János Esterházy

The native form of this personal name is Esterházy János. This article uses Western name order when mentioning individuals.

Count János Esterházy (Nyitraújlak, Hungary (today Veľké Zálužie, Slovakia), March 14, 1901 – Mírov, Czechoslovakia, March 8, 1957), a member of the House of Esterházy, was the most prominent ethnic Hungarian politician in the former Czechoslovakia, and later in the First Slovak Republic.

He was the only member of the Czechoslovak Parliament in 1942 who voted against expelling the Jews, setting an example which few dared to follow in the parts of Europe controlled by Adolf Hitler's Germany.

He was detained by the Nazis, harassed by the Gestapo, and died in a communist prison.

In 2009, the Polish president awarded him the Polonia Restituta Order. In 2010 Yad Vashem also recognized him in saving Jews. The Jewish organization Anti-Defamation League has recognized Esterházy's efforts for Jews with the Courage to Care Award in 2011, which caused protest of The Federation of the Jewish Communities in Slovakia. On the other hand, The Federation of Hungarian Jewish Communities named him as hero for saving Jews during World War II.

His legacy is also one of the biggest sources of conflicts in Hungarian-Slovak relations up to this day. Similarly to other members of the First Slovak Parliament, Esterházy was sentenced by the Bratislava People's Tribunal for helping the anti-democratic and fascist regime. He is classified as a war criminal in Slovakia. In 1993 Russian government rehabilitated his sentence.

Some Slovak historians such as Augustín Marko, Pavol Martinický or Ján Mitáč, call him directly a Hungarian spy in Czechoslovakia under the name "Szalma" with the number 221. His supposed objective was the revision of the Treaty of Trianon. According to some Hungarian historians, such as István Janek from the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the accusations that he was a Hungarian agent are not supported by contemporary documents, due to the lack of official documents about his position and tasks. According to Janek, he used his connections to get Hungarian passports and visas to Jews, Poles, Czechs and Slovaks, including Rudolf Viest, during World War II and the real reason of his conviction by the Czechoslovak authorities was to intimidate the Hungarian minority.

Family

Son of Antal Mihály Esterházy, he was born into one of Hungary's most distinguished aristocrat families, the House of Esterházy, in the Galánta branch originated from Transylvania. His mother, Countess Elżbieta Tarnowska, daughter of Professor Stanisław Tarnowski, was Polish. He was four when his father died. He went to secondary school in Budapest and after studying commerce he returned to his estate in an area which Hungary was forced to cede to Czechoslovakia in the Treaty of Trianon which closed World War I. On October 15, 1924 he married countess Lívia Serényi. They had two children, János and Alice.

Politician in Czechoslovakia

Political functions

In 1931 Esterházy became the leader of the Hungarian League of Nations League in the Czechoslovak Republic, an organization which operated within the League of Nations. On December 11, 1932 he become a chairman of Provincial Christian-Socialist Party. He won parliament mandate in Košice at the elections in 1935 and was a deputy of Czechoslovak Parliament until 1938 then he become deupty of the Slovak Assembly. In his first speech in parliament he said: "As we have been attached to Czechoslovakia against our will, we demand that the Czechoslovak government fully respect our minority, language, cultural and economic rights." He also supported the claims of ethnic Hungarians for autonomy within Slovakia. In 1935, the Hungarian MPs supported the successful bid of Edvard Beneš for president of the republic, who promised concessions to Hungarian minority. In 1936, Beneš proposed to Esterházy political cooperation with government and offered him minister's chair without portefeuille, but Esterházy did not accept proposal.

In coordination with Hungarian government, Provincial Christian-Socialist Party and Hungarian National Party (Czechoslovakia) united and founded the United Hungarian Party at their congress held in Nové Zámky on June 21, 1936. New party was led by Andor Jaross (executed later in Hungary as a war criminal) and Esterházy become executive leader. The program of new party emphasized autonomy of Slovakia. Representatives of United Hungarian Party considered fusion with Sudeten German Party (Sudetendeutsche Partei, SdP) already in 1936. According to archive documents, this plan was negotiated by Hungarian minister of foreign affairs Kálmán Kánya with German government circles in Berlin. On Aprile 15, 1937 cooperation between both parties was agreed. On November 30, 1937 János Esterházy and Andor Jaros were delegated for negotiations with SdP about issues of German minority in Slovakia.

