Iran hostage crisis

The Iran hostage crisis was a 444-day period (about 14 months), during which student proxies of the new Iranian regime held hostage 66 diplomats and citizens of the United States inside the U.S. embassy in Tehran. The standoff lasted from November 4, 1979 until January 20, 1981. During the crisis, some hostages were released, but 52 were held until the end. The United States launched a rescue operation, Operation Eagle Claw, which failed and caused the deaths of eight servicemen. Historians consider the crisis to have been a primary reason for United States President Jimmy Carter's loss in his re-election bid for the presidency in 1980.^[1]. The crisis also punctuated the first Islamic revolution of modern times.

Background

For several decades the United States of America had been the primary backer of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah. During World War II, the Allies had occupied ostensibly neutral Iran to keep it from joining the Axis, and had forced the reigning monarch, Reza Shah, to abdicate in favor of his son. Eight U.S. presidents provided the Shah with military and economic aid in exchange for a continuous oil supply and a strategic presence in the Middle East, bordering the Persian Gulf as well as the Soviet Union.

In 1953, emerging democracy led to the election of reformist Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh; under Operation Ajax, the CIA helped the Shah and conservative elements in Iran remove Mossadegh in what was widely seen as a coup d'état. Those opposed to the Shah, because he did not grant them freedoms and reforms he promised in the early 1960s, greatly resented this action by the Americans. Moreover, the Shah and his elite supporters were seen as enriching themselves and living an opulent Western lifestyle; this particularly bothered religious conservatives. The social and religious opposition combined to topple the Shah's regime in the Iranian revolution, and the Shah fled the country in January 1979.

The U.S. attempted to mitigate the damage by finding a new relationship with the de facto Iranian government, but in October of 1979, the Shah, ailing from lymphoma, was admitted to the U.S. for medical treatment. This caused widespread Iranian suspicion it was part of a plan to re-enact the 1953 coup, and enraged the revolutionary movement.

Events

On November 1, 1979 Iran's new leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini urged his people to demonstrate against United States and Israeli interests. Khomeini was anti-American in his rhetoric, denouncing the American government as the "Great Satan" and "Enemies of Islam".

Thousands of people gathered around the U.S. embassy in Tehran, protesting. The embassy grounds had been briefly occupied before, during the revolution, and protest crowds outside the fence were common. Iranian police were less and less helpful. On November 3 Radio Turkey aired an analysis predicting a Coup within weeks, conducted by CIA agents in a similar fashion as Operation Ajax to re-install the Shah. On November 4, amid another chaotic occupation of the grounds, a mob of around 500 Iranian students (although reported numbers vary from 300 to 2000) calling themselves the Muslim Students Following the Line of the Imam seized the main embassy building. The guard of Marines was thoroughly outnumbered, and staff rushed to destroy communications equipment and sensitive documents. Out of 90 occupants, 66 were taken captive, including three who were taken from the Iranian Foreign Ministry. The hostage takers, wishing to demonstrate their solidarity with other oppressed minorities and the special place of women in Islam, released 13 women and African Americans in the middle of that November. One more hostage, Richard Queen, was released in July 1980 after being diagnosed with multiple sclerosis. The remaining 52 hostages were held captive until January 1981. Ayatollah Khomeini claimed he was not aware of the students' plan, but he applauded the action afterwards. Supposedly, the Ayatollah had been informed on November 3.

During the hostage crisis, several foreign government diplomats and ambassadors came to visit the American hostages. Ken Taylor of Canada was one of the ambassadors who visited the hostages. The foreign diplomats and ambassadors helped the American government stay in contact with the American hostages and vice versa. Through these meetings with foreign governments, the "Laingen dispatches" occurred. The "Laingen dispatches" were dispatches made by the hostage Bruce Laingen to the American government. The Canadian parliament, in 1979, held a secret session for the first time since World War II in order to pass special legislation allowing Canadian passports to be issued to some American citizens in order to allow the Canadian government to help six American diplomats escape on board a flight to Zürich, Switzerland.

The students justified taking the hostages as retaliation for the admission of the Shah into the U.S., and demanded the Shah be returned to Iran for a trial. The new Iranian regime believed the Shah was in the U.S. so that the U.S. could carry out another coup d'etat in Iran. The U.S. claimed he had come there only to seek medical attention; the Shah was suffering from cancer, which led to his death in 1980. Iranian students demanded that the U.S. government apologize for its interference in the internal affairs of Iran and for the overthrow of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh. They also demanded that Iran's assets in the U.S. be released. The assets had been frozen by the U.S. government in response to the hostage taking. Revolutionary teams displayed secret documents taken from the embassy, sometimes painstakingly reconstructed after shredding, to buttress their claim that U.S. intelligence was trying to destabilize the new regime.[1]

Rejecting the Iranian demands, Carter approved an ill-fated secret rescue mission, Operation Eagle Claw. On the night of April 24, 1980, as the first part of the operation, a number of C-130 transport airplanes rendezvoused with eight RH-53 helicopters at an airstrip in the Great Salt Desert of Eastern Iran, near Tabas. Two helicopters broke down in a sandstorm and a third one was damaged on landing. The mission was aborted, but as the aircraft took off again one helicopter clipped a C-130 and crashed, killing eight U.S. servicemen and injuring more than four.

