Iazyges
The Iazyges (IPA: [aɪə'zɪɡiːz]; Ancient Greek: Ἰάζυγες, singular Ἰάζυξ) were an ancient Sarmatian tribe who swept westward from Central Asia onto the steppes of what is now Ukraine in c. 200 BC. Later on, in the 1st century BC, they moved further into Hungary and Serbia, settling near Dacia, in the steppe between the Danube and Tisza rivers.
They were often in conflict with Rome, with them raiding the Romans, and the Romans sending a punitive expedition to discourage future raids, and punish the raiders. Later on in their history however, they came to be used by Rome as a client tribe-state. This followed with the Roman policy of allowing tribes or countries to continue to exist under Roman control, rather than annexing them, if they would be too rebellious to be worth assimilating.
Even while under the Roman Empire as a client-kingdom, the Iazyges still often led raids into the Roman border provinces, and caused disruption.
The Iazyges are mentioned by the geographer Claudius Ptolemy in his Geography as the "Wandering Iazyges" (Ἰάζυγες Μετανάσται, Iázyges Metanástai). Their name was variously Latinized as Iazyges Metanastae and as Jazyges.[3]
History
In the 3rd century BC the Iazyges lived along the northern shores of the Sea of Azov – which the Ancient Greeks and Romans knew as the Lake of Maeotis – in modern south-east Ukraine. From there, the Iazyges, or at least part of them, moved west along the shores of the Black Sea into modern Moldova and southwest Ukraine.[6][7] Unlike the Sarmatians of the Eurasian Steppe, who largely lived nomadic lives, the Iazyges lived sedentary lives, meaning that they built towns.[8]
It is possible that the Iazyges did not move west in their entirety, and that some of them stayed along the Sea of Azov, which would explain the occasional surname of Metanastae, however if this is true the Iazyges that stayed along the Sea of Azov are never mentioned again as such.[9]
Early history
In the 2nd century BC, the Iazyges began to migrate west to the steppe near the Lower Dniester. One possible explanation of this was that the Roxolani were also migrating west, due to pressure from the Aorsi.[10] Another possible explanation of this is that the Romans, following their policy of forming buffer states, actually requested (or ordered) the presence of the Iazyges.[11]
From 78 to 76 BC, the Romans led an expedition to an area north of the Danube, then the Iazyges' territory, because the Iazyges had allied with Mithradates VI of Pontus, with whom the Romans were at war.[12][13] In 44 BC King Burebista of Dacia died, and his kingdom began to collapse. After this, the Iazyges began to take possession of the Pannonian Basin, the land between the Danube and Tisa rivers (modern south-central Hungary).[14]
In 20 AD the Iazyges encountered the Basternae and Getae along their migration path, so turned southward, following the coast of the Black Sea until they settled in the Danube delta.[10]
The effects of the migration have been observed in the ruins of burial sites left behind by the Iazyges, in that not only did they lack the standard items of gold being buried alongside a person, they even lacked the gear of a warrior. One explanation for this was that the Iazyges were no longer in contact with the Pontic steppe, and thus cut off from all trade with them, which had previously been a vital part of their economy. Another problem the Iazyges had with their new location was that it lacked both precious minerals and metals, such as iron, that could be turned into weapons. The Iazyges found that it was much harder to raid the Romans, due to them often sending an organized punitive response. Due to their trade with the Pontic steppe being cut off, they could no longer trade for gold for burial sites, assuming any of them could afford it. The only such goods they could find were the pottery and metals of the Dacian and Celtic peoples near them. Iron weapons would have been exceedingly rare, if the Iazyges even had them, and would likely have been passed down from father to son, rather than buried, because it could have been replaced.[11]
In 6 AD and again in 16 AD, the Iazyges conducted raids across their border with Rome. However, in 20 AD the Iazyges moved west along the Carpathians into the Hungarian steppes, and settled in the steppes between the Danube and the Tisza river, taking absolute control of it from the Dacians.[10] In 50 AD, an Iazyges cavalry detachment fought alongside the Suevian King Vannius, a Roman client king of the Quadi.[16]
