Jump to content

2013–2014 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by 77.85.4.196 (talk) at 14:07, 26 February 2014 (→‎June–July: Protests for the resignation of Peevski as a head of DANS). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

2013–14 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet
Протести срещу кабинета „Орешарски“
File:Bulgarian Protest against Oresharski Cabinet.jpg
8 July 2013, protesters in Sofia blocked the biggest boulevard in the city – "Tsarigradsko Shose"
Date22:00, 14 June 2013 (UTC +02) (2013-06-14T22:00UTC +02) – ongoing
(Template:Age in years, months, weeks, days and hours)
Location
Bulgaria, primarily Sofia
Caused by
Methods
Resulted in
  • Kalin Tiholov replaced by Ivan Danov as Investment Planning Minister (arguably as a measure of pre-empting the protests)[11][12]
  • Delyan Peevski steps down as head of DANS
  • Volen Siderov gives up his Parliamentary immunity[13]
  • three no-confidence motions brought in Parliament by GERB (defeated)[14][15]
  • counter-protests in support of the government and against president Rosen Plevneliev[16]
  • student occupations of universities (no longer in place)
  • continued protests, with a small turnout
Lead figures

no officially designated leaders

Plamen Oresharski (Prime Minister) 

                Sergei Stanishev (leader of the Bulgarian Socialist Party)

Rosen Plevneliev (President)

Number

Between 10,000 and 20,000 anti-government protesters (in the first two months) in Sofia[17][18]

3,000 in Plovdiv[19]

1,000 in Varna[19][20]

300 in Bourgas[21]

150 in Stara Zagora[22]

100 in Rousse, Shoumen, Gabrovo and Sliven[22][23]

100-1,000 counter-protesters in Sofia[24][25][26]

1,000+ in Kardzhali[27]

500+ in Vidin[28]

150 in Blagoevgrad[29]
8,000 police officers deployed in total (between 20 and 500 per day)[30]
Casualties
Arrested280+[31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41][42]

The 2013–14 Bulgarian protests against the Oresharski cabinet are series of demonstrations that are held in Bulgaria, mainly in the capital Sofia, against the left-wing coalition cabinet of Oresharski (coalition between Bulgarian Socialist Party and DPS, supported by extreme right-wing party Ataka). The demonstrations started on 28 May 2013[43] and while actual large-scale protests did not emerge until 14 June[44] the protests are still continuing with occupations of universities and other forms of protest.[45][46]

Background

Following 2013 Bulgarian protests against the Borisov cabinet of Prime Minister Boyko Borisov over government austerity measures encouraged by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund during the recession [47] and high utility bills, the Borisov government resigned and brought forward the Bulgarian parliamentary election, 2013. Though Borisov's party Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) won a plurality, it could not form a government. The Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) led the government under technocratic Prime Minister Plamen Oresharski. The left-wing government of Plamen Oresharski was approved by the 120 members of the BSP and the Movement for Rights and Freedoms.[48] Outside support to the Oresharski government is also given by nationalist party Ataka.[49]

May: Environmental protests

Initially the demonstrations started as a protest by environmentalists and green activists against the nomination of Kalin Tiholov as Investment Planning Minister. Tiholov has been involved in the controversial "Dyuni-gate" affair, whereby he had invested in a major building project at the Dyuni ("dunes") nature spot on the Black Sea coast.[50][51] Due to the protests Tiholov withdrew his candidature.[52] Protests arose for a variety of topics, with most important the restart of the Belene Nuclear Power Plant and construction in protected areas.[citation needed]

June–July: Protests for the resignation of Peevski as a head of DANS

Protest in Sofia against the election of Delyan Peevski as a head of DANS, 14 June 2013
Protest in Sofia against the Oresharski cabinet, 8 July 2013

The second series of protests had a far more political scope. These protests started on 14 June, as response to the election of Delyan Peevski as a head of the Bulgarian security agency DANS (State Agency for National Security).[53][54][55] Peevski, an MP for the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS), is also head of Alegro Capital LTD, a big communications company which includes the TV7 network.[56] The decision to elect Peevski has also been linked to the Corporate Commercial Bank ("CCB" or "KTB", Bulg: КТБ), wherein much funding for state development projects is invested. The bank's largest shareholder, Tsvetan Vasilev, has been repeatedly linked in the public sphere to the media holdings of Peevski and his mother Irena Krasteva.[57][58]

Peevski was approved by parliament within an hour of being nominated by the ruling coalition of Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) and DPS. His surprising election immediately provoked nationwide protests the same evening (10,000 in Sofia alone), organized through Facebook.[59][60][61]

Although the election was a surprise for the public, later investigations by newspaper Capital made clear that the appointment was not as spontaneous as claimed by BSP. In fact, it was carefully orchestrated and prepared long before BSP was able to form a cabinet.[62] The appointment of Peevski caused widespread indignation. Even president Plevneliev spoke out against it and stated that the Cabinet of Prime Minister Oresharski has lost credibility.[63]

Public anger was exacerbated by the fact that in the weeks and days leading up to Peevski's election, the parliament had approved major changes in the legal framework of DANS structures, which gave its head unprecedented powers. The changes included:[64]

  • taking DANS out of the structure of the Interior Ministry and putting it under the direct auspices of the Cabinet
  • taking the Anti-Organized Crime Directorate out of the Interior Ministry and placing it under the direct control of DANS
  • taking away the President's right to nominate the head of DANS.

Although Peevski wrote on 15 June that he will be withdrawing from the post,[65] the protests stem from general discontent with the government as a whole.[66][67]

The demonstrations started on 28 May 2013,[43] but actual large-scale protests did not emerge until the controversial appointment of Delyan Peevski as head of the State Agency for National Security on 14 June.[44] Despite the government's decision to reverse the appointment, protests continued, raising new demands, including Mr Oresharski's resignation.[68] Demonstrations have been noted for their use of social networks.[61]

The protests are still ongoing weeks after the reversal of Peevski's appointment, attracting a steady number of 10,000 to 15,000 people without any signs of attenuation. Because of the lack of response from the government, the demonstrators have resorted to other means of expressing their anger over the presumed corruption of the government, including protesting every morning in front of the parliament, as part of the morning initiative to "drink coffee" with the politicians, and blockading different roads at random. Despite demonstrations, the government has largely ignored the protesters and dismissed their claims.[69] Although at first largely ignored by the world press, the demonstrations are starting to receive more significant worldwide attention both by the media and the general population via the use of social networks.[70][71][72]

Since the early days of the protests, there has been somewhat of a split between the participants in the protest marches that forced the resignation of the Borisov government and the majority of the anti-Oresharski demonstrators, with the former generally willing to give the government some time to prove itself (even if lacking enthusiasm for it, as the Oresharski cabinet was not regarded as truly reflecting the initial expectations that the government will consist of a relatively apolitical collection of experts) rather than demanding immediate resignation. Some organizers of the February 2013 protests have taken issue with what they deem as the new protesters’ inclination to characterize the participants in the anti-Borisov protest waves as uncouth and lacking intellectual sophistication.[73] The divide (which is not an absolute one) is also confirmed on the empirical level - according to research by the Sofia Open Society Institute encompassing the months of June and July, only 3.5% of the participants in the February demonstrations report to have taken part in the anti-Oresharski protests.[5] Analysts also note that Varna - which saw the most intense demonstrations against the Borisov cabinet - has remained largely quiet and noncommittal during the anti-Oreshaski protests.[74]

Siege of Parliament, 23–24 July

On the night of 23–24 July there was violence in the protesting.[75] By the end of July 2013, anti-government protesters were still out in force protesting peacefully in Sofia with Reuters recording 24 July 2013 as the 41st straight day of peaceful protests. The protesters were demanding the resignation of the Socialist-led government of Oresharski. More than 100 lawmakers, ministers, and journalists spent the night barricaded inside Parliament before police removed them. MPs attempted to leave Parliament by boarding a white coach bus and making their way through the crowd. There was violence as the police tried to clear the way for the bus, but, unsuccessful after slowly making its way around the Aleksandar Nevski cathedral, the bus returned to the back exit of Parliament after about an hour around midnight. A police action at around 4 am forcefully cleared the remaining protesters, and the coach left, which led to further accusations of police violence in the ensuing days.[76][77][78][79] A survey covering the attitudes of Bulgarians showed that 65% considered the actions of the protesters on that day to be out of line, while 53% also disapproved of the police response. 79% agreed that the provocateurs involved in the violence need to have charges levelled against them.[80]

Other developments (August–September)

On 7 August 2013, on the 55th day of the demonstrations, some the main organizers of the protests held their first press conference, announcing that a "protest network" (Bulgarian: "протестна мрежа") had been formed to help them co-ordinate their activities.[81][82]

August – Seaside protest

When parliamentarians took their annual break in August, many protesters followed them to their residences on the Black Sea coast.[83][84][85]

