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The main armed resistance organization in Poland was the [[Home Army]] (''Armia Krajowa'', or ''AK''), numbering some 400,000 members, including Jewish fighters.<ref name="Piotrowski 1998" /><ref>Edward Kossoy Zydzi w Powstaniu Warszawskim</ref><ref>Powstanie warszawskie w walce i dyplomacji - page 23 Janusz Kazimierz Zawodny, Andrzej Krzysztof Kunert - 2005 Był również czterdziestoosobowy pluton żydowski, dowodzony przez Samuela Kenigsweina, który walczył w batalionie AK „Wigry"</ref> The AK command rejected any talks with the German authorities,{{r|Piotrowski 1998|p=88}} but some AK units in eastern Poland did maintain contacts with the Germans, to "gain intelligence on German morale and preparedness and perhaps to acquire some badly needed weapons.<ref name="Radzilowski 1999">Review by [[John Radzilowski]] of [[Yaffa Eliach]]'s ''[[There Once Was a World: A 900-Year Chronicle of the Shtetl of Eishyshok]]'', in ''[[Journal of Genocide Research]]'', vol. 1, no. 2 (June 1999), City University of New York.</ref> The Germans made several attempts at arming regional [[Armia Krajowa]] partisan units to encourage them to act against [[Soviet partisans in Poland|Soviet partisans]] operating around [[Nowogródek]] and [[Vilnius]]; the local units accepted the arms but used them for their own purposes, disregarding the Germans' intents and even turning them against the Germans.<ref name="Bubnys 1998">{{cite book|last=Bubnys|first=Arūnas|authorlink=Arūnas Bubnys|title=Vokiečių okupuota Lietuva (1941-1944)|publisher=[[Lietuvos gyventojų genocido ir rezistencijos tyrimo centras]]|year=1998| location=Vilnius|pages=|isbn=9986-757-12-6}}</ref><ref name="Zizas 1995">{{lt icon}} Rimantas Zizas. ''Armijos Krajovos veikla Lietuvoje 1942–1944 metais'' (Activities of Armia Krajowa in Lithuania in 1942–1944). Armija Krajova Lietuvoje, pp. 14–39. A. Bubnys, K. Garšva, E. Gečiauskas, J. Lebionka, J. Saudargienė, R. Zizas (editors). Vilnius – Kaunas, 1995.</ref><ref name="Piotrowski 1998" /> [[Tadeusz Piotrowski (sociologist)|Tadeusz Piotrowski]] concludes that "[these deals] were purely tactical, short-term arrangements"{{r|Piotrowski 1998|p=88}} and quotes [[Joseph Rothschild]] that "the Polish Home Army was by and large untainted by collaboration."{{r|Piotrowski 1998|p=90}}
The main armed resistance organization in Poland was the [[Home Army]] (''Armia Krajowa'', or ''AK''), numbering some 400,000 members, including Jewish fighters.<ref name="Piotrowski 1998" /><ref>Edward Kossoy Zydzi w Powstaniu Warszawskim</ref><ref>Powstanie warszawskie w walce i dyplomacji - page 23 Janusz Kazimierz Zawodny, Andrzej Krzysztof Kunert - 2005 Był również czterdziestoosobowy pluton żydowski, dowodzony przez Samuela Kenigsweina, który walczył w batalionie AK „Wigry"</ref> The AK command rejected any talks with the German authorities,{{r|Piotrowski 1998|p=88}} but some AK units in eastern Poland did maintain contacts with the Germans, to "gain intelligence on German morale and preparedness and perhaps to acquire some badly needed weapons.<ref name="Radzilowski 1999">Review by [[John Radzilowski]] of [[Yaffa Eliach]]'s ''[[There Once Was a World: A 900-Year Chronicle of the Shtetl of Eishyshok]]'', in ''[[Journal of Genocide Research]]'', vol. 1, no. 2 (June 1999), City University of New York.</ref> The Germans made several attempts at arming regional [[Armia Krajowa]] partisan units to encourage them to act against [[Soviet partisans in Poland|Soviet partisans]] operating around [[Nowogródek]] and [[Vilnius]]; the local units accepted the arms but used them for their own purposes, disregarding the Germans' intents and even turning them against the Germans.<ref name="Bubnys 1998">{{cite book|last=Bubnys|first=Arūnas|authorlink=Arūnas Bubnys|title=Vokiečių okupuota Lietuva (1941-1944)|publisher=[[Lietuvos gyventojų genocido ir rezistencijos tyrimo centras]]|year=1998| location=Vilnius|pages=|isbn=9986-757-12-6}}</ref><ref name="Zizas 1995">{{lt icon}} Rimantas Zizas. ''Armijos Krajovos veikla Lietuvoje 1942–1944 metais'' (Activities of Armia Krajowa in Lithuania in 1942–1944). Armija Krajova Lietuvoje, pp. 14–39. A. Bubnys, K. Garšva, E. Gečiauskas, J. Lebionka, J. Saudargienė, R. Zizas (editors). Vilnius – Kaunas, 1995.</ref><ref name="Piotrowski 1998" /> [[Tadeusz Piotrowski (sociologist)|Tadeusz Piotrowski]] concludes that "[these deals] were purely tactical, short-term arrangements"{{r|Piotrowski 1998|p=88}} and quotes [[Joseph Rothschild]] that "the Polish Home Army was by and large untainted by collaboration."{{r|Piotrowski 1998|p=90}}