In 69 AD, the Year of Four Emperors, the Iazyges gave their support to Vespasian, who went on to become the sole emperor of Rome. Vespasian enjoyed support from the majority of the Germanic and Dacian tribes.[17] The Iazyges also offered to guard the Roman border with the Dacians, in order to free up troops for Vespasian's invasion of Italy; however, Vespasian refused, fearing that they would attempt a takeover or defect.[18]
In early 92 the Iazyges and the Roxolani allied themselves with the Dacians and the Suebi, and crossed the Danube into the Roman province of Pannonia (modern Croatia, northern Serbia, and western Hungary). Domitian, who was devoting most of his army to attacking them near the Danube, called upon the Quadi and the Marcomanni to supply troops. They both refused, and Rome declared war upon them as well. In May 92, the Iazyges annihilated the Roman Legio XXI Rapax in battle.[19] Domitian's campaign was unsuccessful; however, the Romans winning in a minor skirmish allowed him to claim it as a victory, even though he ended up paying the King of Dacia, Decebalus, an annual tribute of eight million sesterces in tribute to end the war.[17][20] He returned to Rome, and received an ovation, but not a full triumph. For a man who had been given the title of Imperator for military victories 22 times, this was markedly restrained, suggesting that the populace, or at least the senate, was aware of the fact that it had been a less than successful war, despite Domitian's claims otherwise.[19]
During the Flavian dynasty, the kings of the Iazyges were trained in the Roman army, officially as an honor, but in reality serving as a hostage, because the kings held absolute power over the Iazyges.[21] There were offers from the kings of the Iazyges to supply troops, but these were denied based on the fear that they might revolt or desert in a war.[22]
Dacian wars
Roman military resources had become centred along the Danube instead of the Rhine. By the time of Augustus's rule, there were eight legions stationed along the Rhine, with four being stationed in Mainz and another four in Cologne.[17] However, this number changed to one along the Rhine and nine along the Danube within a hundred years. By the time of Marcus Aurelius, twelve legions were stationed along the Danube.[23]
An alliance between the Iazyges and the Dacians led the Romans to focus more on the Danube than the Rhine. The Romans built a series of forts along the entire coast of the right Danube – from Germany all the way to the Black Sea and in the provinces of Rhaetia, Noricum, and Pannonia the legions constructed bridge-head forts. Later, this system was expanded to the lower Danube, with the key castra of Poetovio, Brigetio, and Carnuntum. Because the direction of the Danube river changes abruptly, it was much more difficult for the Roman legionaries who were trained in to fight in rectangular formation to defend. The Classis Pannonica and Classis Flavia Moesica were deployed to the right and lower Danube, respectively; however, they had to overcome the mass of whirlpools and cataracts of the Iron Gates.[23]
First Dacian War
In 101 AD, Trajan, with the assistance and troops of the Iazyges, led his legions[a] into Dacia against King Decebalus.[24] In order to cross the Danube with such a large army, Apollodorus of Damascus, the Romans' chief architect, created a bridge through the Iron Gates by cantilevering it from the sheer face of the Iron Gates. From this he created a great bridge with sixty piers that spanned the Danube. Trajan used this to strike deep within Dacia, forcing the king, Decebalus, to surrender and become a client king.[25]
Second Dacian War
But as soon as Trajan returned to Rome, Decebalus began to lead raids into Roman territory. Trajan concluded that he had made a mistake in allowing Decebalus to remain so powerful.[25] In 106 AD, Trajan once more invaded Dacia, with 11 legions, and, again with the assistance of the Iazyges,[24] rapidly pushed into Dacia. Decebalus chose to commit suicide rather than be captured, knowing that, if he were, he would be paraded in a triumph before being executed. In 113 AD Trajan annexed Dacia as a new Roman province, the first Roman province to the east of the Danube. Back in Rome, Trajan was given a triumph lasting 123 days, with lavish gladiatorial games, and chariot races. The wealth coming from the gold mines of Dacia funded these lavish public events, and also the construction of a column, designed and constructed by Apollodorus of Damascus, that was 100 feet (30 m) tall with 23 spiral bands filled with 2,500 figures, giving a full depiction of the Dacian war. While ancient sources say 500,000 slaves were taken in the war, moderns sources believe that it was probably closer to 100,000 slaves.[26] Trajan did not incorporate the steppe between the Tisza river and the Transylvanian mountains into the province of Dacia, but left it for the Iazyges.[27]