September – Return to Sofia

After parliament opened once again in September, the Sofia protests continued but with a low turnout of a few dozen to a hundred people each day. This was on some days outnumbered by participants of the counter-protest, which now moved to the Presidency, also located in Independence square, with both protests metres away from one another.[86]

On 5 September 2013, Samuil Petkanov, founder of satirical website nenovinite.com and a prominent member of "protest network", sent out an open letter to Boyko Borisov, in which he objected to what he saw as certain GERB sympathizers' attempts to hijack the demonstrations and add a more radical dimension to them (on that day some protesters had attempted to move a number of the barriers close to the official entrance of National Parliament building, but the fences were subsequently put back in place by the police).[87] Borisov responded to the letter, agreeing with Petkanov's points (emphasizing that the deputy leader of his party, Tsvetan Tsvetanov, had managed to calm down the situation) and reiterating his party's commitment to an exclusively peaceful protest.[88]

October: Students protests and university occupations after return of Peevski

On 8 October 2013, the Constitutional Court effectively allowed Peevski to return to Parliament after failing to reach a decision on whether to strip him of his MP status. Several hundred people turned out for the 117th day of protests, a slightly higher number than in previous days. There were some violent episodes between protesters and police.[89][90]

On 23 October 2013, students at Sofia University joined the anti-Oresharski government protests and occupied the main lecture hall in protest against the "façade democracy" and asked for "accountability from their professors", mainly from their history of law professor Dimitar Tokushev, who is also chairman of the Constitutional Court. The student protests and the occupation of university buildings injected new life into a persistent anti-government movement that was into its 140th day on 1 November.[91][92][93][94][95] The protest intensified over the next few days, and on 27 October counter-protesters, joined by a Bulgarian Socialist Party MPs, made their way into the university and clashed with students.[96][97] By the next day, several universities across the country were occupied by students, including NBU, NATFIZ, VTU and UNWE.[98][99]

In a statement read to the public on 25 October 2013, the occupying students explained that they are: "…angered by the systemic violations of constitutional order in the country by the current government led by Plamen Oresharski." Among their objectives is to force the resignation of Prime Minister Plamen Oresharski’s government and see new general elections as soon as possible.[93] [check quotation syntax]

November: March of Justice and Second attempt to siege Parliament

On 10 November 2013, March of Justice was organized on the 24th anniversary of the 10 November 1989 events (resignation of the former communist head of state Todor Zhivkov), the protests against the left-wing Oresharski cabinet gained new momentum.[100]

On 12 November 2013, the anti-government protesters on the 152nd day of anti-government protests attempted to siege Parliament for a second time (the first time being 23–24 July).[101]

On 13 November, the occupation of Plovdiv University came to an end, with the students vowing to redirect their activities to Sofia.[102]

On 13 November, tension developed between protesters and police officers after a demonstrator jumped on a deputy's car close to National Assembly Square.[103]

In addition to the protests that take place every day, a massive protest was organized by GERB on 16 November in Plovdiv,[104] with the number of participants estimated as close to 15,000 by the Bulgarian Ministry of Internal Affairs,[105] and by the labor unions on 20 November in Sofia.[106]

On 18 November, the student occupation of Sofia University was partially lifted, with the Aula Magna room becoming the only exclusive domain of the occupiers and restrictions on access to the university premises remaining in place.[107][108]

December

On 2 December 2013, the protests started with a demonstration by leading Bulgarian actors who made a symbolic funeral of the Parliament.[109] One of them, Filip Avramov, made an emotional appeal for resignation of the government in front of a reporter of the Bulgarian National Television.

December is a month of Christian holidays which will be feted with protests on Christmas.[110] On 26 December 2013, approximately 3000 protesters (including many emigrants who had returned for the holidays) held a rally in front of the Parliament.[42]

January 2014

On 10 January 2014, the protesters against the cabinet of Prime Minister Plamen Oresharski blocked for a while the traffic in front of the Council of Ministers.[111] While the protest turnout remained low, the central parts of the city near the main government buildings saw a heavy police presence due to tip-offs suggesting that illegal disruption activities were being planned and the date coinciding with the 17-year anniversary of the 1997 attempted storming of Parliament.[112]

In the late evening hours of 13 January 2014, the occupying students held a general meeting and subsequently decided to fully lift the occupation of Sofia University, thus vacating the Aula Magna room. One of the participants commented that the students recognize the need to break the cycle of predictability and from now on will concentrate their activities in the areas of the city close to the National Parliament. The students from the South-West University in Blagoevgrad followed suit by declaring the occupation of their institution of higher education to be over.[113][114]

On 15 January 2014, the protests continued during the opening session of the National Parliament for the new year (though the number of participants remained in the hundreds), with the added demand that the MEPs vote for the revocation of Volen Siderov's parliamentary immunity - the Ataka party leader had earlier in the month been involved in a confrontation with the French cultural attaché for Bulgaria, Stéphanie Dumortier, a Bulgarian airplane passenger and Varna-based police officers.[115] During the demonstrations, Biser Milanov and fellow members of the National Liberty movement (Bulgarian: Национално движение "Свобода"), who were identified by some of the protesters as having affiliations with Nikolay Barekov's party "Bulgaria without censorship"(Bulgarian: "България без цензура") and being driven by an interest in discrediting the protests,[116] were arrested by a specialized squad of the Bulgarian police on the insistence of the prosecutor-general due to a criminal charge filed against Milanov (unrelated to his immediate presence at the protests).[117] Milanov is currently on trial for allegedly uttering threats against a female protester on 6 July 2013.[118] In an interview with journalist and TV host Martin Karbovski, the chairman of the National Liberty movement, Yordan Bonev, claimed to have attended a meeting with Boyko Borisov in mid January 2014 (alongside Biser Milanov), during which the possibility of organizing a massive anti-government demonstration was discussed. While Barekov has corroborated this, Borisov has denied any knowledge of such a gathering having taken place.[119][120]

On 25 January 2014, the protest in the Sofia University started again, with a new occupation.[121] The stated demands include the resignation of the government, a dissolution of the National Parliament and the stepping down of university dean Ivan Ilchev.[122] In addition, alleged provocations on the part of university staff members during the previous strike action as well the conclusions of the European Commission's most recent report on Bulgaria have been cited among the trigger factors for the university students' decision to renew the occupation.[123] The leading figures behind the new occupation were profiled as belonging to a "radical wing" of the previous occupying students (who had been against their colleagues' decision - that was taken in mid January - to restore full access to the university facilities for the staff and non-occupying students)[124] and did not receive the full backing of all the previous participants in the occupation,[125] some of whom adopted the stance that the timing of the occupation was not well-chosen and had caused them to postpone the public debate in the form of round table discussions, which was supposed to begin on that date and was envisioned as a new phase of the protest.[126] It has also been suggested that the new student protesters did not shun the politicization of their activities, as they were seeking a "decapsulation" and unlike the other occupiers were open to cooperating with political parties and civil society organizations that are in opposition to the Oresharski government,[127] as well as with football fan clubs.[128]

On 27 January 2014, counter-occupiers attempted to enter the university grounds and demanded that the occupation come to an end; police eventually arrived on the scene to prevent any arguments from arising between the occupiers and their opponents.[129]

On 28 January 2014, the new occupiers voluntarily lifted the occupation after intensive discussions with administrative personnel, university staff and fellow students, though some of them stated that they had faced undue pressure to come to such a decision[130] and also expressed disappointment that they did not receive sufficient support from the wider society.[131]

February 2014

On 6 February 2014, student and other protesters demonstrated by carrying banners against the mafia expressing outrage and opposition to the deputies' decision to raise their personal work salaries after months of constant protests.[132]

On 7 February 2014, student and other protesters showed their anti-government stances by carrying and throwing around computer mice in front of the Parliament building, criticizing what they view as the government's reluctance to implement a system of electronic voting.[133]

On 9 February 2014, some of the participants in the 2013 Bulgarian protests against the Borisov cabinet rallied on the streets of Sofia and Plovdiv in commemoration of the events that took place in February 2013. While they did not call for a resignation of the Oresharski cabinet, the protesters expressed dissatisfaction with the lack of action taken by Oresharski (and Sofia mayor Yordanka Fandykova) against the monopol companies, lamenting the lack of significant transformations in the economic realm in the 12 months since the end of the Borisov cabinet's tenure.[134] The newly formed party "Bulgaria without censorship" was among the main organizers of the citizen gatherings.[135]

Counter-protests

The first counter-protest was held on 23 June, in the vicinity of the National Palace of Culture.[136] Counter-protests are said to be paid (see protests and counter protests in Ukraine - Euromaidan), a practice started earlier with the paid protesters of extreme right-wing party Ataka, which was documented by National Television of Bulgaria. The practice of paid counter protesting started almost as soon as the large protests against Oresharksi occurred (early August 2013[137]) and had its peak with the massive counter-protest that was organized by the BSP and DPS with priorly scheduled trains for the paid protesters on 16 November in Sofia[138] and even against Plevneliev who shows democratic sympathies and as seen by some on the side of the anti-Oresharski protesters, with the number of participants estimated as close to 50,000 by the Bulgarian Ministry of Internal Affairs.[105] As of late August 2013, they claim to have collected 384,000 signatures in support of the government.[139]