Alleged activities against Czechoslovakia

After World Word War I, the Hungarian official politic de facto did not accept the new borders established by the Treaty of Trianon. Opinions and political activities of János Esterházy reached far beyond correction of borders and according to his own words he did not accept the right for existence of a joint Czecho-Slovak state. As he also later declared:

"We went against Czecho-Slovak regime with fire and iron. We had always looked on Czechoslovak republic as on not-viable mess of human malice and ignorance and we knew very well, that this artificially glued and "so called state" nasty do not have any right for existence."

Common Czech-Slovak Digital Parliament Library, Meeting of The Slovak Assembly, November 26, 1940.

Esterházy maintained close contact with Hungarian government through his visits in Budapest, through diplomatic channels of the Hungarian Embassy in Prague and the Hungarian Consulate in Bratislava. The leading positions of Hungarian minority parties were decided in Budapest.

Esterházy acted under cover names "Tamás", "Matyás" and number 221, His reports for Hungarian government officials did not cover only the issues of the ethnic minority policy, but included also internal political situations, concepts and strategies for weakening Czechoslovakia, the politics of other countries against Czechoslovakia and information of intelligence nature. In the summer 1937, he disclosed data about Czechoslovak army and informed about building military fortresses and related budged. In the fall of the same year, he wrote report on defense projects near Lučenec and Ipeľ river.

However according to Hungarian academic István Janek, these Slovak accusations are not supported by contemporary documents. Esterhazy as a west-oriented politician kept his distance from Berlin and from Moscow. He was not fascist.

According to Deák, he accepted cash from Hungarian government to support irredentism. Before elections in 1935, Hungarian government wanted to provide him 100,000 crowns to form autonomous block with Hlinka's Slovak Peoples Party (HSĽS) , but event failed at last moment. As an executive chairman of United Hungarian Party he asked for financial suport to corrupt leading politicians of HSĽS. In time of unification of Hungarian parties he asked for donation 15,000 crowns to “disarm the infringers of the order at the Žilina meeting”. During police questioning in 1945, he quantfied yearly support from Hungarian government to 2,500,000 crowns yearly whose allocation was decided by himself. On the other hand, he accepted cash from the Office of President to support Hungarian students and “against Hungarian irredentism”. The office of president Beneš paid it in four sums in total amount 144,000 crowns.

According to Slovak historian Deak, due to close cooperation with Konrad Henlein and Sudeten German Party, he obtained confidential information about opinions of highest Nazi circles in Germany and he knew about preparation of Nazi aggression against Czechoslovakia. He was informed about plan to sabotage negotiations with Czechoslovak government and on his demand he received instructions from Hungary to work out on such program which could not be fulfilled. According to his own report to Hungarian government from May 1938 send through diplomatic channel of the Hungarian Embassy in Prague “Henlein declared further that, according to Hitler, Slovakia will be returned back to Hungary where the Slovaks will obtain autonomy”. In the same report, he described also Nazi plans for France, Austria and Czech lands as were presented by Henlein.

In 1938 he met the head of the British mission, Lord Runciman several times for whom he handed memorandum on the position of the Hungarians in Czechoslovakia. Between June 16-18, he (as an emissary of Hungarian government but Czechoslovak citizen) asked Polish government to develop pressure on Slovak politicians to adopt Hungarian solution for Slovakia, i.e. to return it to Hungary within certain autonomy. We welcomed Munich Agreement and together with pro-hungarian deputy of HSĽS J. Janček immediatelly traveled to Budapest to prepare ground for rejoining Slovakia. He also wanted to take part in the negotiations about the two countries' borders in Komárno, but the head of the Czechoslovakian delegation, Jozef Tiso, rejected his request.

The First Vienna Award and autonomous Slovakia

After failure of negotiations in Komárno, Esetrázy participated in preparation of the First Vienna Award. By the end of October 1938 he left to Rome to negotiate with Italian government and to contribute for reasoning in questions where German and Italians views were different. After the First Vienna Award (2 November 1938), restoring to Hungary part of the territories lost earlier, Esterházy welcomed Hungarian regent Miklós Horthy as the MP of Košice (then Kassa). However, he did not left to Hungary, but stayed Slovakia where his property also remained and founded the Hungarian Party in Slovakia to defend the interests of the ethnic Hungarians. In the same time he also called for the Hungarian government to respect the rights of the ethnic Slovaks who lived in the regained Hungarian territories (and he also urged a reform of land ownership in Hungary). He published a daily, Új Hírek (fresh news) in Bratislava, but it was banned and Esterházy was drawn under police surveillance. Later he established a new daily, the Magyar Hírlap (Hungarian newspaper). His party rejected Nazism.

