimized by the incident.

[2]WOLMI ISLAND, South Korea — When American troops stormed this island more than half a century ago, it was a hive of Communist trenches and pillboxes. Now it is a park where children play and retirees stroll along a tree-shaded esplanade.

From a hilltop across a narrow channel, Gen. Douglas MacArthur, memorialized in bronze, appears to gaze down at the beaches of Inchon where his troops splashed ashore in September 1950, changing the course of the Korean War and making him a hero here.

In the port below, rows of cars, gleaming in the sun, wait to be shipped around the world — testimony to South Korea’s industrial might and a reminder of which side has triumphed economically since the conflict ended 55 years ago.

But inside a ragged tent at the entrance of the park, some aging South Koreans gather daily to draw attention to their side of the conflict, a story of carnage not mentioned in South Korea’s official histories or textbooks.

“When the napalm hit our village, many people were still sleeping in their homes,” said Lee Beom-ki, 76. “Those who survived the flames ran to the tidal flats. We were trying to show the American pilots that we were civilians. But they strafed us, women and children.”

Village residents say dozens of civilians were killed.

The attack, though not the civilian casualties, has been corroborated by declassified United States military documents recently reviewed by South Korean investigators. On Sept. 10, 1950, five days before the Inchon landing, according to the documents, 43 American warplanes swarmed over Wolmi, dropping 93 napalm canisters to “burn out” its eastern slope in an attempt to clear the way for American troops.

The documents and survivors’ stories persuaded a South Korean commission investigating long-suppressed allegations of wartime atrocities by Koreans and Americans to rule recently that the attack violated international conventions on war and to ask the country’s leaders to seek compensation from the United States.

The ruling was one of several by the government’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission in recent months that accused the United States military of using indiscriminate force on three separate occasions in 1950 and 1951 as troops struggled against Communists from the North and from China. The commission says at least 228 civilians, and perhaps hundreds more, were killed in the three attacks.

In one case, the commission said, at least 167 villagers, more than half of them women, were burned to death or asphyxiated in Tanyang, 87 miles southeast of Seoul, when American planes dropped napalm at the entrance of a cave filled with refugees.

“We should not ignore or conceal the deaths of unarmed civilians that resulted not from the mistakes of a few soldiers but from systematic aerial bombing and strafing,” said Kim Dong-choon, a senior commission official. “History teaches us that we need an alliance, but that alliance should be based on humanitarian principles.”

2. Bodo League Massacre

• Suspected Bodo Leagues members at Busan Prison are waiting for being transferred to the execution sites, Picture Post, Sept. 1, 1950
  Suspected Bodo Leagues members at Busan Prison are waiting for being transferred to the execution sites, Picture Post, Sept. 1, 1950

Bodo League (National Guidance Alliance, 국민보도연맹; gukmin bodo rungmaeng, 國民輔導聯盟) was established on April 20, 1949 in order to convert leftist-wingers residing in South Korea including former members of South Korean Socialist Labor Party [3](남조선로동당; 南朝鮮勞動黨) and embrace them into citizens of the ‘democratic’ South Korean. However its goal was often considered as a manipulating tactic of the right-winged South Korean government to distinguish potential threat of the communists within the South, and eventually eliminate them completely by summarily executing them before/during/after the Korean War. Since its headquarter was established on June 5, 1949, regional branches thereof were also set up by the end of that March. In the course of recruiting members of the Bodo League, many innocent civilians were coerced to join the League by regional branches and governmental authorities trying to reach their allocated numbers.

Shortly after the Korean War broke out, Lee Seung-man's government became obsessed with ideas if any communist-sympathizers might cooperate with the communist North and become threats to the South, and ordered to each police station to arrest those who had left-leaning tendencies. From July, 1950 up to September, 1950, police authorities and special troops of the South Korea were organized to strategically conduct the orders from the above.

In most of cases, arrested Bodo League members or sympathizers were forcefully held in storage spaces nearby police stations for several days before being summarily executed at sites such as remote valleys in deep forest, isolated islands or abandoned mine areas.

It is estimated that the number of Bodo League members reached to 300,000 nationwide before the Korean War, a minimum of dozens of thousands of civilians were illegitimately killed without proper judicial processes. Additionally, bereaved families of victims were branded as those related to communists and often targeted by a series of regimes suffered from severe McCarthyism, and thus being fell into another victims of public authorities.