The counter-protests have generally seen a lesser turnout compared to the anti-government protests and according to an Alpha Research survey (taking into account the period between 19 and 27 August) are backed by approximately one third of Bulgarian citizens.[140] While endorsing the right of any national to peacefully protest, president Rosen Plevneliev has depicted the counter-protests as a Bulgarian phenomenon and also expressed a concern that they could cause further alienation between citizens of disparate ideological persuasions.[141]

In early January 2014, Radoslav Gochev, one of the main organizers of the counter-protests, stated that they will be discontinuing any further events or demonstrations due to their belief that the government has now consolidated its position at the helm of the country. However, he also warned that the pro-government demonstrators remain fully prepared to hit the streets once again if the need arises.[136]

Around 50 counter-protesters gathered close to the official entrance of the National Assembly on 15 January while the first session for the new year was being held in response to the presence of two groups of anti-government demonstrators on the other sides of the building.[142]

A number of the supporters of the counter-protests have voiced suspicions regarding the purported involvement (including the alleged offering of renumeration) of influential US-based activists and think tanks in providing impetus for the demonstrations,[143] though this remains a fringe view among scholars.[144] Similar conspiracy theories have been espoused by figures like Biser Milanov (who does not self-identify as a counter-protester), who made a statement at the Council of Ministers in August 2013, in which he affirmed that his "National Liberty" movement would only support the government if it took adequate measures against "paid protesters", entailing granting them permission to create "volunteer patrols" who would operate together with police officers and apprehend "all protest organizers who are driven by a desire to promote George Soros' interests in Bulgaria".[145] Rapper Mihail Mihaylov, who has been described in the media as "one of the faces of the counter-protests", has expressed similar dismay at the alleged meddling of outside agents in Bulgarian affairs and in addition to that criticized the Borisov Government for its supposed authoritarian tendencies, thus subscribing to the argument that GERB is bound to be the beneficiary of any anti-government protests.[146][147] According to research conducted by the Sofia Open Society Institute covering the months of June and July, only 7.4% of respondents cite the concern that GERB could return to the helm of the country as being among their reasons for refusing to participate in a protest.[5]

Government response to the protests

On 19 June, Oresharski acknowledged that he had made a political miscalculation with the DANS appointment and apologized to the protesters and the rest of the Bulgarian citizens, while also stating that stepping down would not be conducive to his overarching aim of restoring political stability. He also requested a grace period from the general public until a number of urgent social policy reforms are implemented.[148] Oresharski has emphasized that he is always open to engaging in discussions with the protesters.[149] Minister of Education Anelia Klisarova has characterized the protests as motivational in the sense of providing further impetus for the government to work for the betterment of the country. However, she has also criticized the occupation of the universities and expressed concerns regarding the nature of the student demands, seeing them as solely political rather than education-related.[150] Sergei Stanishev and Oresharski maintain that the ongoing protests are an indication that the "chains of fear" that had gripped society and the media in previous years have now been removed from the popular consciousness of the citizens.[151] In late June 2013, the chairperson of the National Parliament Mihail Mikov criticized the general media coverage of the protests, stating that the ways in which the demonstrations were being framed could (alongside other factors) bring about their escalation and urged media representatives to show responsibility and the necessary measure of calm when it came to their reporting.[152] Mikov's statement was in turn condemned by prominent journalists and media outlets as well as the Bulgarian Helsinki Committee due to being interpreted as indicating a potential willingness on the part of the government to infringe on media freedom.[153][154] Oresharski, Minister of Interior Tzvetlin Yovchev as well as other members of the cabinet have held a number of meetings with protest figures (in the Council of Ministers building), though doubts have been expressed with regard to the extent to which the people who took part in these discussions were sufficiently representative of the protest movement as a whole, with some of those staunchly opposed to the government even labeling the participants in these events as "convenient protesters".[145][155]

Public reactions to the protests

While initially (prior to Peevski's resignation), opinion polls revealed that 85% of Sofia citizens were supportive of the protests (with only 23% declaring trust in the Oresharski cabinet),[156][157] approval for the protests dropped to 56% in mid July 2013 (with 37% expressing opposition to them and 48% believing them to be "politically motivated") based on nation-wide surveys administered by Sova Harris.[158] Current societal reactions to the protests continue to be mixed, with a relatively even split between pro- and anti-protest voices.[159][160] However, Alpha Research surveys (administered nationwide between 26 and 31 October) indicate that the student protests enjoy a slightly higher degree of popular support than the original demonstrations involving other societal members.[161] In response to a Gallup Research question regarding their voting preferences if the elections were to be held on the same day in which the survey was administered, approximately 22% of interviewees stated that they would likely pick the governing Bulgarian Socialist Party and circa 19% affirmed that they would be inclined to vote for the main one in opposition - Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria, which is reflective of the parity when it comes to popular support in the case of the two parties.[162][163]

A petition entitled "Sofia without roadblocks" (Bulgarian: "София без блокади") was circulated in late July 2013 due to dissatisfaction on the part of some citizens because of the traffic disruptions on the main boulevards in the central part of the capital city and noise pollution as a result of the protest activities (caused by both protesters and counter-protesters). Former Bulgarian defense minister Bogomil Bonev was among the initiators of the petition.[164] 90% of Sofia citizens insist that protests are to be conducted in full compliance with the legal regulations pertaining to mass citizen gatherings.[165]

The protests against the Oresharski cabinet are supported by 60 percent of Bulgarians, according to a poll by the independent Alpha Research.[100] Research conducted by the Sofia Open Society Institute (analyzing the political situation in the country over the course of the June and July months) reveals that the most active participants in the protests tend to be young (aged below 30 years), are based in the capital Sofia, lean to the centre-right or right of the political spectrum and have a higher than average income.[166] A generational gap as well as an urban-rural divide have been a feature of the public reactions to the demonstrations, with those residing in non-urban areas and aged over 60 on the whole significantly less supportive of the protests.[167][168] In addition, members of ethnic minority groups are generally not as favorably disposed to the protests,[169] with this finding especially applicable to ethnic Turks and Romani people who typically declare a lesser willingness to participate in demonstrations in comparison to ethnic Bulgarians.[5] A late January 2014 survey conducted by the Confederation of Independent Syndicates in Bulgaria revealed that one third of their members are adamant that Parliamentary elections need to be held alongside the upcoming European elections.[170]