Behavior of the Hungarian state authorities on the occupied territory was against the concept of Esterházy's policy. He tried to achieve voluntary return of Slovaks to Kingdom of Hungary, however persecutions of Slovaks in Hungary was perceived by Slovak public very sensitively. He believed that rough form of assimilation make their return to Hungary more difficult. For the similar reason he also criticized negotiations in Komárno before the First Vienna Award. According to his opinion, excessive territorial requirements damaged Hungarian interests as they discouraged Slovaks from Hungarian orientation. . After bloodbath in the occupied village Šurany, he intervened in Budapest that such brutality damages Hungarian matter and makes his and Hungarian position in Slovakia untenable.

Relationship to Slovak autonomy movement

Esterházy supported idea of Slovak autonomy. For example, on March 14, 1940, on the first anniversary of Slovak independence, János Esterházy wrote:

“Independent Slovakia came into being one year ago. [...] More has been gained than the late, great leader of the Slovak nation, Father Hlinka would have dared to dream. The Slovak people have accomplished more than they ever hoped in their long struggle to free themselves from the Czech yoke.”

Gábor Szent-Ivány: Count János Esterházy, Danubian Press, 1989

However, contrary to Esterházy's political goals, Andrej Hlinka (leader of Slovak autonomy movement in mid-war Czechoslovakia) held on position of common state with Czechs and dissolution of Czechoslovakia was not part of his political program. Even if he criticized concept of ethnic Czechoslovakism and demanded to resolve issues in Czech-Slovak relationships, he was also aware that "understanding between Czechs and Slovaks shell come, if we want to achieve internal stability and stop work of Hungarian revisionists". Shortly before his death, he published message to American Slovaks where he expressed his will to preserve common state with Czechs as long as it would be possible. Young Slovak radicals who demanded independence and grouped from autumn 1938 under leadership of Vojtech Tuka (sentenced in 1929 for 15 years as a Hungarian spy) had not any higher influence in Slovakia or Slovak People's Party in that time. Further then, the First Slovak republic was not created as a result of autonomy movement supported by Esterházy but under direct Hitler's pressure and threat of Hungarian aggression declared in the meeting with Jozef Tiso.

Deputy of the Slovak Assembly

Hungarian minority rights

On March 14, 1939, Esterházy welcomed the establishment of independent Slovakia in a radio speech. In the Slovak Assembly, he as the only one deputy officially represented Hungarian minority which was significantly decreased after the First Vienna Award to approximately 67.000 people. His nomination was understood as a accommodating step in accordance with the declared principle of reciprocity . Slovakia expected that Hungary will proceed the same way for Slovak minority in Hungary. He accepted nomination on government list of candidates as an expression of officially sympathies for Slovak emancipation compliant with his strategic goals. All of his 19 parliament speeches were held in Hungarian language, in accordance with quite tolerant rules of procedure of the Slovak National Assembly. In Bratislava he founded a publishing company and backed the operations of SzEMKE, an ethnic Hungarian cultural organization which was banned but restarted in 1942.

The principle of reciprocity was applied as the only one effective tool to prevent persecution of Slovaks on occupied territory. The principle was included in new Slovak Constitution and it bound minority rights of Hungarians in Slovakia to rights of Slovaks in Hungary. Esterházy represented minority which played role of hostages with risk that situation will proceed with extreme. Also for the sake of Hungarian community in Slovakia, he tried to enforce minority rights for Slovaks in Hungary already in November 1938, but he did not succeed. Slovak government had also tried to create offices of state secretaries for minorities where Esterházy should represent Hungarian minority, but it was not successful because of unwillingness of Hungarian government. He personally intervened for permission of Slovak catholic and cultural association Spolok svätého Vojtecha in Hungary what was condition of Slovak government to allow Hungarian cultural association (Szlovenskózi Magyar Kulturegyesulet - SzEMKE).