The [[National Armed Forces]] (''Narodowe Siły Zbrojne'', or ''NSZ'') from time to time attacked or took prisoner [[Jewish partisans]] who were part of the [[Communism|communist]] People's Army (''[[Armia Ludowa]]'', or ''AL''), a Polish partisan militia that included [[Jewish partisans|Jewish detachments]].<ref name="Bauer 1989" /> A single NSZ unit, the "[[Holy Cross Mountains Brigade]]", numbering 800-1,500 fighters, ceased operations against the Germans for a few months in 1944, accepted logistical help, and—late in the war, with German consent, to avoid capture by the Soviets—withdrew from Poland into Czechoslovakia. Once there, the unit resumed hostilities against the Germans and on 5 May 1945 liberated the [[Holýšov]] concentration camp,<ref name="Korbonski 1981">{{Cite book| publisher = Hippocrene Books| isbn = 978-0-88254-517-2| last = Korbonski| first = Stefan| title = The polish underground state: a guide to the underground 1939 - 1945| location = New York| date = 1981| p = 7}}</ref> saving several hundred Jewish women.<ref>Jerzy Jaxa-Maderski, ''Na dwa fronty: szkice z walk Brygady Świętokrzyskiej NSZ'', Wydawnictwo Retro, 1995, p. 19.</ref> The NSZ did not have a uniform view about Jews, and though generally considered antisemitic and involved in killing and handing over Jews, it also incorporated Jewish fighters, including ones in higher command positions. Some NSZ members and units rescued Jews and postwar received [[Righteous Among the Nations]] awards.{{r|Piotrowski 1998|p=96-97}}
The Polish right-wing [[National Armed Forces]] (''Narodowe Siły Zbrojne'', or ''NSZ''), widely perceived as anti-Semitic, did not have a uniform policy regarding Jews.{{r|Piotrowski 1998|p=96-97}} It did not admit Jews{{r|Cooper 2000|p=149}} except in rare cases,{{r|Piotrowski 1998|p=96}} and from time to time killed or kidnapped [[Jewish partisans]] of other organization.{{r|Cooper 2000|p=149|q=units of the NSZ were constantly on the lookout for Jews hiding in the forests. The NSZ was also responsible for the killing in Warsaw of two officers of the High Command of the AK – Jerzy Makowiecki and Professor Ludwik Widerszal – both of Jewish origin. On 14 July 1944, two other members of the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the High Command of the Home Army – Professor Marceli Handelsman and a well-known writer, Halina Krahelska – were abducted from their offices by the NSZ and delivered to the Germans.}} The NSZ operated with the approval and occasional cooperation of the Germans.{{r|Cooper 2000|p=149|q=The operations of the NSZ had the tacit approval of the German military authorities and in many cases their full cooperation. There was in fact a silent understanding that as long as the NSZ did not engage in any acts of sabotage against the Germans, it would be allowed to operate against Jewish partisans... The operations by the NSZ were to be conducted under the old slogan of Judaeo-communism, which meant that every Jewish partisan was a communist and should be liquidated. It was in fact part of a war against the Jews who escaped death by the Germans. The collaboration of the NSZ with the Germans is confirmed by documents kept in German archives.}} The "[[Holy Cross Mountains Brigade]]" of the NSZ, numbering 800-1,500 fighters, decided to cooperate with the Germans in late 1944.<ref name="Publicznej 2007">{{cite book|author=Instytut Pamięci Narodowej--Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu. Biuro Edukacji Publicznej|title=Biuletyn Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=U4gjAQAAIAAJ|year=2007|publisher=Instytut|page=73}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=LPYnAQAAIAAJ&q=brygada+swietokrzyska |title=The Polish Studies Newsletter|last=Wozniak|first=Albion|date=2003|publisher=Albin Wozniak|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=QHk7HAAACAAJ |title=Brygada Świętokrzyska NSZ|last=Żebrowski|first=Leszek|date=1994|publisher=Gazeta Handlowa|language=pl}}</ref> It ceased hostile operations against the Germans for a few months, accepted logistical help, and—late in the war, with German approval, to avoid capture by the Soviets—withdrew from Poland into Czechoslovakia. Once there, the unit resumed hostilities against the Germans and on 5 May 1945 liberated the [[Holýšov]] concentration camp.<ref name="Korbonski 1981">{{Cite book| publisher = Hippocrene Books| isbn = 978-0-88254-517-2| last = Korbonski| first = Stefan| title = The polish underground state: a guide to the underground 1939 - 1945| location = New York| date = 1981| p = 7}}</ref>