Goh Gyeong-hwan, a 48-year-old resident of Goyang in Gyeonggi Province, felt deeply frustrated as soon as he heard that there would be no chance to find the truth. He had missed his application deadline and now it was too late. He has waited for up to 57 years.

It was mid-May when he made an inquiry regarding his brother’s death with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Goh drooped his head.

In the summer of 1950, when the Korean War broke out, his brother was taken away for being a member of the National Bodo League by soldiers and policemen who unexpectedly came to the village.

The National Bodo League was organized to offer former leftist forces a chance to turn to the right; organization of the 400-member association followed the imperative of the National Security Act (South Korea), which took effect in December 1948. The association was blacklisted and closely watched.

But people who had nothing to do with the left-wing were reportedly forced to take part in the association. During the early stages of the Korean War, soldiers and policemen massacred them, saying that they might side with the enemy.

Goh said, "The village chief asked that my brother join the National Bodo League to fill the enlistment quota. After a few days, his brother was found dead; his body too damaged to be identified. “At that time, my brother was newly married and certainly didn’t know anything about what it meant to be rightist or leftist," said Goh.

At the same time, Goh was taken away with another 10 villagers, five of whom later died.

Later that night, Goh’s parents buried his brother’s body on a nearby mountain. The family was branded the family of "a communist and political offender" and made to live on the outskirts of society, fearful that this status would bring great danger into their lives.

After half a century, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was established to clarify truths in connection with people who were sacrificed in this period of Korean history. The committee received 10,859 cases. However, Goh’s brother’s death was not included in the tally because Goh missed the application period, which ran from December 2005 to November 2006.

The committee has received over 200 additional cases, but it needs to amend the law in order to proceed. Rep. [4]Kang Chang-il of the [5]United Democratic Party (Republic of Korea) proposed a revision to the bill to prolong the time limit for a maximum of six months.

Goh stated, “Victims have lived painful lives for 57 years, but the nation, the assailant, has said that it cannot redress its unjust treatment of these people because they have missed the deadline.’’

Goh’s family performs a ceremony for his brother at their hometown in Mungyeong, North Gyeongsang Province, in July every year. Goh hasn’t told his family that they have missed the application deadline and his family is not aware of the fact that they will no longer have a chance to find out the truth surrounding his brother’s death.

[6]3. Uljin Masscre

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Korea) (hereinafter, referred to as “the Commission”) found a total of 256 people were killed in Uljin, Gangwon Province by the South Korea’s police forces, Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC), and the 3rd Army Division of the South Korean troops after being accused of taking sides with local leftists. The incident was taken place between September 26, 1959 and the end of December, 1959, and the victims were identified by relevant historical documents, testimonies from witnesses and petitioners, records from the Uljin police station, and numerous field researches conducted throughout Uljin. The perpetrators of the incident were public forces of the Uljin police station, CIC, and the 3rd Army Division of the South Korea. Particularly, in October 20, 1950, the reserved troops from the 3rd Army selected approximately 40 village residents having leftist tendency from Uljin police station cells, based on the lists submitted by the right-winged organizations and village chiefs, and summarily executed and buried their bodies at Budul Valley, Hujeong-ri. Between October and November 1950, the Uljin police office partly released the accused, but 250 something civilians were not so lucky and ended up being scapegoats buried at the Olsi Valley, Shinrim. In addition, November 26, 1950, Onjeong police office arrested residents of Onjeong-myeon and confined them in a storage space before summarily executing 12 of them en route to Uljin police station. And late fall of 1950, several local villagers were accused of providing food to their relatives on the run who had been suspected with their leftist tendency. Again, they also were slaughtered at Sagye-ri, Buk-myeon by the police troops from Hadang police office. According to the Commission, a total of 256 victims was massacred in the atrocity of the incident. The victimized villagers were accused of holding positions in the North Korea’s occupational pseudo-governmental authorities in the region, and this became the cause to set them aside for the mass killings conducted by the right-wingers of the South Korea’s authorities when they re-entered the region. However, at the time of the incident, most of voluntary collaborators to the North Korea’s troop already evacuated and crossed the border to the North, and thus it was mostly civilians spontaneously joined the local leftists who were much involved in the ideology clashes that fell as victims of the incident. In addition, there weren’t any clear distinctions to separate the guilt from the others, and many used it as an opportunity to eliminate personal opponents. These summarily practiced executions of civilians without adequate judicial process are considered to be a crime against humanity, of which pains and sufferings were inherited down to their descendants in various forms of social discrimination and prejudice in the McCarthyism society of the South Korea. After pulling off the findings in this regards, the commission advised the government to apologize the bereaved families of the victims to carry out adequate human rights education, and to place memorial services for those who wrongfully prosecuted and murdered.