Due to the same principle, his party was officially registered only in 1941 after Hungarian government had officially permitted the activities of the Party of Slovak National Unity. Esterházy requested help of Hungarian minister of foreign affairs Csáky to persuade Teleki already in December 1940. Teleki refused Slovak delegation on February 1941. On March 1, 1941, Slovaks in Hungary published memorandum demanding permission of Slovak party. Esterházy supported and urged their requests in Hungarian government, which was not successful yet. On Jul 10, 1941, he delivered memorandum about injustices against Hungarians in Slovakia to Slovak prime minister Vojtech Tuka. shortly after followed by memorandum similar by content and form addressed to Hungarian prime minister. Repetition of all Esterhazy's steps (submissions, newspaper articles, appeals, etc) was then used by Slovaks in Hungary as a new tactic. Vojtech Tuka and László Bárdossy agreed on reciprocal registration of minority parties at the end of 1941 after German intervention.

Other important topic covered by his speeches was disputation with articles in strongly pro-nazi newspapers accusing Hungary to be unreliable ally of Germany. According to him, Hungary had irreplaceable role in "creation of new European order", because of deep roots of German-Hungarian friendship and stood close to superpowers (Axis states) on in their "giant struggle", demanding in the same time improvement of Slovak-Hungarian relationships.

"We Hungarians accept principle that in time when Germany and Italy fight their giant struggle to guarantee better future of Europe and for fair and permanent peace, small and middle-sized states in the central Europe can only have the obligation to guard and secure in every way peace and understanding in their countries."

Common Czech-Slovak Digital Parliament Library, Meeting of The Slovak Assembly, November 26, 1940.

Esterházy was a member of the assembly transportation-technical committee which did not discussed laws of higher political importance.

His views on "the Jewish issue"

According to Slovak historians Esterházy as a member of Slovak Diet voted for several anti-democratic laws including antisemitic laws leading to Jewish tragedy. In his parliamentary speeches, he repeatedly declared support for antisemitic policy of government. He did not only agreed with the measures against Jews but also supported them actively by his presentations. On the other hand, he protested against harming Hungarians under the cover of "the legitimate fight against Jews" and declared that "Hungarian salesmen over decades and centuries were suffering as much from Jews and Jewish frauds as the Slovak were".

Simultaneously, according to Janek he secretly arranged Visas and passports for Jews. The Hungarian government disagreed with his operations therefore László Bárdossy prohibited him from saving Jewish people and others. According to Hungarian historian Imre Molnar, Esterhazy was not antisemitic as his publications did not contain antisemitic statements. He employed Jewish journalists at newspaper of Esti Újság as long as he could. According to Molnar that is not true that Esterhazy voted for laws against Jewish people because the Jewish Codex was accepted by the government and not by the Parliament. The Parliament voted only supplement provisions in connection with the Codex.

In contrast with this Molnar's theory, Regulation No. 198/1941 Coll. of September 9, 1941 on the Legal Position of the Jews (known also as the "Jewish Codex”) was not the only one antisemitic legal norm and not all legal norms were issued by government. Antisemitic legal norms were combination of laws issued by the parliament (where Esterházy as also other deputies participated) and government regulations. The Slovak Assembly adopting the Constitutional Act No. 210/1940 Coll. of September 3, 1940 entitled the Slovak government to "take every measures necessary for the exclusion of the Jews from the Slovak economic and social life and to transfer the property of the Jews into the ownership of the Christians". Esterházy voted also for this constitutional law. The government had authorization to issue the “Jewish Codex” because of this delegated responsibility.

On May 15, 1942 Slovak Diet approved constitutional law 68/1942 about expelling the Jews from Slovakia. Esterházy was the only MP who voted against the bill. For clarification, The Slovak Diet voted by raising hand (acclamation). The group of Slovak members (P. Čarnogurský, V. Moravčík, J. Ferenčík, E. Filkorn, E. B. Lukáč) left the hall before voting on a protest. Esterházy did not leave and he was the only one, for whom it can be proven that he did not vote. After war, majority of deputies claimed that they also did not vote or left the hall. However, the real true and process of voting can be nowadays hardly reconstructed. Esterházy immediately became the target of fierce attacks in the press under control of ruling Slovak People's Party like Gardista which critized him for "leaving his hands in lap" during voting.

Shortly after voting, he wrote letter to the President of Diet Martin Sokol where he said that law is bad and not human. However, in the same letter he again declared his antisemitic feelings ("from early childhood") and expressed his will to remain antisemitic. He also claimed that as a representative of Hungarian minority he cannot vote for law which allows majority to deport minority. He told that he is aware that also some other Slovak members of Diet do not agree with law but party discipline does not allow them to vote against. .