==The Holocaust==
==The Holocaust==

Revision as of 14:55, 2 June 2018

Throughout World War II, Poland was a member of the Allied coalition that fought Nazi Germany. During the German occupation of Poland, some Polish citizens of diverse ethnicities collaborated with the Germans. Estimates of the number of collaborators vary. The main collaborators were members of Poland's German minority.[1] During and after the war, the Polish State and the Resistance movement executed collaborators.

Due to differences in Nazi Germany's aims in Western, Central, and Eastern Europe, and due to Germany's historical Drang nach Osten ("Drive to the East") and Lebensraum ("living space") policies, collaboration in Poland was much less widespread and institutionalized than in Western Europe. Compared to the situations in other German-occupied countries, collaboration in Poland was marginal.[2]

Background

Main articles: History of Poland (1939–1945) and Invasion of Poland

Following the German occupation of Czechoslovakia in March 1939, Hitler sought to establish Poland as a client state, proposing a multilateral territorial exchange and an extension of the German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact. The Polish government, fearing subjugation to Nazi Germany, instead chose to form an alliance with Britain (and later with France). In response, Germany withdrew from the non-aggression pact and, shortly before invading Poland, signed the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Soviet Union, safeguarding Germany against Soviet retaliation if it invaded Poland, and prospectively dividing Poland between the two totalitarian powers.

On 1 September 1939 Germany invaded Poland. The German army overran Polish defenses while inflicting heavy civilian losses, and by 13 September had conquered most of western Poland. On 17 September the Soviet Union invaded the country from the east, conquering most of eastern Poland, along with the Baltic states and parts of Finland. Some 140,000 Polish soldiers and airmen escaped to Romania and Hungary, and later many soon joining the Polish Armed Forces in France. Poland's government crossed over into Romania, later forming a government-in-exile in France and then in London, following the French capitulation. Poland as a polity never surrendered to the Germans.[3]

Nazi authorities annexed the westernmost parts of Poland and the former Free City of Danzig, incorporating it directly to Nazi Germany, and placed the remaining German-occupied territory under the administration of the newly formed General Government. The Soviet Union annexed the rest of Poland, incorporating its territories into the Belorussian and Ukrainian republics.[4] Germany’s primary aim in Eastern Europe was the expansion of the German Lebensraum which necessitated according to Nazi views the elimination or deportation of all non-Germanic ethnicities, including Poles; the areas controlled by the General Government were to become "free" of Poles within 15–20 years.[5] This resulted in harsh policies which targeted the Polish population, in addition to the explicit goal of exterminating the Jewish people, which was carried out by Nazi Germany in the occupied Polish territories.

Individual collaboration

German recruitment poster—"Let's do agricultural work in Germany: report immediately to your Vogt"
Polish resistance poster announcing the execution of several Polish collaborators and blackmailers (szmalcownik), September 1943

Estimates of the number of Polish collaborators vary due to varying interpretations of what constitutes collaboration.[6] Low estimates place the number of collaborators at about 17,000, relying on the number of death sentences for treason issued by Special Courts of the Polish Underground State; Leszek Gondek describes this form of collaboration as "marginal".[6] According to Gondek, the courts heard at least 5,000 collaboration cases and sentenced 3,500 (according to historian Czesław Madajczyk, over 10,000) people to death for collaboration.[7] Higher estimates include "labor service" (Baudienst) workers, low-ranking Polish functionaries, the Polish Blue Police, Polish citizens who declared themselves ethnically-German Volksdeutsche (usually under duress, in those areas of prewar Poland that were now incorporated into Germany), and Poland's peasants—a socioeconomic class that benefitted from the wartime redistribution of wealth and often followed German directives.[7] Poland’s German minority in 1939 totaled some 750,000 and was the principal group of Polish-citizen collaborators.[8][9]