After the Dacian Wars
Ownership of the region of Oltenia became a source of dispute between the Iazyges and the Roman empire. The Iazyges had originally occupied the area before the Dacians seized it; it was later taken again by Trajan, who was determined to constitute Dacia as a province. The dispute was resolved with a peace treaty after Hadrian invaded the Iazyges. The exact terms of the settlement are not known, but it is believed that the Romans kept Oltenia in exchange for some form of concession, likely a one-time tribute payment.[24] The Iazyges also took possession of Banat around this time, suggesting it may have been part of the treaty.[29]
In 117 AD, the Iazyges and the Roxolani invaded Lower Pannonia and Lower Moesia, respectively. The war was probably brought on by difficulties in visiting and trading with each other due to the location of Dacia between them. The Dacian provincial governor, Gaius Julius Quadratus Bassus, was killed in the invasion. The Roxolani surrendered first, so it is likely that the Romans replaced their client king and exiled the other king. The Iazyges concluded peace by sending an embassy to Rome, where it is believed they became a client state of Rome.[30]
In 123 AD, after the Iazyges and other Sarmatians[b] invaded Roman Dacia, Marcius Turbo stationed a thousand legionaries in Potaissa and Porolissum. The Romans probably used these towns as the invasion point into Rivulus Dominarum. Marcius Turbo succeeded in defeating the Iazyges; however, the terms of the peace, and the date, are not known.[31]
In 169 AD the Iazyges, Quadi, and Marcomanni invaded Roman territory. Marcus Claudius Fronto, a former general during the Parthian wars, then the governor of both Dacia and Upper Moesia, held them back for some time but was killed in battle in 170 AD.[32] The Quadi were the first to surrender, in 172 AD. The known terms of the peace are that Marcus Aurelius installed a client king, Furtius, on their throne, and the Quadi were denied access to the Roman markets along the Limes. The Marcomanni accepted a similar peace, but the name of their client-king is not known.[33]
In 173 AD the Quadi rebelled and overthrew Furtius, and replaced him with Ariogaesus, who wanted to enter into negotiations with Marcus. As the success of the Marcomannic wars was in no danger, Marcus refused to negotiate.[33] At that point only the Iazyges had not yet been defeated by Rome. Judging from the lack of action on Marcus Aurelius' part, it appears he was unconcerned, but when the Iazyges attacked across the frozen Danube in late 173 and early 174 AD, Marcus redirected his attention to them. Trade restrictions on the Marcomanni were also partially lifted at that time – they were allowed to visit the Roman markets at certain times of certain days. In an attempt to force Marcus to negotiate, Ariogaesus began to support the Iazyges.[34] Marcus Aurelius put out a bounty on him, offering 1,000 gold pieces for his safe capture or 500 gold pieces for his severed head.[35][c] After this, Ariogaesus was captured by the Romans, but rather than executing him, Marcus Aurelius sent him into exile.[36]
In the winter of 173, the Iazyges launched a raid across the frozen Danube, but the Romans were ready for pursuit and followed them back to the Danube. The Iazyges prepared an ambush, planning to attack and scatter them as they tried to cross the frozen Danube, knowing that the Roman legionaries were not trained to fight on ice, and that their own horses had been trained to fight on ice without slipping. However the Roman army formed a solid square and dug into the ice with their shields, so that they would not slip. When the Iazyges could not break the Roman lines, the Romans counterattacked, pulling the Iazyges off of their horses by grabbing on to their spears, clothing and shields. Soon both armies were in disarray after having slipped on the ice, and the battle was reduced to many brawls between the two sides, literally tooth and nail battles, which the Romans won. After this battle the Iazyges, and presumably the Sarmatians in general were declared the primary enemy of Rome.[37]