A second rescue attempt was planned using highly modified YMC-130H Hercules aircraft. Outfitted with rocket thrusters fore and aft to allow an extremely short landing and take-off in a soccer stadium, three aircraft were modified under a rushed super-secret program known as Credible Sport. One aircraft crashed during a demonstration at Duke Field, Florida (Eglin Air Force Base Auxiliary Field 3) on October 29, 1980 when the landing braking rockets were fired too soon causing a hard touchdown that tore off the starboard wing and started a fire. All on board survived. The impending change in the White House led to an abandonment of this project. The two surviving airframes were returned to regular duty with the rocket packages removed. One [2] is now on display at the Museum of Aviation located next to Robins Air Force Base, Georgia.

Despite the multiple failed rescue attempts, the hostages, and the U.S. citizens, never lost hope. However, these failed attempts fueled the anti-U.S. fire of Iran, giving Iran more reason to be angry with the United States.

Iran's government did not take responsibility for the crisis and Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan along with his cabinet resigned just after the event.

The hostages were often shown blindfolded to local crowds and television cameras. The crisis led to daily (yet seemingly unchanging) news updates; the ABC late-night program America Held Hostage, anchored by Ted Koppel, would later become the stalwart news magazine Nightline.

The U.S. President at the time, Jimmy Carter, immediately applied economic and diplomatic pressure on Iran: oil imports from Iran were ended on November 12, 1979, a number of Iranians in the U.S. were expelled (some of whom were unrelated to the crisis or the new Iranian government), and around USD 8 billion of Iranian assets in the U.S. were frozen on November 14 1979.

Final months

File:Stamp-ctc-hostages-come-home.jpg

The hostages come home, as celebrated on the streets of Washington, D.C.

The death of the Shah on July 27 and the invasion of Iran by Iraq in September, 1980 made Iran more receptive to resolve the hostage crisis, while Carter lost the November 1980 presidential election to Ronald Reagan. Shortly after the election, but before the inauguration of President Reagan, the Carter administration, with the assistance of intermediaries such as Algerian diplomat Abdulkarim Ghuraib, opened fruitful negotiations between the U.S. and Iran. This resulted in the "Algiers Accords" of January 19, 1981, committing Iran to free the hostages immediately. Essential to the Algiers Accords and reportedly a non-negotiable requirement of Iran that the Carter Administration reluctantly conceded was Point I: Non-Intervention in Iranian Affairs. It reads "The United States pledges that it is and from now on will be the policy of the United States not to intervene, directly or indirectly, politically or militarily, in Iran's internal affairs." Other provisions of the Algiers Accords were the unfreezing of 8 billion dollars worth of Iranian assets and immunity from lawsuits Iran might have faced. On January 20, 1981, twenty minutes after President Reagan's inaugural address, the hostages were formally released into U.S. custody, having spent 53 days in captivity. The hostages were flown to Algeria as a symbolic gesture for the help of that government in resolving the crisis, where former President Carter, acting as an emissary for the Reagan administration, received them. The flight continued to Rhein-Main Air Base in West Germany. After medical check-ups and debriefings they took a second flight to Stewart Air Force Base in Newburgh, New York and a bus ride to the United States Military Academy, receiving a hero's welcome all along the route.

Aftermath

Gifts were showered upon the hostages upon their return, including lifetime passes to any major or minor league baseball game. [3]

In 2000, the hostages and their families tried to sue Iran, unsuccessfully, under the Antiterrorism Act. They originally won the case when Iran failed to provide defense, but the U.S. State Department tried to put an end to the suit, fearing that it would make international relations difficult. As a result, a federal judge ruled that nothing could be done to repay the damages the hostages faced due to the agreement they made when the hostages were freed ^{[citation needed]}.