4. Geumsan Massacre

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Korea) found a total of 118 right-wingers including civil servants were killed by left-leaning regional self-defense forces, communist guerillas, and the North Korean People’s Army in Geumsan-gun after the North Korean troops entered the area, in particular between July and November, 1950. On September 25, 1950, a number of right-wing personnel including civil servants under the South Korean regional government were brought to Geumsan ad-hoc police entity, which was established by the North after its entry to the region, and slaughtered and buried at a nearby hill called Bibimi-jae. The massacre was carried out by members of the ad-hoc entity and the North Korean troops given with authorities from the chief of the Geumsan ad-hoc police entity. At the dawn of November 2, 1950, a group of communist guerillas swarmed into the Buri-myeon police branch governed by the right-leaning South, incinerated the building, and captured those therein. In the course of the assault, many villagers stood accused of collaborating the South and 38 of them were executed. Additional atrocious mass killings on civilians by communist partisans in locations like Seokdong-ri of Namyi-myeon, Eumji-ri of Geumsan-gun, etc. were also confirmed by the commission during the investigation. Most of victims were blamed of being affiliated to the South Korean governing entities before the North’s entry to the region or accused of having right-leaning tendency. The accused included members of the Korean Youth Association (대한청년단; 大韓靑年團) and the Korean National Association (국민회; 國民會), both of which were the representative right-winged political organizations in the peninsula. In spite of the various accusations, the commission discovered the majority of casualties were generated irrelevantly from what described above, but from personal animosities to eliminate their adversaries. According to the commission’s investigation, the perpetrators of the Geumsan Massacre were members of the regional self-defense forces, communists partisans, local leftists residing in the area, or the North Korean troops fell behind their main regiments. Hereby, the commission recommended revising the historical accounts kept in governmental archives in accordance with the commission’s finding.

5. Gurye Massacre after the YeoSun Incident

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Korea) (hereinafter referred to as “the Commission”) ascertained that between late October 1948 and July 1949 in Gurye, shortly after the Yeosun Incident , a large number of civilians were illegitimately killed and sacrificed as South Korean troops and police forces conducted military operations to subdue communist insurgents. The mass killings in the Gurye region (a.k.a. the Gurye Massacre) are considered separate from the Yeosun Incident. Approximately 800 civilians were massacred, but only 165 victims were identified after researching various historical records kept in [7]Korea’s National Archives Historical Records of Subjugating Communist Insurgents (공비토벌사; 共匪討罰史) in the South Korean Army Headquarters (1954) and statements from witnesses and field researches. The South Korean troops and police forces captured, tortured, and executed civilians accused of collaborating with local leftists or insurgents. It has been verified that villages located near insurgent bases were incinerated and their residents accused of collaboration before being executed during the “clean-up” operation of communist insurgents. A series of such mass killings occurred between late October 1948 and early 1949 near Gurye when the 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 3rd Regiment of the South Korean Army were based in the region. Gurye Police Office detained civilians suspected of collaborating with local communist partisans and commonly tortured their captives before executing them and concealing their bodies in nearby areas or on Mt. Bongseong. The members of the Korean Youth Association (대한청년단; 大韓靑年團) in Gurye also directly or indirectly abetted these systematic operations of mass killings by providing groundless accusations and supporting the extermination of those affiliated with communist guerillas or local leftists. They mostly assisted with the removal and burial of bodies after the executions. Accusations against victims varied; joining a left-leaning organizations, such as the Socialist Labor Party in South Korea (남로당; 南勞黨). Other accusations were as minor as residing near areas targeted by the military or being related to suspected victims. The South Korean troops and police forces commonly conducted indiscriminate arrests, detention, or imprisonment. They also tortured and summarily executed people without adequate confirmation procedures or legitimate judicial processes. The proclaimed martial law at the time was not supported by any legality, and thus the administrative and judicial authorities of the chief commander under martial law were subject to revocation. Furthermore, those wrongfully given administrative and judicial authority were arbitrarily interpreted and implemented by regional chiefs, which increased the number of civilian casualties. Even if martial law is considered legitimate, the principle of non-combatant immunity was neglected for the authority to execute innocent civilians. Perpetrators often practiced a type of extrajudicial punishment to conduct summary executions (즉결처분권; 卽決處分權). This was often misunderstood to be a given right that allowed them to arbitrarily kill civilians. Even with martial law, the summary execution should abide by military regulations. Thus, civilian massacres by the South’s authorities cannot be justified in any sense. The Commission found that the killing of innocent civilians by the public authorities in Yeosu and Suncheon greatly transgressed the constitutional legality given to the military and police force at the time. They failed their sacred obligations of protecting the lives and property of civilians. Hereby, the Commission advised the government to officially apologize to the bereaved families of the victims, restore the honor of the dead, revise the historical records in accordance with the findings, and reinforce education on sustaining peace.