The Iazyges surrendered to the Romans in 175.[38][39] Their king, Banadaspus, attempted peace in early 174 AD; however, when the offer was refused, he was deposed by the Iazyges and replaced by Zanticus.[34] The terms of the peace treaty were harsh: the Iazyges were required to provide 8,000 men as auxiliaries and release 100,000 Romans they had taken hostage, and forbidden from living within ten Roman miles (roughly 9 miles or 15 km) of the Danube. Marcus had intended to give even harsher terms – it is said by Cassius Dio that he wanted to entirely exterminate the Iazyges,[40] – but was distracted by the rebellion of Avidius Cassius.[34] Of the 8,000 auxiliaries, 5,500 of them were sent to Britannia, suggesting that the situation there was serious; it is likely that the British tribes, seeing the Romans being preoccupied with war in Germania and Dacia, had decided to rebel. All of the evidence suggests that the Iazyges' horsemen were an impressive success.[41] After Marcus Aurelius had beaten the Iazyges, he took the title of Sarmaticus, in accordance with the Roman practice of victory titles.[42]
In 177 AD the Iazyges and some German tribes[d] invaded Roman territory again. In 179 the Iazyges and the Buri were defeated, and the Iazyges accepted peace with Rome. The peace added to restrictions placed on the Iazyges, but also included some concessions. It stated that they could not settle on any of the islands of the Danube, and could not keep boats on the Danube; however, they were given the concession that they could visit and trade with the Roxolani throughout the Dacian Province with the knowledge and approval of its governor, and that they could trade in the Roman markets at certain times on certain days.[43] Because of the new concession allowing them to trade with the Roxolani they could, for the first time in several centuries, trade indirectly with the Pontic steppe and the Black sea.[44]
In 183 AD Commodus forbade the Quadi and the Marcomanni from waging war against the Iazyges, the Buri, or the Vandals, suggesting that at this time all three of them were loyal client tribes of Rome.[45]
During the second century, some Roman cavalry came to adopt the Iazyges weaponry and equipment, such as their scale armor (made of iron, bronze, horn or horse hoof),[46][47] barding horses, and long two-handed lances called Contus.[48]
In 260 AD, the Goths captured the cities of Tyras and Olbia, which caused the Iazyges' trade with the Pontic steppe and Black sea to be cut off yet again.[44]
Late history and legacy
In late antiquity, historic accounts become much more diffuse, and the Iazyges generally cease to be mentioned as a tribe. In 358 it is recorded that the Iazyges were at war with Rome.[49] In the 4th century, two Sarmatian peoples were mentioned, the Argaragantes and the Limigantes, who lived on opposite sides of the Tisza river. These two tribes were formed when the Iazyges were conquered by the Roxolani, with the Iazyges becoming the Limigantes, and the Roxolani becoming the Argaragantes.[50]
King Arthur myth
According to Littleton and Malcor, in 184 AD, 5,500 Iazyges auxiliaries were led by the Roman general Lucius Artorius Castus (whom the authors regard as the historical model for the King Arthur of medieval romance) to put down a revolt in Armorica (Northern Gaul).[51] However a more recent analysis of the two inscriptions that describe the career of Lucius Artorius Castus (which are also the only sources mentioning the man and offer no precise dates for his floruit) by several archaeologists and historians, such as Guy Halsall, contradict Malcor and Littelton's conclusions and suggest that he served in the Roman army in Britain prior to Roman defeat of the Iazyges in Pannonia in 175 AD (and the subsequent levy of 5,500 Iazyges to Britain), and thus never had command over any Iazygan troops.[52][53][54]
List of kings
See also
References
Notes
- ^ Presumably around nine because during this period nine legions were permanently stationed around the Danube.[23]
- ^ It is unspecified, but is presumed to be the Roxolani, due to their close geographical location, and their history of working together on raids, especially raids against Rome.
- ^ The likely reason for Marcus Aurelius offering more for him alive than dead is that he wanted to parade him in a triumph.
- ^ The only Germanic tribe that is named is the Buri, but there were more.[43]
Citations
- ^ Coppadoro 2010, p. 28.
- ^ Leisering 2004, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Smith 1873, p. 7.
- ^ Map after Ptolemy's Geographia.
- ^ Ethno-Political map of ancient Eurasia.
- ^ McLynn 2010, p. 313.
- ^ Grumeza 2009, p. 40.
- ^ Constantinescu, Pascu & Diaconu 1975, p. 60.
- ^ Maenchen-Helfen & Knight 1973, p. 448.
- ^ a b c Cunliffe 2015, p. 284.