To defend his views, he said:

"The Slovak government has strayed onto a dangerous path when it submitted the bill about expelling the Jewish, because by that it acknowledged that simply ousting a minority by the majority is lawful... As a representative of the Hungarians here, I state it, and please acknowledge this, that I don't vote in favour of the proposal because as a Hungarian, a Christian and a Catholic I believe that this is against God and humanity."

Esterházy, János (1942)

He also declared:

“I was raised in antisemitic spirit, I am antisemitic and I will remain antisemitic”

Esterházy, János (1942)

When the Slovak parliament voted on the deportation of Jews to Poland (General Governorate) he also declared:

"It is shameful that a government, whose president and prime minister claim to be good Catholics, deports its Jewish citizens to Hitler's concentration camps"

Esterházy, János (1942)

The case of deportation was one of his last active steps in the Diet. From the second half of 1942, he moved to more passive and alibistic position. This was the same or similar process which could be observed also for many members of ruling party.

Lost of immunity

Esterházy together with leader of Carpathian Germans Franz Karamasin led in number of request for prosecution and cancellation of parliamentary immunity. Most of cases were related to violation of traffic rules and prosecution was not approved by assembly. The only one exception was incident in train station in Poprad on October 22, 1943. Immunity committee then recommended to allow permission for prosecution, what was agreed unanimously with massive applause of other deputies. After lost of immunity, he spoke in the assembly only twice – in debate about state budget for 1944 and in debate about law of defense of state in February 1944.

Help to persecuted people

He saved Jews, Slovaks, Czechs, Poles. Esterházy as a representative of Slovak Hungarians maintained close relationships with Polish Ministry of foreign affairs in period before World War II. During war, Slovak-Hungarian border become territory with high importance for Polish resistance movement. Most of courier and traffickers lines between occupied Poland and Hungary passed through southern Slovakia. This channel was used to preserve connection between home resistance and exile leaders. Poles were in contact in pro-polish deputy of Slovak's People Party represented by Pavol Čarnogurský who acted as contact person to cross Hungarian border as well as with János Esterházy. Esterházy as a deputy of the Slovak Assembly used his parliamentary immunity to transfer Poles in his car. He also intervened to help captured Poles who were issued to Germans.

He was interned for a short period and the German Gestapo declared him wanted. Here is a quote from Irén Rujder, Ödön Rujder's widow (Ödön Rujder was rescued by Esterházy):

"We all, who lived in Slovakia in that time, know the truth. They (the Czechoslovaks) handed him (Esterházy) to the Soviets, because if they had brought him to justice in Bratislava, all of the Jews would have testified his innocence. The misinterpretation of truth like this is painful, Esterházy really deserves the true tree of Israel."

Rujder, Irén

Prison

Although, Slovak historian Ján Mitáč admitted that Esterhazy refused Ferenc Szálasi's demands and chose to hide until the Soviet troops arrived. After the Soviet army ousted German troops from Bratislava, they interned Esterházy, but released him after 12 days. Later he negotiated with Gustáv Husák who represented the interim Slovak government, and complained about the prosecution of ethnic Hungarians. On the order of Husák he was arrested and handed over to the Soviet secret service KGB.

After war, Esterházy had to be judged on The Slovak National Court as all members of the Slovak Assebmly. However, he was illegally deported by Soviet Army in summer 1945. He was kept for one year in the feared prison of Lubyanka in Moscow, and then, on the basis of fabricated allegations, he was sentenced to ten years work in Siberia. In the meantime, The Slovak National Court in Bratislava on September 16, 1947 sentenced him in his absence to death for breaking up Czechoslovak state and for his participation as a deputy of the Slovak Assembly. The documentation related to the preparation of trial confirms that Slovak national authorities and Ministry of foreign affairs wanted to ensure his presence on trial.

In 1949 the Soviet Union extradited him to Czechoslovakia. Esterházy was already seriously ill in that time. He was not executed as a presidential pardon commuted his sentence to life imprisonment. Over the next years he was transferred from prison to prison in Czechoslovakia. He died in Mírov prison hospital in 1957.