6. Massacre at Muan-gun
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Korea verified that on October 3, 1950, leftists massacred 96 right-wing residents of Cheonjang-ri , Haejae-myeon, Muan-gun. Around 10:00 pm on October 3, 1950, four regional leftist leaders selected the execution lists for right-wing residents in the region.

The selected families were bound and dragged by the leftist perpetrators to a nearby shore. The perpetrators executed the adult family members using knives, clubs, bamboo spears, and farm implements before pushing them off a cliff near the shore. Children under the age of 10 were executed by being pushed into a deep well.

While the Commission identified 96 victims, including 22 children and 43 women, the total number may be as high as 151. The total number of perpetrators is estimated to be 54 leftists. Due to the execution of women and children, this massacre reflects inhumanity and brutality of the war. Therefore, the Commission recommended that this incident offers an opportunity for self-examination in regards to the atrocities of war.

7. Ganghwa Massacre

The TRCK concluded that the Ganghwa Regional Self-defense Forces accused and killed 139 civilians residing in the Ganghwa, Seokmo, and Jumun island areas around the time of the 1.4 Retreat.

Details of the incident began to surface when a group of residents in Ganghwa registered their deceased family members as victims under the Korean War Veteran Memorial Law. During the registration period, details about the victims, as well as perpetrators, emerged and revealed enough information to speculate the circumstances surrounding the incident.

At the time of the massacre, the Ganghwa Regional Self-defense Forces assumed that if North Korean troops occupied the region, those (and their families) with left-leaning tendencies would collaborate with the North. Therefore, preemptively eliminating the accused became a strategically beneficial objective. A chain of similar mass killings occurred in 12 different myeons in Ganghwa, Seokmo, and Jumun island areas.

In 1951, around the time of the 1.4 Retreat, residents of Ganghwa and their families, who were accused of treachery, were captured by the Ganghwa Regional Self-defense Forces, and detained at the Ganghwa Police Office and its subordinate police branches. The detainees were tortured before being executed at remote sites scattered throughout the region.

A possible number of casualties, with estimations being based on statements from witnesses, petitioners, and numerous documents, were as high as 430, but only 139 individuals have been identified by the Commission. In the case of the Samsan-myeon killings, a total of 53 people from 17 different families were slain. Among the victims were 42 females and 14 children under the age of 10.

Shortly before the 1.4 Retreat, it was ascertained that the Chief of the Ganghwa Police Office and the Chief of the Ganghwa Branch Youth Self-defense Forces issued execution directives. These were followed by special measurements issued from the Gyeonggi Provincial Police Chief in regards to traitors. The mass executions administered after the 1.4 Retreat often occurred with deliberate neglect or abetting from the South Korean and U.S. forces.

At the time of the killings, the South Korean and U.S. forces were gathering intelligence on secret military tactics and the enemy’s strategic movements along the West Coast. In the course of their missions, they aided right-wing civil organizations, such as Ganghwa Self-defense Forces, by providing combat equipment and supplies.

These summarily practiced executions against civilians without adequate judicial process are considered to be a crime against humanity. The victims’ pain and suffering have been passed to their descendants in various forms of social discrimination and prejudice.