- ^ a b Studies in the History and Language of the Sarmatians.
- ^ Hildinger 2001, p. 50.
- ^ Hinds 2009, p. 71.
- ^ Mócsy 2014, p. 21.
- ^ Johnston 1867, p. 28.
- ^ Malcor & Littleton 2013, p. 16.
- ^ a b c McLynn 2010, p. 314.
- ^ McLaughlin 2016, p. 147.
- ^ a b Grainger 2004, p. 22.
- ^ Jones 1993, p. 150.
- ^ Wellesley 2002, p. 133.
- ^ Ash & Wellesley 2009, p. 3.5.
- ^ a b c McLynn 2010, p. 315.
- ^ a b c Mócsy 2014, p. 94.
- ^ a b McLynn 2010, p. 319.
- ^ McLynn 2010, p. 320.
- ^ Mócsy 2014, p. 95.
- ^ Cichorius 1988, p. 269.
- ^ Mócsy 2014, p. 101.
- ^ Mócsy 2014, p. 100.
- ^ Grumeza 2009, p. 200.
- ^ Mócsy 2014, p. 187.
- ^ a b Mócsy 2014, p. 189.
- ^ a b c d e Mócsy 2014, p. 190.
- ^ Beckmann 2011, p. 198.
- ^ Bunson 2002, p. 36.
- ^ McLaughlin 2016, p. 164.
- ^ Helmolt 1902, p. 444.
- ^ Erdkamp 2007, p. 1026.
- ^ McLynn 2010, p. 360.
- ^ McLynn 2010, p. 368.
- ^ Loetscher & Jackson 1977, p. 175.
- ^ a b Mócsy 2014, p. 191.
- ^ a b Studies in the History and Language of the Sarmatians ch. 2.
- ^ McLynn 2010, p. 423.
- ^ Hinds 2009, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Erdkamp 2007, p. 747.
- ^ McLaughlin 2016, p. 148.
- ^ Hornblower 2012, p. 723.
- ^ Constantinescu, Pascu & Diaconu 1975, p. 65.
- ^ Malcor & Littleton 2013, p. xxxiv.
- ^ Zeljko 2014, pp. 111–130.
- ^ Halsall 2013, pp. 147–152.
- ^ Lacy 2006, pp. 15–18.
- ^ Le Beau 1827, p. 44.
Primary sources
- Cassius Dio in Roman History 72
- Pliny the Elder in Natural History 4.25
- Strabo in Geography 7.2
- Tacitus in The History 3.5 and The Annals 12.29
Modern sources
Books
- Ash, Rhiannon; Wellesley, Kenneth (2009). The Histories (Rev. ed.). London: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-194248-3.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Beckmann, Martin (2011). Column of Marcus Aurelius the Genesis and Meaning of a Roman Imperial Monument. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-7777-7.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Bunson, Matthew (2002). Encyclopedia of the Roman Empire. New York: Facts On File. ISBN 978-1-4381-1027-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Constantinescu, Miron; Pascu, Ștefan; Diaconu, Petre (1975). Relations Between the Autochthonous Population and the Migratory Populations on the Territory of Romania: A Collection of Studies. Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România. OCLC 928080934.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Coppadoro, John (2010). Antonio Maria Viani e la facciata di Palazzo Guerrieri a Mantova (in Italian). Firenze: Alinea. ISBN 978-88-6055-491-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Cichorius, Conrad (1988). Trajan's Column: A New Edition of the Chicorius Plates (New ed.). Gloucester: Sutton. ISBN 978-0-86299-467-9.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Cunliffe, Barry (2015). By Steppe, Desert, and Ocean: The Birth of Eurasia. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-968917-0.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Erdkamp, Paul (2007). A Companion to the Roman Army. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4051-2153-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Grainger, John D. (2004). Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-34958-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Grumeza, Ion (2009). Dacia: Land of Transylvania, Cornerstone of Ancient Eastern Europe. Lanham: Hamilton Books. ISBN 978-0-7618-4466-2.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Halsall, Guy (2013). Worlds of Arthur: Facts and Fictions of the Dark Ages. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-163271-6.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Helmolt, Hans Ferdinand (1902). The World's History: The Mediterranean nations. W. Heinemann. ISBN 978-1-154-10990-0.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Hildinger, Erik (2001). Warriors of the Steppe: A Military History of Central Asia, 500 B.C. to 1700 A.D. Cambridge, Mass: Da Capo. ISBN 978-0-306-81065-7.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Hinds, Kathryn (2009). Scythians and Sarmatians. Marshall Cavendish. ISBN 978-0-7614-4519-7.