Expert opinions

The protests (as well as the previously held anti-austerity demonstrations) have been credited with bringing about the rebirth of civil society in Bulgaria[171][172] and sparking a renewed interest in political issues.[173] According to Vasil Garnizov, as a result of them the government has become more responsive to the voice of the citizens by carefully evaluating public opinion with regard to certain policies (for example, in relation to the possible removal of the restrictions on smoking in eating establishments) and refraining from dabbling with controversial appointments,[174] though some analysts like historian Iskra Baeva caution that the overly generic and all-encompassing nature of the demands coupled with the tendency to deny the legitimacy of all political institutions in the country may not be the best approach for the protesters and is unlikely to yield constructive results.[175] In that regard, former Bulgarian Prime Minister Ivan Kostov has criticized some of the protesters’ tendency to be dismissive of the achievements of the Bulgarian transition since 1989, highlighting that Bulgarian civil society was already alive and kicking between 1996 and 1997.[176] Political scientist Boris Popivanov opines that the mass protests of the initial months have now been replaced by smaller-scale demonstrations that emphasize "creative and artistic elements" as well as "aesthetic provocations", which are not well-understood and difficult to relate to by the wider public.[177] He also characterizes the protests as exhibiting a strong anti-leftist slant, which in his view has enabled the Bulgarian Socialist Party to consolidate its ranks and rally its supporters.[178] The chairman of the Institute for Modern Politics, Borislav Tsekov, concurs with this assessment, viewing the "primitive anti-communism" exhibited by the protesters as almost reminiscent of the spirit of McCarthyism.[179] However, the student occupiers have been described as somewhat less eager to jump on the anti-communist bandwagon.[180] Suspicions regarding the increased role played by the Movement for Rights and Freedoms party (whose support base is predominantly ethnically Turkish, Muslim Roma and Bulgarian Muslim) in the governance of the country have also been identified as a catalyst for some elements of the protest movement.[181] Petar Mitev notes that despite the fact that there is a significant discrepancy of viewpoints between the government and the presidency, the former would not benefit from a strategy premised on seriously discrediting the latter, as this could lead to general political chaos and embolden the protesters.[182] In November 2013, culturologist Ivaylo Ditchev, in a contribution for Deutsche Welle, analyzed some possible scenarios that could bring about a resignation of the government – his preferred one is a “moral catharsis of Bulgarian society”, with students inspiring the support of wide segments of the intelligentsia, who in turn convince a majority of ordinary citizens to join the anti-government wave. A Citizen Forum (reminiscent of the one established in 1989 Czechoslovakia) is to be created and serve as a guarantor for the cleansing of Bulgarian politics – the participants in it will set the tone for political discussions, but refrain from taking part in politics. However, he regards this scenario as rather utopian and draws attention to the more realistic (if increasingly less appealing – from his standpoint - possibilities) – corporate and social issues like those related to health care causing a mass discontent and unions going on strike, triggering a paralysis of the country; “behind the curtain events” within the political echelons themselves, with GERB succeeding in using procedural tools (also with the tacit support of Western allies) to alter the balance of power in the National Assembly; the Attack party withdrawing its support for the government and emerging as the political face of popular protests inspired by nationalist causes (possibly attributable issues like the Syrian refugee crisis or concerns pertaining to the selling of Bulgarian land to foreigners). The latter scenario is regarded as especially problematic and as being incompatible with the underlying goals of the protest movement, because the new Parliament formed after such events would almost inevitably include fascist-leaning parties and would need to contend with significant polarization due to the presence of pro- and anti-European voices.[183] Left wing sociologist Andrey Raychev makes a distinction between "citizen" and "political" protests and maintains that parties are gradually learning the lesson that they cannot simply "insert themselves" into a demonstration of the citizens, but need to carve out a separate niche.[184] According to a report generated by the "Laboratory for Governing Risks" affiliated to New Bulgarian University, the protesters' refusal to accept any guidance from political figures as well as the general reluctance to add an explicitly political dimension to their actions stifles the potential of their movement.[185] Analysts who tend to be opposed to the protests point out that Bulgarian society is now suffering from a "protest fatigue" and the majority of citizens want the government to be given a chance to implement its policy aims before casting judgment on it. They also downplay the parallels between the present anti-government wave and the 1997 demonstrations that brought down the Zhan Videnov cabinet because of their belief that the current economic and financial climate in Bulgaria could hardly be depicted as being in an acute state of crisis.[186] Analysis conducted by Gallup Research notes that December has seen somewhat of a reduction in intra-societal tensions compared to November, though the conclusion is reached that the potential for further protests is still very much in the picture.[187] Political scientist Ivan Nachev suggests that the demonstrations need to be held less frequently, but with a higher turnout, better organization and protest messages that are clearly formulated, so that the protest movement does not fall into the trappings of banalization. He also urges both the government and the protesters to show greater determination to find some sort of a middle ground when engaging in dialogue.[188] German political researcher Daniel Kadick notes that it may be advisable for a protest party to be formed, so that the current status quo in Bulgaria is not recreated after the next elections and in order for the electoral prospects of populist movements like "Bulgaria without censorship" to be reduced.[189]

Economic assessments

The security-related expenditures resulting from the protests (encompassing the period from 14 June to late November) have been evaluated as approximating 2 million leva.[190]

On 13 December 2013, Standard & Poor's Ratings Services amended its outlook for Bulgaria from "stable" to "negative", in part due to the political uncertainty that started with the February 2013 protests against the Borisov cabinet (and the still looming possibility of early elections as a result of the current protests against the Oresharski cabinet). However, the country, as of mid December 2013, has retained its ’BBB/A-2’ long- and short-term sovereign credit ratings.[191][192]

Controversies associated with the protests

On 17 June 2013, there were tense scenes between sympathizers of the Attack and anti-government demonstrators close to the headquarters of the nationalists on Vrabcha Street, with some objects being thrown by both sides. The protesters have accused the Attack leadership of betraying the trust of the people and "phony nationalism" by refusing to vote against the formation of a government that includes the MRF.[193] Allegations have surfaced in the media of a small proportion of the protesters and the counter-protesters having received financial incentives in order to attend gatherings in opposition to or in support of the government (see also counter-protest section).[194][195][196] On 30 August 2013, during a Roger Waters concert in Sofia, the protest slogan "Оставка!" ("Resignation!") was displayed on the main screen in red letters. While a number of Bulgarians regarded it as a nice gesture in support of the protests, rapper Mihail Mihaylov, one of the main figures lauding the counter-protesters, voiced sharp criticism, with some elements in favor of the anti-government demonstrations also expressing disapproval due to their belief that the politicization of such public events contradicted some of the values the protest movement was premised upon.[197] The protests have not been spared the involvement of agent provocateurs, some of them supposedly linked to Biser Milanov's "Liberty" national movement[198][199] and Pavel Chernev (former member of Attack and current leader of the "Freedom" party (Bulgarian: партия "Свобода"), who has distanced himself from Volen Siderov),[200] though both of them have denied any ulterior motivations, with Chernev explaining that his entourage of young men in sporting attire were falsely labeled a provocateur group, when in actuality they had intended to protect the regular protesters from militant members of the Attack.[201] 22 people alleged to have been attempting to disrupt the protests and encourage the commission of illegal acts were detained by the police during the protest activities of 23 June.[202] Psychologists have questioned the developmental effects on children partaking in demonstrations,[203] with former Bulgarian Prime Minister Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha being one of the politicians especially critical of the practice, believing it to be contrary to the EU directives on the well-being of the underaged.[204] On 28 October 2013, journalists from the TV7 news channel and Alfa TV (the media anchor of the Ataka party) were prevented from entering the university premises and reporting on the Sofia University occupation by a small number of students, security officers and anti-government demonstrators.[205] On 7 November 2013, Asen Genov, an Internet blogging pioneer in Bulgaria and a prominent contributor to "protest network"[206] was arrested (alongside five other peers, four of them DSB activists) for spraypainting parts of the anti-fascist monument in front of the BSP party headquarters on Pozitano Street in Sofia.[207] DSB leader Radan Kynev endorsed the actions of his party members, characterizing them as an appropriate expression of protest views given the existence of a coalition of "former communists and contemporary fascists at the helm of the country".[208] In the evening of 8 November 2013, MP Desislav Chukolov, leader Volen Siderov and some other members and sympathizers of the Ataka party confronted a group of students who had been overheard chanting "Resignation!" near the headquarters of the Bulgarian National Television. In the ensuing commotion, a glass of red wine was spilled on Chukolov's shirt. Five students were subsequently arrested by the police, but were released on the next day without any charges pressed against them, though Chukolov has stated that he may take the matter to the courts.[209] In mid November 2013, some Oresharski statements were interpreted as implying that public servants who take part in protests could be given the sack (which was criticized as anti-constitutional, with GERB referring the matter to the European Commission and the Association for European Integration and Human Rights informing the prosecutor-general of Bulgaria), but the Prime Minister subsequently clarified that only those who protest during their working hours could face the risk of being fired (Bulgarian legal regulations stipulate that civil servants may not engage in political activism in the workplace).[210] In January 2014, more than 40 football supporters from various fan clubs were called into police stations to sign protocols stipulating that they will not take part in any social disturbances. This requirement was criticized by prominent members of fan clubs and pro-protest activists as an unnecessary measure motivated by a desire to discourage the ultras' participation in anti-government protests.[211] On 23 February, a Ukrainian flag was drawn on the Soviet Army monument in Sofia, with one of the soldier statues also painted in yellow and blue colours. A number of pro-Euromaidan messages such as "Слава Україні" ("Glory to Ukraine!") were also scribbled on it. A small anti-Oresharski protester group accompanied by journalist Ivo Indzhev subsequently arrived on the scene.[212] This occurrence drew a sharp reaction from the Russian Foreign Ministry, who demanded that the culprits be identified and punished. Also, the Euronews TV channel's decision to show a photo of the painted monument on its Facebook page was criticized by the Russian ministry as "excessive". Shortly thereafter Euronews removed the image, clarifying that it did not support a particular side between the pro- and anti-government forces in Ukraine, least of all the participants in violent riots, and did not intend to besmirch the memory of Soviet veterans who had fought the Nazi regime during WWII.[213]

In September, two freelance journalists at Deutsche Welle's Bulgarian desk were released from their contracts. The German media company explained that this was for failing to retain "objectivity, neutrality and balance" in their reporting of the protests. While DW publicly denied this to be linked to a recent letter of complaint from the CCB, opinion pieces in Bulgarian media outlets were predominantly of the opinion that the bank had put pressure on the broadcaster.[214][215][216]

On 25 October, students from Sofia University occupied the central building of the university in downtown Sofia. They demanded immediate government resignation and new elections, as well as rule of law and a prioritization of education. The declaration was publicly read before present media. After that, the entrances to the University were fully blocked and almost all activities at the building ceased. According to students, between 70 and 100 people are present inside and only students are allowed in and out. (noresharski.com[217])