While direct responsibilities for the incidents may be directed at the respective civil organizations involved and its autonomous governing entities, the South Korean government must also be held accountable since they neglected their obligations to administer and control the regional authorities’ activities.

The Commission found that the Ganghwa Self-defense Force, an organization beyond the control of any of U.S. or South Korean authorities, was provided with arms, which they then used to assault civilians. This action by the government resulted in the death of innocent villagers.

After uncovering these findings, the Commission advised the government to officially apologize to the victims’ bereaved families, seek reconciliation between the victims and perpetrators, and arrange adequate emergency alternatives considering Ganghwa’s geographical circumstances.

8. Mass Murder of Accused Leftists in Naju

Twenty seven petitioners filed for a truth verification of a mass murder taken place in Naju, February 26, 1951. According to the petitioners, a total of twenty eight villagers were summarily executed at Cheolcheon-ri, Bonghwang—myeon in Naju-si without adequate judicial procedures with accusation of collaborating with communist guerillas. The TRC found the Naju Police Special Forces was responsible for the atrocity, and recommended the government to officially apologize to the victims, subsequently restore the honor of the dead, and implement preventive measures.

9. National Guidance Alliance (Bodo League)-related Massacres in the Gunwi, Gyeongju, and Daegu Regions - Verified on Sept. 8, 2009

The Commission ascertained that at least 99 local residents in Gunwi, Gyeongju, and Daegu were massacred between July and August 1950 by the military and local police and CIC after being blacklisted or accused of being members of the National Guidance Alliance. In July 1950, dispatched CIC forces and local policemen arrested and temporarily detained members of the National Guidance Alliance at local police stations or detainment centers. The detainees were categorized into three different groups before being transported to Naenam-myeon, Ubo-myeon, and Gunwi-gun and massacred. The Commission recommended the government to issue an official apology, provide support for memorial services, revise official documents including the family registry, and strengthen peace and human rights-related education.

10. National Guidance Alliance-related Massacres in the Goryeong, Seongju, and Chilgok Regions in Jeonnam Province - Verified on Sept. 8, 2009

The Commission found that a number of civilians were killed by the local police, military, CIC, and military police after being accused of cooperating with leftists or being a member of the National Guidance Alliance (NGA). The killings took place between July and August 1950 in the Goryeong, Seongju, and Chilgok-gun regions in Gyeongbuk Province. NGA members were either arrested by local police or summoned to nearby police stations and detained. As North Korean troops advanced southward, the army and military police took custody of the detainees before killing them. Hereby, the Commission recommended the government to officially apologize to the victims, support memorial services, revise the family registry and other historical records, and provide peace and human rights education.

11. National Guidance Alliance-related Massacres in Miryang, Gyeongnam Province - Verified on Sept. 8, 2009

The Commission ascertained that members of the National Guidance Alliance in the Miryang region were massacred by the local police and the Gyeongnam CIC between July and August 1950. The victimized NGA members and those in preventive detention were forcefully confined to various warehouses before being executed in August 1950. Hereby, the Commission recommended the government to officially apologize to the victims, support memorial services, revise the family registry and other historical records, and provide peace and human rights education.

12. National Guidance Alliance-related Massacres in Yangsan, Gyeongnam Province - Verified on Sept. 8, 2009

The Commission found that regional members of the NGA and those in preventive detention were killed by the local police and CIC forces between July and August 1950. The victims were either forcefully arrested by the police or summoned to the police station where they were detained or transferred to nearby detainment centers before being executed in August 1950. Hereby, the Commission recommended the government to officially apologize to the victims, support memorial services, revise the family registry and other historical records, and provide peace and human rights education.

13. National Guidance Alliance-related Massacres in Yeongdeok, Gyeongbuk Province - Verified on Sept. 8, 2009

The Commission ascertained that in July 1950, approximately 270 regional NGA members and those held in preventive detention were illegally victimized by the military and police forces in Yeongdeok, Gyeongbuk Province. Shortly after the outbreak of the Korean War, the 23rd Regiment of the 3rd Army and Yeongdeok Police were concerned that NGA members may collaborate with the North Korean People’s Army and sabotage operations behind the frontlines. In order to prevent this, the police and army executed the NGA members. Hereby, the Commission recommended the government to officially apologize to the vims, support memorial services, revise the family registry and other historical records, and provide peace and human rights education.