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Hornblower, Simon (2012). The Oxford Classical Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-954556-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Johnston, Alexander Keith (1867). School Atlas of Classical Geography: Comprising, in Twenty-three Plates. William Blackwood and Sons. ISBN 978-1-354-19788-2.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Jones, Brian W. (1993). The Emperor Domitian (New ed.). London [u.a.]: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-10195-0.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Maenchen-Helfen, Otto J.; Knight, Max (1973). The World of the Huns: Studies in their History and Culture. Berkeley: University of California. ISBN 978-0-520-01596-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Lacy, Norris J. (2006). A History of Arthurian Scholarship. Rochester, NY: D.S. Brewer. ISBN 978-1-84384-069-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Le Beau, Charles (1827). Histoire du Bas-Empire (in French). Paris: Desaint [et] Saillant. ISBN 978-1-277-80289-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Leisering, Walter (2004). Historischer Weltatlas (in German). Wiesbaden: Marix. pp. 26–27. ISBN 978-3-937715-59-9.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Loetscher, Lefferts A.; Jackson, Samuel Macauley (1977). The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House. ISBN 978-0-8010-7947-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Malcor, Linda A.; Littleton, C. Scott (2013). From Scythia to Camelot: A Radical Reassessment of the Legends of King Arthur, the Knights of the Round Table, and the Holy Grail. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. ISBN 978-1-317-77771-7.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - McLaughlin, Raoul (2016). The Roman Empire and the Silk Routes: The Ancient World Economy and the Empires of Parthia, Central Asia and Han China. Casemate Publishers. ISBN 978-1-4738-8982-8.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - McLynn, Frank (2010). Marcus Aurelius: A Life. Da Capo Press. ISBN 978-0-306-81916-2.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Mócsy, András (Apr 8, 2014). Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-75425-1.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Smith, William (1873). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (2nd ed.). J. Murray.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Wellesley, Kenneth (2002). Year of the Four Emperors. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-56227-5.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help) - Zeljko, Miletic (2014). Lucius Artorius Castus and the King Arthur Legend. Split. ISBN 978-953-163-401-4.
{{cite book}}
: Invalid|ref=harv
(help)CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
Websites
- Harmatta, J. "Studies in the History and Language of the Sarmatians". Kroraina. Retrieved 7 January 2017.
- Harmatta, J. "Studies in the History and Language of the Sarmatians chapter 2". Kroraina. Retrieved 7 January 2017.
- Bulat, V. "Ethno-Political map of ancient Eurasia". gumilevica.kulichki.net (in Russian). Retrieved 7 January 2017.
- "The British Library MS Viewer". www.bl.uk. Retrieved 7 January 2017.
Further reading
- Bennett, Julian. (1997). Trajan: Optimus Princeps, Indianapolis University Press, Bloomington. ISBN 978-0-415-24150-2
- Birley, Anthony. (1987). Marcus Aurelius: A Biography, Yale University Press, New Haven. ISBN 978-0-415-17125-0
- Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. OCLC 954463552
- Christian, David. (1999). A History of Russia, Mongolia and Central Asia, Vol. 1. Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-631-20814-3
- Kerr, William George. (1995). A Chronological Study of the Marcomannic Wars of Marcus Aurelius, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. OCLC 32861447
- Kristó, Gyula. (1998). Magyarország története – 895–1301 (The History of Hungary – From 895 to 1301), Budapest: Osiris. ISBN 963-379-442-0.
- Macartney, C.A. (1962). Hungary: A Short History, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh. ISBN 978-0-00-612410-8
- Peck, Harry Thurston. (1898). Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, New York. Harper and Brothers. ISBN 978-1-163-24933-8
- Strayer, Joseph R., editor in chief. (1987). A Dictionary of the Middle Ages, Charles Scribner's Sons, NY. ISBN 978-0-684-80642-6