Efforts for his rehabilitation

On January 21, 1993 the Russian justice rehabilitated János Esterházy after evaluation that his deportation into the USSR, passing a sentence and imprisonment was unlawful. Materials on the rehabilitation were passed to Hungarian Government even if he was not a citizen of Hungary during his political career. Under the seal of the Office of the Attorney General and the IG of the Armed Forces and signed by N. Sz. Vlaszenko, (document #Sz.: Zuv-9563-54) states in part that:

"It is hereby certified that János Esterházy, citizen of Czechoslovakia, born in Újlak in 1901, was arrested without cause on June 27, 1945.....and sentenced to ten years in a labor camp.... János Esterházy was rehabilitated according to the Russian Federation's "Political Terror Victim's Rehabilitation Act" of October 18, 1991, paragraphs 3 and 5...."

seal of the Office of the Attorney General and the IG of the Armed Forces, January 21, 1993

There is a letter from Simon Wiesenthal to Dr. Peter Samko, chief judge of the City of Bratislava, published in the newspaper of Új Szó, 1993. In his letter Wiesenthal strongly defends Esterházy and offers witnesses on his behalf (Új Szó Daily also published: on the testimonial of the Schlesinger family of Pozsony, saved by Esterházy).. The American Hungarian Federation has also worked to exonerate Esterházy and has published the Wiesenthal letter along with additional letters from Yad Veshem and historians Ádám Magda and Istvan Deak, Seth Lowe Professor Emeritus from Columbia University's Department of History.

On November 3, 2011, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) presented the Jan Karski Courage to Care Award posthumously to Count Janos Esterhazy stating: "Those who defended and aided Jews and other victims of the Nazi slaughter merit our recognition and our eternal thanks. They were individuals who followed the call to conscience, which is surely no simple matter... Count János Esterházy was such a person of conscience, one who had more than enough reason to remain silent. Esterházy was born in 1901 into the Hungarian aristocratic house of Esterhazy."

His daughter, Alice Esterházy-Malfatti, ethnic Hungarian politicians in Slovakia and politicians in Hungary, have been trying to achieve the rehabilitatation in Slovakia of János Esterházy since November 1989, supported by the Hungarian government. The effort has not been successful so far. In 1993 the appeal to the Town Court of Bratislava was raised to permit re-opening trial of János Esterházy with the goal to achieve the statement of innocence . Year later, proceeding took place to decide if reopening of trial is justified and based on new facts which can bring new aspects to original lawsuit. The Town Court performed extensive evidence including examination of witnesses in Bratislava and Budapest. The court also requested for expert opinions from the Historical Institute the Slovak Academy of Sciences, from several historical institutions from Hungary, from historian with dealing the history of the Hungarians in Slovakia and two Czech historians. In 1994, the initiator changed original appeal and withdrew the issue of reopening. Through her attorney she addressed the General Prosecution to cancel the original sentence due to infringement of the rights of accused. The European Commission of Human Rights in Strasbourg refused her complaint against legality of original trial because its competency towards Slovakia starts only on March 18, 1992.

Controversy

János Esterházy belongs to the most typical examples of different views and interpretations of personalities in the common Slovak and Hungarian history. In contrast with Hungarian historians who highlight his national, christian and humanistic values, Slovak and Czech historians came to conclusion that by some positive features of christian-democratic politician, his activities against Czechoslovakia were unambiguously hostile. . Hungarian and Slovak historians did not achieved compliance in their experted opinions requested by court during trial for reopening his case.

On his 100th birthday, Hungary's parliament held a memorial session in the presence of then president of the republic Ferenc Mádl. On April 20, 2007, President László Sólyom also urged Esterházy's rehabilitation. "How comes that everybody respect a "war criminal", politicians officially stand by him, while legally and in documents he is still burdened by the most severe possible condemnation?" - Sólyom said in a speech delivered at a conference organized by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences to remember Esterházy's death.

This action of Hungarian parliament caused contradictory reactions in Slovakia, increased by attendance of politicians from Party of the Hungarian Coalition and František Mikloško from Christian Democratic Movement. Other negative reactions came during placing his statues and busts in southern Slovakia. In 2011, such action led to conflict between organizers and some citizens in Košice.

In "reaction on glorification" of János Esterházy, Institute of History of Slovak Academy of Sciences published in 2011 memorandum about his political profile, signed also by directors of other Slovak historical institutes. Among other, memorandum declared that presenting him as a democrat, humanist and selfless savior of persecuted person is in contrast with historical facts and his decision to not to vote for deportation cannot be used as the only one and determining criterion for all his political activities. Instead of glorification and building memorials they recommended rational discussion about his life and actions.