Historian Czesław Madajczyk estimates that 5% of the population in the General Government actively collaborated, as compared with 25% who actively resisted the occupation as members of resistance groups.[10] Historian John Connelly writes that "only a relatively small percentage of the Polish population engaged in activities that may be described as collaboration, when seen against the backdrop of European and world history."[6] Postwar statistics of the Israeli War Crimes Commission[who?] gave the number of Polish collaborators at around 7,000.[11]: 13 [12]: 128 

The Baudienst ("labor service") was instituted in May 1940 as a form of national service that combined hard labor with Nazi indoctrination. It was a prerequisite for higher education in some places, and was rewarded by pocket money. Starting in April 1942 evasion of Baudienst service was punishable by death, and by 1944 the Baudienst had grown to approximately 45,000 members. Baudienst workers were sometimes deployed in support roles in aktions - operations for deportation or murder of Jews - including for blockading Jewish quarters and searching Jewish homes. For such operations they were rewarded with copious amounts of vodka and cigarettes.[7]

Ethnographic groups

Wacław Krzeptowski, prominent Goralenvolk collaborator, visiting German governor Hans Frank during a celebration held in honor of Hitler's birthday

The Germans also singled out, as potential collaborators, two ethnographic groups in Poland which had some limited separatist interests. The scheme was directed at the Kashubians in the north and the Gorals in the south. The German attempt to reach out to the Kashubians proved a "complete failure", but in the south the Germans met with limited success, and Katarzyna Szurmiak has called the resulting Goralenvolk movement "the most extensive case of collaboration in Poland during the Second World War."[13]: 86–87  Still, Szurmiak writes, "when talking about numbers, the attempt to create Goralenvolk was a failure... a mere 18 percent of the population took up Goralian IDs... Goralian schools [were] consistently boycotted, and... attempts to create Goralian police or a Goralian Waffen-SS Legion... failed miserably."[13]: 98 

Political collaboration

Unlike the situation in most German-occupied European countries where the Germans successfully installed collaborationist governments, in occupied Poland there was no puppet government.[7][14][15][16] The Germans had initially considered the creation of a collaborationist Polish cabinet to administer, as a protectorate, the occupied Polish territories that had not been annexed outright into the Third Reich.[16][17] At the beginning of the war, German officials contacted several Polish leaders with proposals for collaboration, but the Poles refused the offers.[18] [19] A prominent peasant-party leader and former Prime Minister of Poland, Wincenty Witos, rejected several German offers to lead a puppet government,[20][16][21] as did Janusz Radziwiłł and Stanisław Estreicher.[22][23][24][15] The pro-German right-wing politician, Andrzej Świetlicki, formed the National Revolutionary Camp and approached the Germans with a collaboration offer but was ignored.[25] Władysław Studnicki,[26] an anti-Soviet publicist, and Leon Kozłowski, a prominent scholar and former Prime Minister, each favored Polish-German cooperation against the Soviet Union, but was rejected by the Germans. Nazi racial policies and German plans for the conquered Polish territories, on one hand, and Polish anti-German attitudes on the other, militated against any Polish-German political collaboration.[27] No further consideration was given to forming a Polish collaborative arrangement[28][29] after April 1940, when Hitler banned negotiations concerning any degree of Polish autonomy.[30] German plans envisioned the eventual complete disappearance of the Polish nation, which was to be replaced by German settlers.[7][30][31]

During the 1940 German invasion of France, the French government suggested that Polish politicians in France negotiate an accommodation with Germany; and in Paris the prominent journalist Stanislaw Mackiewicz tried to get Polish President Wladyslaw Raczkiewicz to negotiate with the Germans, as the French defenses were collapsing and German victory seemed inevitable. Three days later the Polish Government and Polish National Council rejected discussing capitulation and declared they would fight on until full victory over Nazi Germany. A group of eight low-ranking Polish politicians and officers broke with the Polish Government and in Lisbon, Portugal, addressed a memorandum to Germany, asking for discussions about restoring a Polish state under German occupation, which was rejected by the Germans. According to Czeslaw Madajczyk, in view of the low profile of the Poles involved and of Berlin's rejection of the memorandum, no political collaboration can be said to have taken place.[32] For his efforts, Mackiewicz was sentenced to death by the Polish resistance (but survived to return to Poland after the war).