In early December, а student delegation from Bulgaria visited Ukraine in order to voice their support for the Euromaidan participants. The occupying students also revealed that they intend to make a film about the events in the former Soviet republic and have already posted a trailer on Youtube.[218]

Miscellanous

“The protester” received the most votes for politician of the year in Bulgaria, while the anti-Oresharski protests have been singled out as the event of the year in the country, based on the annual survey of Darik Radio.[219]

References

  1. ^ Template:Bg icon There is only one roadmap: Resignation for the government. Elections., Capital, 19 June 2013
  2. ^ Medarov 2013, p. 72.
  3. ^ Template:Bg icon Plevneliev (text and video), Bulgarian National Television, 16 June 2013
  4. ^ Yanakiev 2013, p. 371.
  5. ^ a b c d e "Протестите от юни и юли 2013: общественото мнение" (in Bulgarian). politiki.bg/Институт "Отворено Общество" София. August 2013. Retrieved 24 February 2014.
  6. ^ Lambrev 2013, pp. 379–380.
  7. ^ "Южен поток", източни интереси" (in Bulgarian). protestnamreja.bg. 14 November 2013. Retrieved 24 February 2014.
  8. ^ "Руските медии се притесняват за "Южен поток" заради протестите" (in Bulgarian). dnevnik.bg. 16 July 2013. Retrieved 24 February 2014.
  9. ^ "ГЕРБ ще иска касиране на изборите и ново гласуване", Kapital, 16 Мay 2013. Retrieved 24 February 2014.
  10. ^ Genova 2013, pp. 150–151.
  11. ^ "Орешарски: Тихолов се оттегля, за да не затрудни диалога с гражданското общество" (in Bulgarian). investor.bg. 28 May 2013. Retrieved 4 February 2014.
  12. ^ "Протест на Орлов мост ще има въпреки оттеглянето на арх.Тихолов, на мушката е Петър Стоянович, защото бил за развитието на ски зоната в Банско" (in Bulgarian). sega.bg. 28 May 2013. Retrieved 4 February 2014.
  13. ^ "Сидеров си даде имунитета, последваха го всички депутати от "Атака" (in Bulgarian). sega.bg. 22 January 2014. Retrieved 9 February 2014.
  14. ^ "Трети вот на недоверие" (in Bulgarian). focus-news.net. 6 February 2014. Retrieved 9 February 2014.
  15. ^ "Депутатите отхвърлиха вота на недоверие към правителството на Пламен Орешарски" (in Bulgarian). focus-news.net. 12 February 2014. Retrieved 12 February 2014.
  16. ^ "Контрапротестът иска предсрочни избори за президент" (in Bulgarian). novinar.bg. 3 September 2013. Retrieved 20 February 2014.
  17. ^ Template:Bg icon 20,000 gather at third Sofia Protest, Dnevnik, 18 June 2013. Retrieved 26 Jun 2013.
  18. ^ The spirit of protest in Brazil and Turkey has now swept into Bulgaria, The Guardian, 25 June 2013. Retrieved 26 Jun 2013.
  19. ^ a b "Броят на протестиращите в страната се стопи в пъти" (in Bulgarian). standartnews.com. 18 June 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
  20. ^ "Около 1000 протестираха във Варна, скандираха пред БСП, ДПС и "Атака"" (in Bulgarian). dariknews.bg. 14 June 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
  21. ^ "Протестите срещу Пеевски в страната" (in Bulgarian). offnews.bg. 14 June 2013. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
  22. ^ a b "Многобройни протести в страната срещу Пеевски въпреки лошото време" (in Bulgarian). dariknews.bg. 14 June 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
  23. ^ "И в Русе имаше протест срещу Пеевски, но по-вял" (in Bulgarian). society.actualno.com. 14 June 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
  24. ^ "Хиляди протестират за 18-и ден в София" (in Bulgarian). vesti.bg. 1 July 2013. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
  25. ^ "МВР може да брои до 3000" (in Bulgarian). vevesti.com. 8 July 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
  26. ^ "Контрапротестиращите тръгват към парламента, намеренията им са дa се смесят с противниците на Орешарски" (in Bulgarian). blitz.com. 16 August 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
  27. ^ "Около стотина души скандират оставка, над 1000 души се събраха на контрапротест в центъра на Кърджали в подкрепа на кабинета Орешарски" (in Bulgarian). pressadaily.bg. 25 August 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
  28. ^ "Митинг в подкрепа на Орешарски във Видин" (in Bulgarian). blitz.bg. 3 July 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
  29. ^ "Контрапротест в Благоевград" (in Bulgarian). bnt.bg. 14 August 2013. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
  30. ^ "МВР е похарчило близо 2 млн.лв. за охрана на протестите" (in Bulgarian). dnevnik.bg. 29 November 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
  31. ^ "122 арестувани от началото на протестите" (in Bulgarian). bnews.bg. 30 June 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
  32. ^ "Полицията се отчете: 214 души арестувани от началото на протестите в София" (in Bulgarian). 24chasa.bg. 27 July 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
  33. ^ "На протестите: 204 задържани, 1051 предупредени полицаи" (in Bulgarian). vesti.bg. 27 July 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
  34. ^ "Арестуваха протестиращи пред парламента" (in Bulgarian). frognews.bg. 4 September 2013. Retrieved 8 December 2013.
  35. ^ "Шестима са арестувани на протеста пред МС (снимки), напрежението в 117-ти пореден ден на протести ескалира" (in Bulgarian). berkovitza.bg. 8 October 2013. Retrieved 8 December 2013.
  36. ^ "Съдят 6-мата арестувани от протестите снощи, под прицела на протестиращите се оказа премиерът Пламен Орешарски" (in Bulgarian). fakti.bg. 9 October 2013. Retrieved 8 December 2013.
  37. ^ "Шестима души са арестувани след протестите на 10 ноември" (in Bulgarian). tvevropa.com. 11 November 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
  38. ^ "Полицията окупира София, и в сряда МВР продължи с безпрецедентните мерки срещу студентския протест" (in Bulgarian). capital.bg. 13 November 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
  39. ^ "Близо 50 арестувани след вчерашните протести" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 13 November 2013. Retrieved 29 January 2014.
  40. ^ "8 души са арестувани на днешните протести" (in Bulgarian). meganews.bg. 5 December 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
  41. ^ "4-ма задържани по време на снощния протест в София, сериозно пострадали няма" (in Bulgarian). btvnews.bg. 15 December 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
  42. ^ a b "Студентите от чужбина се върнаха да поискат оставка (обзор)" (in Bulgarian). offnews.bg. 26 December 2013. Retrieved 29 December 2013.
  43. ^ a b Template:Bg icon Check protest against Cabinet 'Oresharski', Dnevnik, 28 May 2013
  44. ^ a b Tsolova, Tsvetelina. "Bulgarians protests over media magnate as security chief". reuters.com. Retrieved 23 June 2013.
  45. ^ Bulgaria protests: Students lock up Sofia university, BBC News, 11 November 2013
  46. ^ Students from Veliko Tarnovo join the occupation wave of Sofia University, Standart, 28 September 2013
  47. ^ "ITUC Frontlines Report 2012: Section on Bulgaria". Novinite. 10 October 2012. Retrieved 10 October 2012.
  48. ^ http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/xinhua/2013-05-29/content_9172065.html
  49. ^ http://www.aljazeera.com/news/europe/2013/11/mass-rallies-grip-bulgarian-politics-20131116145545504800.html
  50. ^ Template:Bg icon The Brains of Dyunigate Kalin Tiholov becomes minister, Bivol, 27 May 2013. Retrieved June 2013.
  51. ^ Template:Bg icon Dyuni-gate index, Bivol. Retrieved June 2013.
  52. ^ Template:Bg icon Controversial Bulgarian Ministerial Nominee Withdraws amid Public Outcry, Novinite, 28 May 2013
  53. ^ Bulgarians protests over media magnate as security chief, Reuters, 14 June 2013
  54. ^ Thousands Rally in Bulgaria against Election of Shady Mogul for 'FBI' Head, Novinite, 14 June 2013
  55. ^ Template:Bg icon Protester says things could change for better (video), bgnes, 14 June 2013
  56. ^ Template:Bg icon Barekov: TV7 brought down the government, Kapital, 25 February 2013. Retrieved June 2013.
  57. ^ Peevski is merely a decoy, Bulgaria's problem is CCB, Bivol.bg, 16 June 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  58. ^ Lyutvi Mestan attacks GERB over their links with the "Peevski–CCB" circle, Mediapool, 19 Sept 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  59. ^ Template:Bg icon Over 10,000 people came out in the protest against Delyan Peevski in Sofia – chronology, Dnevnik, 18 June 2013. Retrieved 25 June 2013.