References

Sources

• Deák, Ladislav (1995). Political profile of János Esterházy. Bratislava: Kubko Goral. ISBN 80-967427-0-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Kamenec, Ivan (1991). Po stopách tragédie. Bratislava: Archa. ISBN 80-7115-015-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Kamenec, Ivan (2000). "Osobnosť Jánosa Esterházyho a jej kontroverzné publikácie". Hľadanie a blúdenie v dejinách. Bratislava: Kalligram. ISBN 80-7149-353-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Mitáč, Ján (March 2012). "János Esterházy a jeho miesto v slovenských dejinách". Historická revue. 3. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)CS1 maint: date and year (link)
• Janek, István (March 2012). "János Esterházy v histórii stredovýchodnej Európy". Historická revue. 3. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)CS1 maint: date and year (link)
• Kamenec, Ivan (March 1996). "Spory o 14. marec 1939". Historická revue. 3. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)CS1 maint: date and year (link)
• Šutaj, Štefan (2012). "János Esterházy – research problem Slovak and Hungarian historians". Individual and Society. 15 (4). {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• "Len tak na mimochodom". Gardista. 111. May 17 1942. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help); Invalid |ref=harv (help)CS1 maint: date and year (link)
• Zeman, Zbyněk (2009) [1st. Pub. 2001]. Edvard Beneš - politický životopis. Praha: Mladá fronta. ISBN 978-80-204-2062-6. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Podolec, Ondrej (2008). "Postavenie národnostných menšín v Slovenskej republike (1939 – 1945)". In Ivaničková, Edita (ed.). Z dejín demokratických a totalitných režimov na Slovensku a v Československu v 20. storočí. Bratislava: Prodama. ISBN 978-80-969782-6-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Tilkovszky, Loránt (1972). Južné Slovensko v rokoch 1938-1945. Bratislava: Vydavateľstvo Slovenskej akadémie vied. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Gniazdowski, Mateusz (2003). "K otázke prítomnosti poľských utečencov na obsadenom území južného Slovenska počas II. svetovej vojny". In Lacko, Martin (ed.). Slovenská republika 1939-1945 očami mladých historikov II. Bratislava: Mercury. ISBN 80-89034-64-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Ďurkovská, Mária (2010). "Spolupráca spišskonemeckej strany s maďarskými politickými stranami v regióne spiša začiatkom dvadsiatych rokov a koncom tridsiatych rokov 20. storočia". Človek a spoločnosť. 2. ISSN 1335-3608. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Podolec, Ondrej (2003). "Slovensko-maďdarské konflikty a ich odraz na pôde slovenského snemu". In Štefanský, Michal; Purdek, Imrich (eds.). Slovensko vo vojnách a v konfliktoch v 20. storočí. Zborník referátov z vedeckej konferencie v Bratislave 15. – 16. októbra 2002. Bratislava: Vojennský historický ústav. ISBN 978-80-970434-9-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Vašš, Martin (2011). Slovenská otázka v 1. ČSR (1918 - 1938). Martin: Matica slovenská. ISBN 978-80-8115-053-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Further reading

• [1] Eduard Nižňanský a spol, Kto bol kto za I. ČSR (Q111 Brat. 1993)
• [2] Alice Esterházy-Malfatti, Bálint Török, Esterházy János Emlékkönyv (Pamätná kniha Jánosa Esterházyho) (Századvég Bp. 2001)
• [3] František Mikloško Žurnál Rádia Twist 12. 3. 2001
• [4] Jerguš Ferko, Vodca-zvodca János Esterházy (Maďarské sebaklamy, Matica Slovenská 2003, s.127-129)
• [5] Bohumil Doležal: Yehuda Lahav úr vitájához, Lidové noviny, April 21, 2001
• [6] Augustín Marko, Pavol Martinický, Slovensko-maďarské vzťahy
• [7] Imre Molnar, Esterhazy Janos, 1901-1957, Nap (1997), ISBN 978-8085509373

External links

In Hungarian:

• EMLÉKFÜZET az Esterházy János Emlékbizottság fennállásának 15. évfordulója alkalmából
• A FELVIDÉKI MAGYARSÁG MÁRTÍRJA
• DURAY MIKLÓS Megkésett temetési beszéd
• Esterházy János rehabilitációját sürgeti a köztársasági elnök
• Nem volt antiszemita Esterhazy