14. National Guidance Alliance-related Massacres in Busan and Sacheon - Verified on Sept. 8, 2009

The Commission found that the regional NGA members and those in preventive detention were killed by the Busan CIC and the military and local police between July and September 1950. The NGA members in the Busan and Sacheon regions were forcefully arrested or summoned to local police stations where they were detained before being executed. Hereby, the Commission recommended the government to officially apologize to the victims, support memorial services, revise the family registry and other historical records, and provide peace and human rights education.

Survey Methodologies to Investigate the Massacred Civilian Victims

This project is to survey on the scale of civilian victims of the mass killings taken place during the Korean War and has been proceeded collaborating with outsourced research teams. In 2007, Seokdang Research Institute of Dong-ah University carried out the survey project of the massacred civilian victims in regions such as Gimhae-si, Cheongdo-gun, Gurye-gun, Youngam-gun, Gochang-gun, Gongju-si, Cheongwon-gun, Ganghwa-gun, etc. The selected regions were chosen after carefully speculating the scale and the representative-ness of each mass killing. Particularly, Ganghwa-gun was included because it was a military borderline of the two conflicting powers then, and Gimhae was significant because a large number of mass killings against civilians were occurred even though the region was never taken by the North.

In 2008, Jeonnam University supervised a research project over regions such as Hamyang-gun, Youngcheon-si, Younggwang-gun, Imsil-gun, Youngdong-gun, Inje-gun, etc. One of the commonly used research methodologies was a group interview throughout field researches, and recording and documentation of testimonies from the victims. Individual cases are investigated particularly focused on an outline, a type of damage, a category of perpetrators, and surrounding circumstances of each incident. Then investigated results were then categorized by each geographical denomination, and this statistics became a source of viewing the data in accordance with each region of the country. These collected data, then had to go through an extensive screening test to determine the truthfulness. And the final stage was to reconstruct the categorized groups into other forms depending on necessities.

In 2007, the above-mentioned investigative process was conducted on a total of 3,820 individuals including bereaved family members, witnesses, and witnesses of the incidents. As a result, some 8,600 victims were uncovered.

Categorized by each region, there found 1) 356 victims in Ganghwa-gun, 2) 385 victims in Cheongwon-gun, 3) 365 victims in Gongju-si, 4) 373 victims in Yeocheon-gun, 5) 517 victims in Cheongdo-gun, 6) 283 victims in Gimhae, 7) 1,880 victims in Gochang-gun, 8) 2,818 victims in Youngam-gun, and 9) 1,318 victims in Gurey.

Divided by a type of damage, there found 1) 1,457 leftist guerilla victims by the army or police forces of the South Korea, 2) 1,348 Bodo League member victims, 3) 1,318 local leftist victims, 4) 1,092 victims from Yeosun Incident, and 5) 892 victims accused of being collaborators of the North Korea, etc.

External Affairs

1) Collaboration with Truth-finding Organizations and Regional Autonomous Entities

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of the Republic of Korea (hereinafter, referred to as “TRCK”) is an organization independent from any governmental/non-governmental political entities, and has sought to bring out veiled incidents that have never been brought up or wrongfully known, thereby pursuing reconciliation between victims and perpetrators. Particularly, it has been significant to maintain close cooperative relationship with regional autonomous political entities, since the investigations had to cover lengthy time period, almost up to a century, deal with areas across the Korean peninsula, and look thoroughly on substantially immense investigative scale to cover.

(1) Collaboration with Truth Commissions Overseas The TRCK is an organization established to deal with truth-finding issues from the past, and thus it has been very critical to pull out close assistance from the governmental authorities such as the nation’s police forces, the Ministry of Defense, and the National Intelligence Service (formerly known as “KCIA”), etc. The TRCK has held a monthly gathering of heads of truth-finding commissions and had meetings and seminars with the national police, the Ministry of Defense, and the National Intelligence Service, etc. Through building cooperative relationship among the mentioned organizations, the TRCK sought to increase efficiency in carrying out its works by exchanging concerned documentations, sharing thoughts on the selection of research subjects, and adjusting duplicated investigations, etc. Furthermore, the TRCK co-hosted a conference on ‘Evaluation of Truth-finding Works and the Prospect Thereof’ with the Presidential Commission on Suspicious Death in the Military, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, the Presidential Committee for the Inspection of Collaborations for Japanese Imperialism, etc. The concerned commissions shared various field experiences with respect to truth-finding work and exchanged ideas through various seminars and conferences.