Security forces

German General Government poster requiring former Polish Police officers (Blue Police) to report for duty under the German Ordnungspolizei or face "severe" punishment

The main security forces in German-occupied Poland were some 550,000 soldiers and 80,000 SS and police officials sent from Germany.[33] In October 1939 the German authorities ordered mobilization of the prewar Polish police to serve under the German Ordnungspolizei, thus creating the auxiliary "Blue Police" that supplemented the principal German forces. The Polish policemen were to report for duty by 10 November 1939[34] or face death.[35] At its peak in May 1944, the Blue Police numbered some 17,000 men.[36] Their primary task was to act as a regular police force dealing with criminal activities, but the Germans also used them in combating smuggling and resistance, rounding up random civilians (łapanka) for forced labor or for execution in reprisal for Polish resistance activities (e.g., the Polish underground's execution of Polish traitors or egregiously brutal Germans), patrolling for Jewish ghetto escapees, and in support of military operations against the Polish resistance.[7][37]

The German General Government tried to form additional Polish auxiliary police units—Schutzmannschaft Battalion 202 in 1942, and Schutzmannschaft Battalion 107 in 1943. Very few men volunteered, and the Germans were compelled to forcibly conscript men to fill out the ranks. Subsequently most of the men deserted, and the two units were disbanded.[38] Schutzmannschaft Battalion 107 mutinied against its German officers, disarmed them, and joined the Home Army resistance.[39]

In 1944, in the General Government, Germany tried to recruit 12,000 Polish volunteers to "join the fight against Bolshevism". The campaign failed; only 699 men were recruited, 209 of whom either deserted or were disqualified for health reasons.[40]

Poles in the Wehrmacht

Main article: Poles in the Wehrmacht

Following the German invasion of Poland in 1939, many former citizens of the Second Polish Republic from across the Polish territories annexed by Nazi Germany were forcibly conscripted into the Wehrmacht in Upper Silesia and in Pomerania. They were declared citizens of the Third Reich by law and therefore subject to drumhead court-martial in case of draft evasion. Professor Ryszard Kaczmarek of the University of Silesia in Katowice, author of a monograph, Polacy w Wehrmachcie (Poles in the Wehrmacht), noted that the scale of this phenomenon was much larger than previously assumed, because 90% of the inhabitants of these two westernmost regions of prewar Poland were ordered to register on the German People's List (Volksliste), regardless of their wishes. The exact number of these conscripts is not known; no data exist beyond 1943.[41]

In June 1946, the British Secretary of State for War reported to Parliament that, of the pre-war Polish citizens who had involuntarily signed the Volksliste and subsequently served in the German Wehrmacht, 68,693 men were captured or surrendered to the Allies in northwest Europe. The overwhelming majority, 53,630 subsequently enlisted in the Polish Army in the West and fought against Germany to the end of World War II.[42][41]

Collaboration and resistance

See also: Polish resistance in World War II

The main armed resistance organization in Poland was the Home Army (Armia Krajowa, or AK), numbering some 400,000 members, including Jewish fighters.[12][43][44] The AK command rejected any talks with the German authorities,[12]: 88  but some AK units in eastern Poland did maintain contacts with the Germans, to "gain intelligence on German morale and preparedness and perhaps to acquire some badly needed weapons.[45] The Germans made several attempts at arming regional Armia Krajowa partisan units to encourage them to act against Soviet partisans operating around Nowogródek and Vilnius; the local units accepted the arms but used them for their own purposes, disregarding the Germans' intents and even turning them against the Germans.[46][47][12] Tadeusz Piotrowski concludes that "[these deals] were purely tactical, short-term arrangements"[12]: 88  and quotes Joseph Rothschild that "the Polish Home Army was by and large untainted by collaboration."[12]: 90 

The Polish right-wing National Armed Forces (Narodowe Siły Zbrojne, or NSZ), widely perceived as anti-Semitic, did not have a uniform policy regarding Jews.[12]: 96-97  It did not admit Jews[48]: 149  except in rare cases,[12]: 96  and from time to time killed or kidnapped Jewish partisans of other organization.[48]: 149  The NSZ operated with the approval and occasional cooperation of the Germans.[48]: 149  The "Holy Cross Mountains Brigade" of the NSZ, numbering 800-1,500 fighters, decided to cooperate with the Germans in late 1944.[49][50][51] It ceased hostile operations against the Germans for a few months, accepted logistical help, and—late in the war, with German approval, to avoid capture by the Soviets—withdrew from Poland into Czechoslovakia. Once there, the unit resumed hostilities against the Germans and on 5 May 1945 liberated the Holýšov concentration camp.[52]

The Holocaust

See also: The Holocaust in Poland and Rescue of Jews by Poles in World War II
Part of the core exhibition dedicated to Jedwabne pogrom at the Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw.