October surprise conspiracy theory

Various allegations have been made over the years concerning a deal between the Reagan kitchen cabinet and Iran, in order to delay the release of the hostages until after the US election of 1980. Although Senate and House investigations in the 1990s declared the allegations to be unfounded, the conspiracy's existence or lack thereof remains a subject of debate. The exact nature of the allegations lies in a potential violation of the International Commerce Acts of 1798 which prohibit any private citizen or party from negotiating with a foreign power in matters of national policy or military action. It is alleged that the Reagan campaign, or one of his election campaign staffers, communicated with the Iranian government and asked them to extend the hostage crisis long enough to ensure that he won the 1980 elections. The main cause for inquiry was the seeming coincidence of his inauguration and the hostages' release on the same day, 20th January 1981^{[citation needed]}.

Reagan's reputation theory

The Washington Post reported that many Europeans and leaders around the world thought that Reagan was "a cowboy" and "scary". Carter's campaign implied that Reagan was "a racist" and "and a trigger happy cowboy." The Iranian hostage-takers in particular reported being unsure of what Reagan would do^[2]. Iranian uncertainty about Reagan's administration may have been the main motivation behind the timing of the release of the hostages. Iranian anger at Carter's support of the Shah likely also played a part. Such complex events usually have multiple causes and multiple players, so history may find any single motivation alone insufficient to explain the timing of the end of the crisis.

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's alleged involvement

Former hostages Dr. William Daugherty (who worked for the CIA in Iran), Kevin Hermening, David Roeder, US Army Col. Charles Scott (Ret.), and US Navy Capt. Donald Sharer (Ret.) have alleged that Iran's later president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (elected 2005) was among the hostage takers. All of them have claimed that they are certain that Ahmadinejad is the man whom they remember from their captivity. A photograph taken during the crisis shows a blindfolded hostage being escorted by a man who resembles Ahmadinejad, but other former hostages and the CIA have expressed uncertainty regarding whether Ahmadinejad was actually involved.

Hostages

November 4, 1979 - January 20, 1981 - 66 Original Captives - 63 from and held at Embassy, three from and held at Foreign Ministry Office.

Thirteen were released from November 19-20, 1979 and one was released on July 11, 1980. Fifty-two remaining hostages endured 444 days of captivity until their release on Ronald Reagan's Inauguration Day, January 20, 1981.

Six diplomats who evaded capture

On the day of the seizure, American diplomats evaded capture and remained in hiding at the Swedish and Canadian Embassies. In 1979, the Canadian parliament held a secret session for the first time since World War II, in order to pass special legislation allowing Canadian passports to be issued to some American citizens so that they could escape. Six American diplomats boarded a flight to Zurich, Switzerland on January 28, 1980. Their escape and rescue from Iran by Canadian ambassador Ken Taylor has come to be known as the Canadian caper.^[3]

Robert Anders, 34 - Consular Officer
Mark J. Lijek, 29 - Consular Officer
Cora A. Lijek, 25 - Consular Assistant
Henry L. Schatz, 31 - Agriculture Attaché
Joseph D. Stafford, 29 - Consular Officer
Kathleen F. Stafford, 28 - Consular Assistant

13 hostages released

From November 19-20, 1979, thirteen women and African-American personnel that had been captured and held hostage were released:

Kathy Gross, 22 - Secretary
Sgt. James Hughes, 30 - USAF Administrative Manager
Lillian Johnson, 32 - Secretary
Sgt. Ladell Maples, 23 - USMC Embassy Guard
Elizabeth Montagne, 42 - Secretary
Sgt. William Quarles, 23 - USMC Embassy Guard
Lloyd Rollins, 40 - Administrative Officer
Capt. Neal (Terry) Robinson, 30 - Administrative Officer
Terri Tedford, 24 - Secretary
Sgt. Joseph Vincent, 42 - USAF Administrative Manager
Sgt. David Walker, 25 - USMC Embassy guard
Joan Walsh, 33 - Secretary
Cpl. Wesley Williams, 24 - USMC Embassy Guard

Richard I. Queen

On July 11, 1980, 28-year old Vice Consul Richard I. Queen, who had been captured and held hostage, was released because of a multiple sclerosis diagnosis.

52 remaining hostages released

The following fifty-two remaining hostages were held captive until January 20, 1981.