  60. ^ Template:Bg icon I don't want Delyan Peevski to head DANS, btv news, 14 June 2013. The original facebook page referred to in the news article is here
  61. ^ a b "Will you #ДАНСwithme? How Bulgarian protesters are using social media". euronews.com. Retrieved 23 June 2013.
  62. ^ Template:Bg icon Peevski with access outside of the law, Capital, 18 June 2013
  63. ^ Bulgarian parliament elects media mogul as powerful security chief, stirring public outrage, Washington Post, 14 June 2013
  64. ^ Template:Bg icon DANS swallows GDBOP, Capital, 28 May 2013. Retrieved 18 June 2013.
  65. ^ "Делян Пеевски: Готов съм да отменят избора ми" (in Bulgarian). tv7.bg. 15 June 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
  66. ^ Bulgarian protesters call for government to resign, Financial Times, 16 June 2013 (subscription required)
  67. ^ Swoboda Slams Bulgarian Socialists over Controversial Appointment, Novinite, 16 June 2013
  68. ^ "Thousands protest in Bulgaria against two-week-old government". euronews.com. Retrieved 23 June 2013.
  69. ^ http://www.standartnews.com/balgariya-politika/angel_naydenov_kabinetat_ne_obsazhda_ostavka-194485.html
  70. ^ Protests in Bulgaria
  71. ^ After Political Appointment in Bulgaria, Rage Boils Over
  72. ^ Bulgarian protests continue, is the world watching?
  73. ^ "Протестиращи дават 90 дни шанс на кабинета" (in Bulgarian). standartnews.com. 6 June 2013. Retrieved 9 February 2014.
  74. ^ Babikian 2013, p. 464.
  75. ^ Bulgaria President Calls for Strengthening Democratic 'Fundamentals' Amid Protests; Move Comes After Anticorruption Demonstrations Turned Violent 24.July.2013 WSJ
  76. ^ Tsvetelia Tsolova and Angel Krasimirov (24 July 2013). "Bulgarians stage new protest rally after siege of parliament". Reuters.
  77. ^ Blood and barricades on 40th day of protests, Vesti.bg, 23 July 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  78. ^ Video clears protesters for the damage done to the white bus (+ video), Off News, 28 July 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  79. ^ Who broke the windows of the white bus? (video), bTV, 30 July 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  80. ^ Галъп 2013, pp. 323–324.
  81. ^ ""Протестът проговори", суматоха на пресконференцията" (in Bulgarian). vesti.bg. 7 August 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  82. ^ "Протестът проговори и се изпокара с "другия" протест" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 7 August 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  83. ^ Protests follow the government to the Black Sea coast, Manager.bg, 4 Aug 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  84. ^ Blockade at the Evksinograd seaside residence (+ video), Dnevnik, 5 Aug 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  85. ^ Morning "beach protest" in front of parliament, Mediapool, 31 Jul 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  86. ^ The counter-protesters: "The president continually shames the people" (+ video), btv, 19 Sept 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  87. ^ "Отворено писмо на Самуил Петканов до Бойко Борисов" (in Bulgarian). offnews.bg. 5 September 2013. Retrieved 9 February 2014.
  88. ^ "Борисов отговори на писмото на Самуил Петканов, в отговора си до създателя на Не!Новините Борисов отново подкани Реформаторския блок към общи действия срещу правителството" (in Bulgarian). vesti.bg. 5 September 2013. Retrieved 9 February 2014.
  89. ^ Constitutional Court leaves Peevski as MP after failing to reach decision, Dnevnik, 8 Oct 2013. Retrieved 9 Oct 2013.
  90. ^ Tension at anti-cabinet protest, demonstrators chase after Oresharski's car, Darik News, 8 Oct 2013. Retrieved 9 Oct 2013.
  91. ^ Students occupy SU in protest against façade democracy (video), btv news, 23 Oct 2013. Retrieved 28 Oct 2013.
  92. ^ Students occupy largest lecture hall at SU, Mediapool, 23 October 2013. Retrieved 28 Oct 2013.
  93. ^ a b Seymat, Thomas (28 October 2013). "Bulgarian students join anti-government protests, occupy university buildings". euronews. Retrieved 1 November 2013.
  94. ^ Eastern approaches Ex-communist Europe. "Bulgaria: Students on the barricades". The Economist. Retrieved 1 November 2013.
  95. ^ "Students #OccupySU, protest Bulgaria corruption | The Stream - Al Jazeera English". Stream.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 1 November 2013.
  96. ^ Counterprotesters attempt to push through the blockade, 24 Chasa, 27 Oct 2013. Retrieved 28 Oct 2013.
  97. ^ Counterprotesters storm the occupied SU (+ video), Sega, 27 Oct 13 Retrieved 28 Oct 2013.
  98. ^ Students occupy main lecture hall at NATFIZ, Dnevnik, 28 Oct 2013. Retrieved 28 Oct 2013
  99. ^ Students occupy Natfiz, NBU & VTU, Dnes, 28 Oct 2013. Retrieved 28 Oct 2013
  100. ^ a b Thousands of students marched in downtown Sofia, Reuters, 10 Nov 2013. Retrieved 10 Nov 2013
  101. ^ Protesters Try to Storm Parliament Building in Sofia, Novinite, 12 Nov 2013. Retrieved 12 Nov 2013
  102. ^ "Падна окупацията в Пловдивския университет" (in Bulgarian). dnesplus.bg. 13 November 2013. Retrieved 12 February 2014.
  103. ^ "Скачане върху колата на депутата Кутев: Екшън и на жълтите павета (ексклузивно видео)" (in Bulgarian). videonews.bg. 13 November 2013. Retrieved 20 February 2014.
  104. ^ Protest organized by GERB
  105. ^ a b "МВР брои: 50 000 за БСП, 15 000 за ГЕРБ" (in Bulgarian). dartsnews.bg. 16 November 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2013.
  106. ^ [1] Protest organized by the unions
  107. ^ "Университетът отвори! Окупацията падна частично!" (in Bulgarian). bnews.bg. 18 November 2013. Retrieved 12 January 2014.
  108. ^ "До седмица СУ заработва на пълни обороти" (in Bulgarian). novinar.bg. 18 November 2013. Retrieved 12 January 2014.
  109. ^ Bulgarian Actors against the Government
  110. ^ Resignation on Christmas facebook event
  111. ^ Protesters in Bulgarian capital city block vehicular movement in front of Council of Ministers
  112. ^ "Стотици полицаи напразно чакаха протест (снимки)" (in Bulgarian). dnes.dir.bg. 10 January 2014. Retrieved 10 January 2014.
  113. ^ "Бунтът на студентите - как започна, как се разви и какво постигна окупацията на университетите" (in Bulgarian). capital.bg. 14 January 2014. Retrieved 14 January 2014.
  114. ^ "Ранобудните студенти прекратиха окупацията (обновена)" (in Bulgarian). dnes.dir.bg. 14 January 2014. Retrieved 14 January 2014.
  115. ^ "Протести в подкрепа на свалянето на депутатския имунитет на Сидеров пред парламента" (in Bulgarian). bnr.bg. 15 January 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  116. ^ "Малоброен протест посрещна депутатите, появата на Петното разгневи демонстранти (допълнена)" (in Bulgarian). dnevnik.bg. 15 January 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  117. ^ "Арестуваха Бисер Петното и сие пред парламента (видео)" (in Bulgarian). bnews.bg. 15 January 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  118. ^ "Съдът остави Бисер Миланов-Петното в ареста (видео)" (in Bulgarian). dnevnik.bg. 28 January 2014. Retrieved 8 February 2014.
  119. ^ "Борисов: Научих за Петното преди година, когато говореше, че ще сваля ГЕРБ, и с Бареков ни свалиха (видео)" (in Bulgarian). dnevnik.bg. 30 January 2014. Retrieved 8 February 2014.
  120. ^ "Йордан Бонев за срещите си с властта" (in Bulgarian). tv7.bg. 2 February 2014. Retrieved 8 February 2014.
  121. ^ Declaration of the Occupying Students
  122. ^ "Манол Глишев: Окупацията ще продължи до оставка на правителството" (in Bulgarian). 24chasa.bg. 27 January 2014. Retrieved 29 January 2014.
  123. ^ "Нови окупатори превзеха СУ, искат оставка и на Илчев" (in Bulgarian). bnews.bg. 25 January 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  124. ^ "Кои са новите окупатори?" (in Bulgarian). Deutsche Welle (Bulgarian edition). 26 January 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  125. ^ "Не съм съгласен с новите окупатори, обяви един от Ранобудните" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 27 January 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  126. ^ ""Ранобудните" се разграничиха от новата окупация, Ивайло Динев и други студенти я подкрепиха" (in Bulgarian). Dnevnik bg. 25 January 2014. Retrieved 14 February 2014.
  127. ^ "Само ние сме държавата, обявиха окупаторите на СУ" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 27 January 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  128. ^ "Тони Господинов: Поискахме подкрепа и от футболните агитки, за да ни защитят от вандализми" (in Bulgarian). dariknews.bg. 27 January 2014. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  129. ^ "Разчистват Алма матер" (in Bulgarian). standartnews.com. 28 January 2014. Retrieved 29 January 2014.