Historian Martin Winstone writes that only a minority of Poles actually took part in persecuting or helping the Jews. Winstone also downplays claims regarding the purported Polish lack of resolve in saving Jews in German-occupied Poland, noting that the tendency not to help was due more to natural human wariness rather than to ethnocentrism.[53][54] Historian John Connelly wrote that the vast majority of ethnic Poles showed indifference to the fate of the Jews; and that "Polish historiography has hesitated to view such complicity [e.g. "szmalcownicy" blackmailers] as collaboration... but rather as a form of society's demoralization" associating it with criminality.[6] Klaus-Peter Friedrich wrote that "most [Poles] adopted a policy of wait-and-see... In the eyes of the Jewish population, [this] almost inevitably had to appear as silent approval of the [German] occupier's actions."[7] According to historian Gunnar S. Paulsson, in occupied Warsaw (a city of 1.3 million, including 350,000 Jews before the war), some 3,000 to 4,000 Poles acted as blackmailers and informants (szmalcowniks) who turned in Jews and fellow Poles who provided assistance to them.[55]

In 2013 historian Jan Grabowski wrote in his book Hunt for the Jews that 200,000 Jews "were killed directly or indirectly by the Poles" (in a later interview with the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza, he clarified that he never meant that all 200,000 were "personally" killed by Poles, but rather that some Poles were co-responsible for the deaths through collaboration, even if the killing was done by the Germans).[56][57] The book won the Yad Vashem International Book Prize[58][59] but sparked controversy in Poland, and the estimate was criticized by some historians and by the Polish League Against Defamation.[60][61] In response, the Polish Center for Holocaust Research in Warsaw, co-founded by Grabowski, and a group of international Holocaust scholars published letters defending Grabowski.[62][63][64] According to statements by Poland's ambassador to Switzerland, Jakub Kumoch, reported in the Polish internet portal wPolityce and in the weekly news magazine Do Rzeczy, "Grabowski admitted that the number of fugitives from the ghettos, 250,000, is based solely on his own estimates and selective treatment of Szymon Datner's writings. Grabowski simply accepted the maximum number of ghetto escapees suggested by Datner but rejected Datner's estimate of the number of survivors. According to Grabowski, if you subtract the number of survivors (in his opinion, only 50,000) from the number of fugitives, you get 200,000. Grabowski therefore stated this number as Jews murdered by Poles."[65][66][67] An article in the Polish nationwide daily newspaper Rzeczpospolita (The Republic) critiqued Grabowski: "Grabowski... has difficulty demonstrating, in his journalistic statements, that every Jew who escaped from German transports was murdered because of Polish 'complicity'."[68]

Collaboration by ethnic minorities

Germans used the divide and rule method to create tensions within the Polish society, by targeting several non-Polish ethnic groups for preferential treatment or the opposite, in the case of the Jewish minority.[13]

Ethnic Germans

Meeting of German minority (Volksdeutsche) in occupied Warsaw, 1940

During the invasion of Poland in September 1939, members of the ethnic German minority in Poland assisted Nazi Germany in its war effort. They committed sabotage, diverted regular forces and committed numerous atrocities against civilian population.[69][70]: 33 

Shortly after the German invasion of Poland, an armed ethnic-German militia, called the Selbstschutz, numbering around 100,000 members, was formed.[71] It organized the Operation Tannenberg mass murder of Polish elites. At the beginning of 1940, the Selbstschutz was disbanded, and its members transferred to various units of SS, Gestapo, and German police. The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle organized large-scale looting of property, and redistributed goods to Volksdeutsche. They were given apartments, workshops, farms, furniture, and clothing confiscated from Jewish Poles and ethnic Poles.[72]

During the German occupation of Poland, Nazi authorities established the German People's List (Deutsche Volksliste, DVL), whereby former Polish citizens of German ethnicity were registered as Volksdeutsche. The German authorities encouraged registration of ethnic Germans, and in many cases made it mandatory. Those who joined were given benefits, including better food and better social status. However, Volksdeutsche were required to perform military service for the Third Reich, and hundreds of thousands joined the German military, either willingly or under compulsion.[73]

Parade of Ukrainian recruits from Galicia joining SS-Galizien division in Lwów (Lviv), 18 July 1943

Collaboration by Ukrainians and Belorussians

Main articles: Ukrainian collaboration with Nazi Germany and Byelorussian collaboration with Nazi Germany

Before the war, Poland had a substantial population of Ukrainian and Belorussian minorities living in her eastern, Kresy regions. After the Soviet invasion of eastern Poland on 17 September 1939, those territories were annexed by the USSR. Following the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, German authorities recruited Ukrainians and Belorussians who had been citizens of Poland before September 1939 for service in Waffen-SS and auxiliary-police units. In District Galicia, the SS Galicia division and Ukrainian Auxiliary Police, made up of ethnic-Ukrainian volunteers, took part in widespread massacres and persecution of Poles and Jews.[74][75]