Thomas L. Ahern, Jr., - CIA coordinator (officially designated as Narcotics Control Officer)
Clair Cortland Barnes, 35 - Communications Specialist
William E. Belk, 44 - Communications and Records Officer
Robert O. Blucker, 54 - Economics Officer Specializing in Oil
Donald J. Cooke, 26 - Vice Consul
William J. Daugherty, 33 - 3rd Secretary of U.S. Mission
Lt. Cmdr. Robert Englemann, 34 - USN Attaché
Sgt. William Gallegos, 22 - USMC Guard
Bruce W. German, 44 - Budget Officer
Duane L. Gillette, 24 - USN Communications and Intelligence Specialist
Alan B. Golancinksi, 30 - Security Officer
John E. Graves, 53 - Public Affairs Officer
Joseph M. Hall, 32 - CWO Military Attaché
Sgt. Kevin J. Hermening, 21 - USMC Guard
Sgt. 1st Class Donald R. Hohman, 38 - USA Medic
Col. Leland J. Holland, 53 - Military Attaché
Michael Howland, 34 - Security Aide, held at Iranian Foreign Ministry Office
Charles A. Jones, Jr., 40 - Communications Specialist, Teletype Operator. (only African-American hostage not released in November 1979)
Malcolm Kalp, 42 - commercial officer
Moorhead C. Kennedy Jr., 50 - Economic and Commercial Officer
William F. Keough, Jr., 50 - Superintendent of American School in Islamabad, Pakistan, visiting Tehran at time of embassy seizure
Cpl. Steven W. Kirtley - USMC Guard
Capt. Eric M. Feldman, 24 - Military officer
Kathryn L. Koob, 42 - Embassy Cultural Officer; one of two female hostages
Frederick Lee Kupke, 34 - Communications Officer and Electronics Specialist
L. Bruce Laingen, 58 - Chargé d'Affaires, held at Iranian Foreign Ministry Office
Steven Lauterbach, 29 - Administrative Officer
Gary E. Lee, 37 - Administrative Officer
Sgt. Paul Edward Lewis, 23 - USMC Guard
John W. Limbert, Jr., 37 - Political Officer
Sgt. James M. Lopez, 22 - USMC Guard
Sgt. John D. McKeel, Jr., 27 - USMC Guard
Michael J. Metrinko, 34 - Political Officer
Jerry J. Miele, 42 - Communications Officer
Staff Sgt. Michael E. Moeller, 31 - Head of USMC Guard Unit at Embassy
Bert C. Moore, 45 - Counselor for Administration
Richard H. Morefield, 51 - U.S. Consul General in Tehran
Capt. Paul M. Needham, Jr., 30 - USAF Logistics Staff Officer
Robert C. Ode, 65 - Retired Foreign Service Officer on Temporary Duty in Tehran
Sgt. Gregory A. Persinger, 23 - USMC Guard
Jerry Plotkin, 45 - civilian businessman visiting Tehran
MSgt. Regis Ragan, 38 - USA NCO assigned to Defense Attaché's Office
Lt. Col. David M. Roeder, 41 - Deputy USAF Attaché
Barry M. Rosen, 36 - Press Attaché
William B. Royer, Jr., 49 - Assistant Director of Iran-American Society
Col. Thomas E. Schaefer, 50 - USAF Attaché
Col. Charles W. Scott, 48 - USA Officer, Military Attaché
Cmdr. Donald A. Sharer, 40 - USN Air Attaché
Sgt. Rodney V. (Rocky) Sickmann, 22 - USMC Guard
Staff Sgt. Joseph Subic, Jr., 23 - Military Police, USA, Defense Attaché's Staff
Elizabeth Ann Swift, 40 - Chief of Embassy's Political Section; 1 of 2 female hostages
Victor L. Tomseth, 39 - Senior Political Officer, held at Iranian Foreign Ministry Office
Phillip R. Ward, 40 - Administrative Officer

Civilian hostages

A little-noted sidebar to the crisis was a small number of hostages who were not connected to the diplomatic staff. All had been released by late 1980.

Mohi Sobhani, an Iranian-American engineer of the Baha'i faith
Zia Nassery/Nassri, an Afghan-American
Cynthia Dwyer, an American reporter, was eventually charged with espionage and expelled
Four British missionaries

External links

The Memory Hole hosts a gallery of photographs taken from inside the U.S. Embassy during the crisis.
Ebrahim Yazdi's explanation of the hostage crisis (in Persian)
List of Hostages and Casualties
Remembering the Iran hostage crisis, BBC's interview with Ebrahim Asgeh, a hostage-taker, and Bruce Laingen, a captive
hostage list source
"The US, The PLO, and the Ayatollah Khomeini"

Notes

^ Reagan's Lucky Day: Iranian Hostage Crisis Helped The Great Communicator To Victory, CBS News, January 21, 2001
^ ABC News: The Century: The Evolution of Revolution, Part 1: Live from Tehran
^ "The Canadian Caper". The Canadian Encyclopedia. Retrieved 2006-04-25.

[1] Reagan's Lucky Day: Iranian Hostage Crisis Helped The Great Communicator To Victory, CBS News, January 21, 2001

[2] ABC News: The Century: The Evolution of Revolution, Part 1: Live from Tehran

[3] "The Canadian Caper". The Canadian Encyclopedia. Retrieved 2006-04-25.

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