  130. ^ "Прекратиха окупацията на Софийския университет" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 28 January 2014. Retrieved 28 January 2014.
  131. ^ "Инфантилна обществена реакция провали окупацията на СУ, смятат "Ранобудните"" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 28 January 2014. Retrieved 28 January 2014.
  132. ^ ""Ранобудните" протестираха срещу увеличението на депутатските заплати" (in Bulgarian). cross.bg. 6 February 2014. Retrieved 14 February 2014.
  133. ^ "Компютърни мишки "летяха" срещу парламента (СНИМКИ И ВИДЕО)" (in Bulgarian). dariknews.bg. 7 February 2014. Retrieved 9 February 2014.
  134. ^ "Участници във февруарските протести отново на улицата" (in Bulgarian). btvnews.bg. 9 February 2014. Retrieved 9 February 2014.
  135. ^ "Участници от февруарските протести повтарят исканията си" (in Bulgarian). vesti.bg. 9 February 2014. Retrieved 9 February 2014.
  136. ^ a b "Контрите спират с протестите: Орешарски е бетон!" (in Bulgarian). bnews.bg. 6 January 2014. Retrieved 12 January 2014.
  137. ^ "13-ти ден на контрапротест" (in Bulgarian). bnt.bg. 8 July 2013. Retrieved 12 November 2013.
  138. ^ Protest organized by BSP and DPS, comparing it to the one organized by GERB
  139. ^ "Събраха 384 хил. подписа в подкрепа на Орешарски" (in Bulgarian). manager.bg. 29 August 2013. Retrieved 20 February 2014.
  140. ^ "Алфа рисърч": Недоволството от кабинета расте" (in Bulgarian). segabg.com. 1 September 2013. Retrieved 12 November 2013.
  141. ^ "Плевнелиев: Контрапротестът е българска иновация и трябва да се замислим за ефекта му" (in Bulgarian). dnevnik.bg. 20 November 2013. Retrieved 2 December 2013.
  142. ^ "Протест и контрапротест пред парламента" (in Bulgarian). dariknews.bg. 15 January 2014. Retrieved 15 January 2014.
  143. ^ "2013: Българският театър, трето действие" (in Bulgarian). dariknews.bg. 31 December 2013. Retrieved 27 January 2014.
  144. ^ Smilov & Vaysova 2013, p. 21.
  145. ^ a b "Орешарски се срещна с протестиращите" (in Bulgarian). tv7.bg. 9 August 2013. Retrieved 8 February 2014.
  146. ^ "Михаил Михайлов: падне ли правителството, губим демокрацията" (in Bulgarian). duma.bg. 30 July 2013. Retrieved 8 February 2014.
  147. ^ "Шамара: Борисов плаща на реформаторите" (in Bulgarian). monitor.bg. 6 January 2014. Retrieved 8 February 2014.
  148. ^ "Орешарски: Оставката би задълбочила още повече хаоса, премиерът представи плана "Орешарски" пред народните представители" (in Bulgarian). inews.bg. 19 June 2013. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
  149. ^ "Орешарски бил готов на диалог с протестиращите, освобождаваме директора на митниците Ваньо Танов не само за лошо изпълнение на приходите, каза още премиерът в интервю за Нова телевизия" (in Bulgarian). vesti.bg. 1 July 2013. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
  150. ^ "Анелия Клисарова: Протестите ни мотивират" (in Bulgarian). novini.bg. 6 November 2013. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
  151. ^ "Станишев: За 100 дни кабинетът свали оковите на страха в обществото" (in Bulgarian). offnews.bg. 10 September 2013. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
  152. ^ "Михаил Миков: Отразяването на протестите в медиите допринася за напрежението" (in Bulgarian). 24chasa.bg. 26 June 2013. Retrieved 29 January 2014.
  153. ^ "Реакции за обръщението на Миков към медиите: разкачен от реалността до бумеранг към властта" (in Bulgarian). Dnevnik.bg. 28 June 2013. Retrieved 29 January 2014.
  154. ^ "Българският хелзинкски комитет разкритикува обръщението на шефа на НС: Михаил Миков не може да дава съвети на медиите и гражданските организации" (in Bulgarian). Mediapool.bg. 27 June 2013. Retrieved 29 January 2014.
  155. ^ "Протестиращи след среща с Орешарски: Тези протести отвън не са наши, в изявления след разговори с премиера участниците обявиха различни срокове за подкрепа на кабинета - от 100 дни през 6 месеца до 4 години, гневни реакции в #ДАНСwithme" (in Bulgarian). vesti.bg. 12 July 2013. Retrieved 8 February 2014.
  156. ^ "Изследване: 85% от българите подкрепят протестите" (in Bulgarian). dnes.dir.bg. 19 June 2013. Retrieved 26 October 2013.
  157. ^ "85% от хората подкрепят протестите срещу Пеевски, 71% – тези срещу областните управители" (in Bulgarian). pernik1.com. 9 July 2013. Retrieved 12 November 2013.
  158. ^ "Сова Харис: 56% от хората подкрепят протеста срещу правителството" (in Bulgarian). dnes.dir.bg. 14 July 2013. Retrieved 26 October 2013.
  159. ^ "София разделена в отношението си към протестите" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 12 October 2013. Retrieved 26 October 2013.
  160. ^ "Подкрепата за протестите намалява, сочи проучване на "Галъп"" (in Bulgarian). investor.bg. 21 October 2013. Retrieved 12 November 2013.
  161. ^ ""Алфа Рисърч": 60% от българите подкрепят студентската окупация" (in Bulgarian). offnews.bg. 3 November 2013. Retrieved 12 November 2013.
  162. ^ ""Галъп": Ако изборите са днес - БСП - 22,3%, ГЕРБ - 19,2%" (in Bulgarian). 24chasa.bg. 21 October 2013. Retrieved 27 October 2013.
  163. ^ "БСП печели 99 мандата, а ГЕРБ - 89 при нови избори" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 31 October 2013. Retrieved 1 November 2013.
  164. ^ "Събират подписи за "София без блокади"" (in Bulgarian). standartnews.com. 27 August 2013. Retrieved 26 October 2013.
  165. ^ ""Сова Харис": 90% от софиянци искат протести в рамките на закона" (in Bulgarian). blitz.bg. 12 October 2013. Retrieved 26 October 2013.
  166. ^ "Обществено мнение и социални нагласи в България през юли 2013 г.(p. 27)" (PDF) (in Bulgarian). osi.bg. July 2013. Retrieved 3 December 2013.
  167. ^ Spahiyski 2013, pp. 341–342.
  168. ^ "Протестите изправят София срещу страната, обяви „Галъп"" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 11 July 2013. Retrieved 23 February 2014.
  169. ^ НЦИОМ 2013, p. 313.
  170. ^ "КНСБ: Всеки трети от работещите иска предсрочни избори" (in Bulgarian). blitz.bg. 25 February 2014. Retrieved 26 February 2014.
  171. ^ "Проф. Петков: Българското гражданско общество се събужда" (in Bulgarian). akademika.bg. 9 January 2013. Retrieved 23 November 2013.
  172. ^ ""Икономист": Раждането на гражданско общество. Ще имат ли траен ефект ежедневните протести на българите" (in Bulgarian). trud.bg. 20 September 2013. Retrieved 23 November 2013.
  173. ^ "Силата и успехът на протеста" (in Bulgarian). Dnevnik newspaper. 19 September 2013. Retrieved 29 November 2013.
  174. ^ "Броим до 100 и продължаваме...в какво успя протестът, в какво не и какво ще зависи от него оттук насетне" (in Bulgarian). Capital newspaper. 20 September 2013. Retrieved 28 November 2013.
  175. ^ "Проф. Искра Баева: Еволюцията е по-добър начин за постигане на цели от революцията" (in Bulgarian). dariknews.bg. 28 October 2013. Retrieved 23 November 2013.
  176. ^ Interview with Ivan Kostov, Btv radio, February 15, 2014.
  177. ^ "Защо утихват протестите" (in Bulgarian). Presa Daily (also published in printed edition). 28 November 2013. Retrieved 29 November 2013.
  178. ^ "Плевнелиев се дискредитира сам, задълбочава разделението, конфликтът между ГЕРБ и Реформаторския блок е предопределен" (in Bulgarian). monitor.bg. 4 September 2013. Retrieved 23 November 2013.
  179. ^ "Плевнелиев търси конфронтация, а не реална реформа на избирателната система" (in Bulgarian). monitor.bg. 6 February 2014. Retrieved 19 February 2014.
  180. ^ "'Resign!' – Bulgaria's protesters need a better slogan than that". Guardian UK. 27 November 2013. Retrieved 28 November 2013.
  181. ^ "Думата "турчин" (in Bulgarian). Deutsche Welle. 27 August 2013. Retrieved 19 June 2013.
  182. ^ "Политолози: Протестът иззе опозиционната роля на ГЕРБ" (in Bulgarian). Btvnews. 27 August 2013. Retrieved 28 November 2013.
  183. ^ "Четири сценария за падането на НС" (in Bulgarian). offnews.bg. 6 January 2014. Retrieved 9 February 2014.
  184. ^ "Андрей Райчев, социолог: Нелепо е партии да се представят като граждански протест" (in Bulgarian). 24 chasa. 25 November 2013. Retrieved 28 November 2013.
  185. ^ "Костов: Протестиращите не успяха да постигнат общи цели и мотиви" (in Bulgarian). komentator.bg. 2 December 2013. Retrieved 2 December 2013.
  186. ^ "Кольо Колев: Обществото се умори от протести" (in Bulgarian). Duma.bg. 22 November 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