Collaboration by Polish Jews

Two Jewish Ghetto Police functionaries guarding the gates of the Warsaw Ghetto, June 1942

The Judenräte (s. Judenrat, literally "Jewish council") were Jewish-run governing bodies set up by the Nazi authorities in Jewish ghettos across German-occupied Poland. The Judenräte functioned as a self-enforcing intermediary and were used by the Germans to control the Jewish population and to manage the ghetto's day-to-day administration. The Germans also required Judenräte to confiscate property, organize forced labor, collect information on the Jewish population and facilitate deportations to extermination camps. [76][77] [78]: 117–118  In some cases, Judenrat members exploited their positions to engage in bribery and other abuses. In the Łódź Ghetto, the reign of Judenrat head Chaim Rumkowski was particularly inhumane, as he was known to get rid of his political opponents by submitting their names for deportation to concentration camps, hoard food rations, and sexually abuse Jewish girls.[79][80][78] Political theorist Hannah Arendt stated that without the assistance of the Judenräte, the German authorities would have encountered considerable difficulties in drawing up detailed lists of the Jewish population, thus allowing for at least some Jews to avoid deportation.[78]

The Jewish Ghetto Police (Jüdischer Ordnungsdienst) were volunteers recruited from among Jews living in the ghettos who could be relied on to follow German orders. They were issued batons, official armbands, caps, and badges, and were responsible for public order in the ghetto. Also, the policemen were used by the Germans for securing the deportation of other Jews to concentration camps.[81][82] The numbers of Jewish police varied greatly depending on the location, with the Warsaw Ghetto numbering about 2,500, Łódź Ghetto 1,200 and smaller ghettos such as that at Lwów about 500.[83]: 310  The Jewish ghetto police distinguished themselves by their shocking corruption and immorality.[84] Historian and Warsaw Ghetto archivist Emanuel Ringelblum described the cruelty of the Jewish Ghetto Police as "at times greater than that of the Germans."[82]

Group 13, a Jewish collaborationist organization in the Warsaw Ghetto, which reported directly to the German Gestapo, 1941

In Warsaw the criminal-collaborationist groups Żagiew and Group 13, led by Abraham Gancwajch and colloquially known as the "Jewish Gestapo", inflicted considerable damage on both Jewish and Polish underground resistance movements.[85] Over a thousand such Jewish Nazi collaborators, some armed with firearms,[12]: 74  served under the German Gestapo as informers on Polish resistance efforts to hide Jews,[85] and engaged in racketeering, blackmail, and extortion in the Warsaw Ghetto.[86][87] A 70-strong group led by a Jewish collaborator called Hening was tasked with operating against the Polish resistance, and was quartered at the Gestapo's Warsaw headquarters on ulica Szucha (Szuch Street).[12]: 74  Similar groups and individuals operated in towns and cities across German-occupied Poland — including Józef Diamand in Kraków[88] and Szama Grajer in Lublin.[89] One of the Jewish collaborationist groups' baiting techniques was to send agents out as supposed ghetto escapees who would ask Poles for help; if they agreed to, the household was reported to the Germans, who (as a matter of announced policy) executed the entire family or arrested those willing to help Jews.[90][91][92][93] It is estimated that at the end of 1941 and the start of 1942 there were some 15,000 "Jewish Gestapo" agents in the General Government.[12]: 74 

Some members of Jewish Social Self-Help (Jüdische Soziale Selbsthilfe), also known as the Jewish Social Assistance Society, collaborated with Nazi authorities in the deportation of Warsaw Jews to death camps.[94] The group was formed as a humanitarian organization funded by the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, which also supplied it with legal cover,[95] and was allowed to operate within the General Government. Concerned with its lack of effectiveness, and seeing it as a cover for Nazi atrocities, both Jewish and Polish underground movements actively resisted the organization.[96]