(2) Collaboration with Regional Autonomous Bodies The TRCK is authorized to allocate parts of its missions to local autonomous entities or to carry out the missions in cooperation with them. Currently, receiving petitions, promoting application procedures, and implementing ground researches, etc. have been conducted in cooperation with local autonomous entities. The TRCK, together with other 246 local autonomous entities, promoted its entitled missions and encouraged to file concerned petitions for a year starting on Dec. 1, 2005. During the period, Song Ki-in, the first president of the TRCK visited 16 different cities and numerous civic groups, and actively engaged in media liaison activities to raise awareness on the significance of truth-finding works assigned to the TRCK. As a result, a total of 10,860 petitions were filed. The number is considerable, since most of filed incidents were taken place decades ago and there still isn’t concrete trust built between the victimized and the authorities.

2) Collaboration with Bereaved Family Members and Relevant Organizations

The TRCK is entitled to ask experts to join researches concerned with the mandates of the commission, hold conferences to hear advises from experienced professionals regarding truth-finding works. Especially, in the case of investigations on Korea’s independent movement and Korean communities abroad, the commission could carry out relevant investigation in collaboration with relevant research institutes or other agencies specialized in concerned investigative areas. There was such diversity in scopes of characteristics of investigative institutes and there also were a lot of them that the commission had to deal with. Particularly, the bereaved family union of the civilian victims sacrificed during the Korean War takes up a large portion of petitions filed at the commission, and thus close cooperation and keen assistance from the union was essential. The TRCK has been making utmost efforts to resolve misunderstandings from more than 50 bereaved family unions, if any, and raise awareness on the commission’s mandates through continuous seminars and meetings. Additionally, the TRCK paid special attention on civic groups to collect diverse opinions and to promote the mandates and missions the TRCK was assigned onto through seminars and forums, thereby attempting to build an alliance there between.

Future of the Truth-finding Work in Korea

Since the conservative Grand National Party (한나라당) took the office in Korea under the new president Lee Myung-bak, it is frequently regarded the commission's capacity and mandate have become more volunerable. Other commissions established during the former president Roh Moo-hyun also have been brought on to the table for the Lee government's reductive policy, and put under the reductive budget list of the government's next fiscal year.

In November, 2008, Shin Ji-ho, a congressman of the conservative Grand National Party, came with a draft bill to merge multiple truth-finding commissions into one, the TRCK, which triggered a firm resistance from the progressive minds of the nation. On Nov. 26, 2008, Bruce Cumings said critical of the Lee's administration's handling of the textbood selection process in his interview with [8]The Hankyoreh Daily

The commission has been actively attempting to build an international alliance with countries that have similar historical experiences of civil wars and authoritarian dictatorships, and pursued to settle the past atrocities. Recently, it signed an MOU with Chile.

Gallery

• Remains unearthed at Kyeongsan Cobalt Mine, 2005
  Remains unearthed at Kyeongsan Cobalt Mine, 2005
• Excavation Site at Oegong-ri1,Sancheong-gun, Gyeongnam Province
  Excavation Site at Oegong-ri1,Sancheong-gun, Gyeongnam Province
• Excavation Site at Oegong-ri, Sancheong-gun, Gyeongnam Province
  Excavation Site at Oegong-ri, Sancheong-gun, Gyeongnam Province
• Exhumation Site at Gyeongsan Cobalt Mine
  Exhumation Site at Gyeongsan Cobalt Mine
• Near Daejon, South Korea, 1950
  Near Daejon, South Korea, 1950
• Fact-finding is urgent, as most petitioners are elderly
  Fact-finding is urgent, as most petitioners are elderly
• Busan Prison Inmates Waiting for being Transferred to their Execution Site
  Busan Prison Inmates Waiting for being Transferred to their Execution Site
• Press release of the excavation site in Gongju where hundreds of political prisoners at the local prison were executed and buried during the war. The photo was taken in 2009.
  Press release of the excavation site in Gongju where hundreds of political prisoners at the local prison were executed and buried during the war. The photo was taken in 2009.

External links

• Official Web site
• National Archives of Korea