  187. ^ "Галъп: Общественото напрежение се успокоява, протестният потенциал, обаче, остава като цяло висок" (in Bulgarian). fakti.bg. 18 December 2013. Retrieved 29 December 2013.
  188. ^ "Политологът Иван Начев: Антиправителствените протести да се провеждат веднъж седмично, в противен случай се банализират" (in Bulgarian). focus-news.net. 7 January 2014. Retrieved 14 January 2014.
  189. ^ "Протестите, които не доведоха доникъде" (in Bulgarian). dw.de. 21 December 2013. Retrieved 14 January 2014.
  190. ^ "Близо 2 млн. лв. стрували на МВР "ненормалните" протести от юни насам" (in Bulgarian). Mediapool bg. 29 November 2013. Retrieved 29 November 2013.
  191. ^ "S&P Revises Bulgaria Outlook to Negative on Low Economic Growth". bloomberg.com. 13 December 2013. Retrieved 13 December 2013.
  192. ^ ""Стандард енд Пуърс" понижи на негативна перспективата за България, Министерството на финансите: Прогнозата е повлияна от протестите" (in Bulgarian). Mediapool bg. 13 December 2013. Retrieved 13 December 2013.
  193. ^ "Атакисти и протестиращи се замеряха с камъни и бутилки, има ранени" (in Bulgarian). dnes.dir.bg. 17 June 2013. Retrieved 12 February 2014.
  194. ^ "Споделя ли ПЕС обвиненията, че международни НПО помагат на протестите в България?" (in Bulgarian). Mediapool bg. 28 August 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
  195. ^ "Предлагали по 80 лв. на студенти за участие в контрапротест" (in Bulgarian). burgas.topnovini.bg. 3 November 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
  196. ^ "Георги Флоров: Агенциите за статисти набират платени протестиращи" (in Bulgarian). blitz.bg. 12 September 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
  197. ^ "Във "Фейсбук" за акцията "Оставка" на Роджър Уотърс: От платена от Сорос до контраконцерт" (in Bulgarian). dnevnik.bg. 31 August 2013. Retrieved 15 December 2013.
  198. ^ "Ден 126: Хората на Петното пробваха провокация на протеста" (in Bulgarian). offnews.bg. 17 October 2013. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  199. ^ "Петното отиде при Ранобудните студенти с оферта за сътрудничество (видео)" (in Bulgarian). offnews.bg. 4 December 2013. Retrieved 29 December 2013.
  200. ^ "Стотина бивши спортисти, водени от Павел Чернев, се включиха в протеста" (in Bulgarian). dnevnik.bg. 19 June 2013. Retrieved 10 February 2014.
  201. ^ "Разкриха провокатори на протеста, 9 задържани" (in Bulgarian). dnes.dir.bg. 18 June 2013. Retrieved 12 February 2014.
  202. ^ "22 провокатори задържани от полицията, един от организаторите на недоволството призова гражданите да подкрепят полицията" (in Bulgarian). btvnews.bg. 23 June 2013. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  203. ^ "Психолог: Агресията на улицата се отразява на децата," (in Bulgarian). novini.bg. 7 July 2013. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  204. ^ "Сакскобургготски за протестите: Излагаме се пред света, плашим инвеститори и туристи" (in Bulgarian). dnes.dir.bg. 24 August 2013. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  205. ^ "БЛИЦ TV: Окупатори на война с екипите на TV7 и "Алфа", вижте как гонят журналистите с обиди и освирквания" (in Bulgarian). blitz.bg. 28 October 2013. Retrieved 18 December 2013.
  206. ^ "Около 10 000 души в София отново на протест, този път срещу правителството" (in Bulgarian). mediapool.bg. 15 June 2013. Retrieved 8 February 2014.
  207. ^ "Асен Генов арестуван пред централата на БСП, заедно с още няколко души той опитал да боядиса със спрей паметника на ул. "Позитано" №20" (in Bulgarian). vesti.bg. 7 November 2013. Retrieved 18 December 2013.
  208. ^ "Освободени са шестимата боядисвали паметника на "Позитано" 20" (in Bulgarian). dnes.dir.bg. 7 November 2013. Retrieved 18 December 2013.
  209. ^ "Караници пред БНТ - скандал с Чуколов завърши с 5-има в ареста" (in Bulgarian). bnews.bg. 8 November 2013. Retrieved 18 December 2013.
  210. ^ "Орешарски: Чиновници ще се уволняват само ако протестират в работно време" (in Bulgarian). segabg.com. 20 November 2013. Retrieved 8 February 2014.
  211. ^ "Викат футболни фенове в полицията, подписват предупредителни протоколи във връзка с протестите" (in Bulgarian). trud.bg. 14 January 2014. Retrieved 15 January 2014.
  212. ^ "Паметникът на Съветската армия в София боядисан в цветовете на Украйна" (in Bulgarian). novinite.bg. 23 February 2014. Retrieved 26 February 2014.
  213. ^ ""Евронюз" махна снимката с нашарения паметник в София" (in Bulgarian). news.ibox.bg. 25 February 2014. Retrieved 26 February 2014.
  214. ^ Deutsche Welle – official response, BG Daily News, 24 Sept 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  215. ^ How and why Deutsche Welle submitted to KTB, Vesti.bg, analyses, 25 Sept 2013. Retrieved Oct 2013.
  216. ^ How KTB brought Deutsche Welle to its knees, Bivol.bg, 7 Oct 2013. Retrieved 9 Oct 2013.
  217. ^ [2] noresharski.com
  218. ^ ""Ранобудните" правят филм за протестите в Украйна, родните студенти се обединяват с колегите си в Киев" (in Bulgarian). blitz.bg. 8 December 2013. Retrieved 29 December 2013.
  219. ^ "Протестиращият човек е политик на годината" (in Bulgarian). mediapool.bg. 21 December 2013. Retrieved 29 December 2013.
Bibliography
Books
Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (eds.) (2013). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013 (1st ed.). Sofia: Изток-Запад. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1. {{cite book}}: |first2= has generic name (help); Invalid |ref=harv (help)
Articles and Book Excerpts
Babikian, Arman (9 July 2013). "Уроци от изборите във Варна". In Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (2013) (eds.). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013. Изток-Запад. pp. 379–380. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: editors list (link)
Lambrev, Yovko (1 July 2013). "От блоговете: #ignorevolen е грешка". In Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (2013) (eds.). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013. Изток-Запад. pp. 379–380. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: editors list (link)
Medarov, Georgi (19 July 2013). "Гражданите срещу задкулисието!". In Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (2013) (eds.). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013. Изток-Запад. pp. 71–73. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: editors list (link)
Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (16 December 2013). "Предговор". In Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (2013) (eds.). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013. Изток-Запад. pp. 13–23. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: editors list (link)
Spahiyski, Emil (9 July 2013). "Битът убива протеста". In Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (2013) (eds.). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013. Изток-Запад. pp. 341–343. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: editors list (link)
Yanakiev, Kalin (1 July 2013). "Политическото дъно". In Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (2013) (eds.). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013. Изток-Запад. pp. 371–375. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: editors list (link)
Interviews (published)
Genova, Angelina (18 July 2013). "Да възразиш срещу чуждите планове, или какво прави Правдолюб Иванов през последния месец". In Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (2013) (eds.). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013. Изток-Запад. pp. 150–154. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: editors list (link)
Opinion polls
Галъп (1 August 2013). "Данни на Галъп". In Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (2013) (eds.). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013. Изток-Запад. pp. 323–324. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: editors list (link)
НЦИОМ (15 July 2013). "Данни на НЦИОМ". In Smilov, Daniel; Vaysova, Lea (2013) (eds.). #Протестът. Анализи и позиции в българската преса. Лято 2013. Изток-Запад. pp. 313–315. ISBN 978-619-152-351-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: editors list (link)
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Protests in Bulgaria.

Template:Anti-government protests in the 21st century

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=2013–2014_Bulgarian_protests_against_the_Oresharski_cabinet&oldid=597223833"