See also

References

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  79. ^ Rees, Laurence,Auschwitz: The Nazis and the "Final Solution", especially the testimony of Lucille Eichengreen, pp. 105-131. BBC Books. ISBN 978-0-563-52296-6.
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  84. ^ Ringelblum, Emmanuel (2015-11-06). Notes From The Warsaw Ghetto: The Journal Of Emmanuel Ringelblum. Pickle Partners Publishing. ISBN 9781786257161.
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  86. ^ Israel Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw, 1939–1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt, Indiana University Press, 1982, ISBN 0-253-20511-5, pp. 90–94.
  87. ^ Itamar Levin, Walls Around: The Plunder of Warsaw Jewry during World War II and Its Aftermath, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, ISBN 0-275-97649-1, pp. 94–98.
  88. ^ Dąbrowa-Kostka, Stanisław (1972). W okupowanym Krakowie: 6.IX.1939 - 18.I.1945 (in Polish). Wydaw. Min. Obrony Nar.
  89. ^ Radzik, Tadeusz (2007). Extermination of the Lublin ghetto (in Polish). Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej.
  90. ^ Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Rejestr faktów represji na obywatelach polskich za pomocą ludności żydowskiej w okresie II wojny światowej, 2014, pp. 347-50. Retrieved 2018-05-26.
  91. ^ Joanna Kierylak, Treblinka Museum, "12 sprawiedliwych z Paulinowa", 2013, retrieved 2018-05-25. "Akcja niemiecka, zakrojona na szeroką skalę... Posłużono się tu prowokacją. Rozpoznania dokonali prowokatorzy. Byli nimi Żydzi, jeden z Warszawy, drugi ze Sterdyni – Szymel Helman. Prowokator z Warszawy dołączył do ukrywających się Żydów, podając się za Żyda francuskiego, zbiegłego z transportu przesiedleńców wiezionych do Treblinki." ("[In a] large-scale German operation... use was made of provocation. The scouting-out was done by agent-provocateurs. They were Jews, here one from Warsaw, the other from Sterdyń—Szymel Helman. The agent-provocateur from Warsaw joined some Jews who were in hiding, giving himself out to be a French Jew who had escaped from a transport of deportees who were being sent to Treblinka.")
  92. ^ Teresa Prekerowa, Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences, "Who Helped Jews during the Holocaust in Poland", Acta Poloniae Historica, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Semper, vol. 76, p. 166. "The gravest provocation involving Jews took place in 1943, some 100 km east of Warsaw; a Jewish Gestapo agent posing as a fugitive was given, or promised, help by 14 inhabitants of the village of Paulinów." Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1997 [?!]
  93. ^ Witold W. Mędykowski, "Przeciw swoim: Wzorce kolaboracji żydowskiej w Krakowie i okolicy", Zagłada Żydów - Studia i materiały, Rocznik naukowy Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów IFiS PAN, no. 2 (2006), p. 206. "Zdarzało się jednak, że urządzano prowokacje, by aresztować osoby mające kontakty z podziemiem, pośredniczące przy wyrobie fałszywych dokumentów czy zajmujące się przemytem ludzi i nielegalnym handlem. Na przykład w 1942 roku do Elżbiety Jasińskiej, mającej kontakty z konspiracją, przyszła Marta Puretz, prosząc o wyrobienie kenkarty. Jasińska zgodziła się wyrobić jej ten dokument za 2000 zł. Puretz miała zgłosić się do niej za dwa dni. Kiedy jednak przyszła do niej w umówionym czasie, pod dom zajechało Gestapo, Jasińska została aresztowana, a następnie wywieziona do Auschwitz. Gdy później szwagier Jasińskiej spotkał Martę Puretz na ulicy bez opaski, kazał ją aresztować. Ona jednak na komisariacie policji przy ul. Franciszkańskiej wylegitymowała się dokumentem współpracownika Gestapo i została wypuszczona na wolność. Zagroziła szwagrowi Jasińskiej, że jeśli wejdzie jej w drogę, wsypie go... Podobnie działała Stefania Brandstätter."
  94. ^ "Do zachowań jednoznacznie kolaboracyjnych ze strony przedstawicieli żydowskich instytucji 'samorządowych' dochodziło podczas wysiedleń do obozów zagłady w ramach 'akcji Reinhard', gdy niemieckie oddziały wysiedleńcze wymagały od żydowskich funkcyjnych czynnego wspomagania akcji. W Warszawie przy organizowaniu deportacji do obozu zagłady uczestniczyli nie tylko żydowscy policjanci, lecz także członkowie żydowskiej służby ratunkowej, część judenratu, a nawet niektórzy członkowie Żydowskiej Samopomocy Społecznej." ("Unambiguous acts of collaboration on the part of Jewish 'self-government' institutions took place during deportations to extermination camps under 'Operation Reinhard' when German units involved in the expulsions demanded active support from Jewish functionaries. In Warsaw, deporations to extermination camps involved not only Jewish policemen but also members of the Jewish rescue service [Żydowska służba ratunkowa], part of the Judenrat, and even some members of Jewish Social Self-Help.")
  95. ^ Alexandra Garbarini, Jewish Responses to Persecution: 1938–1940, p. 198.
  96. ^ "Jewish Historical Institute". www.jhi.pl.
Cite error: A list-defined reference named "Bauer 1989" is not used in the content (see the help page).
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