Mamoru Shinozaki

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Mamoru Shinozaki
Shinozaki Mamoru.jpg
Native name 篠崎 護
Born February 1908
Died 1991
Occupation news reporter,secret agent, manager of municipal, businessman, writer
Known for offender of Shinozaki Case (ja) in 1940, prosecution witness of Trial for Sook Ching massacre in 1947, author of autobiography with overestimation for himself and filled with distortions and lies about the historical facts during the Japanese occupation of Singapore

Mamoru Shinozaki (篠崎 護, Shinozaki Mamoru, February 1908 – 1991) was a news reporter of Dentsu (after Dōmei), a secret agent of Ministry of Foreign Affairs in pre-war Malaya, manager of municipal in Japanese occupied Singapore, and a businessman or a writer in post-war Japan. He was known as the offender of Shinozaki Case (ja) in 1940 and as the prosecution witness of the War crimes trial for Sook Ching massacre in 1947.

He also was known as the author of autobiography which treated the history of Japanese occupation of Singapore and which was criticized by many Singaporean residents and researchers for self-praising himself for saving thousands of Chinese and Eurasians and for distortions and lies about many historical facts.[1][2]

Early life[edit]

According to his autobiography, Shinozaki was born in Fukuoka in February 1908. His father owned a coal-mine in Fukuoka and was often away on business. He was raised largely by his grandmother, who had desired him to become a monk. She arranged for him to stay at a Buddhist temple for a year at the age of six, but his father opposed the idea. As a student, he was keen in socialism, reading in secret the works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, a serious offence in those days which got him expelled from his Kyoto high school. After spending a year as a ronin he entered Meiji University to study journalism.[3]

Pre-war Malaya's espionage[edit]

Upon giving up the university in 1931, he found employment as a reporter with the Dentsu which reorganized as Dōmei News Agency in 1936. In 1934 he was posted to Shanghai, then to Nanking, and finally to Hankou, from where he was recalled. He went on to join the Intelligence Agency of Japanese Foreign Ministry as a secret agent in Berlin in December 1936. There he raised trouble with a German woman and reassigned to Singapore in October 1938.[4][5][6]

While in Singapore, superficially as the press attache to Japan's consul-general or the staff of the Eastern News Agency, he provided "fresh and not distorted news" about The Empire of Japan's movement which sourced from Domei News to Singapore Herald or such Japanese-run English language newspapers published in Singapore. At the same time, he collected information about the Chinese community of Singapore by using some informers and about the military facilities by having parties for many times to make the connection with British Servicemen of Singapore.[7][8]

On 21 September 1940, Shinozaki was arrested by the British Special Branch detectives and was subsequently charged with obtained information from British Serviceman, Frank Gardner, that might be useful for the foreign power. He was tried and sentenced to three years' imprisonment and another imprisonment for half of a year or a fine of $1,000.[9] Frank Gardner, Shinozaki's informer, was sentenced to five years' penal servitude and dismissal from the service with ignominy.[10] Kitsuji Kashiwabara, Shinozaki's cooperator, sentenced two months' rigorous imprisonment and deported from Singapore.[11][12]

Second World War[edit]

Special adviser of Kempeitai[edit]

After the fall of Singapore, Shinozaki(right end) guided General Yamashita(2nd from left) to inspect battlefields of Singapore[13]

Upon the British surrender of Singapore on 15 February 1942, he was "released" by Twenty-Fifth Army from Changi Prison and went on to become "special adviser" or merely an interpreter of the Twenty-Fifth Army's Kempeitai in Syonan and supported their actions.[14][15][16] After the Pacific War began on 7/8 December 1941, Japanese residents of pre-war Malaya had moved to Purana Qila internment camp.[17] Among 32 Japanese prisoners of Changgi, Shinozaki was an only person familiar with Singapore's political circumstances, so his knowledge was precious for occupying Japanese forces.[18][19]

He committed the Sook Ching Massacre as one of staff who tempted English Speaking Chinese leaders such as Lim Boon Keng, who was captured during the "great inspection", to cooperate with Japanese Military Administration (JMA).[20] Though in his autobiography, Shinozaki wrote that he voluntary saved Chinese leaders, but it is inconsistent with the record that Kempeitai held 20 or more Chinese leaders not to kill and let some staff persuade them to cooperate with JMA.[21][22] Shinozaki let Lim Boon Keng drink beer, and when he drunk, let him promise to cooperate with JMA.[23] That was the same method which taken for Frank Gardner in 1940.[24] And he might be engaged in the task of checking name list of persons who promoted the China Relief Fund and thus became the target of Kempeitai.[25][26][27]

According to his autobiography, in his working capacity at the Defence Headquarters, he deliberately stored food supplies at the Thomson Road home of the Little Sisters of the Poor so that the nuns there would have a ready supply of food.[28]

In April 1942, He still had supported Kempeitai to distinguish "hostile" residents and not. E. J. H. Corner wrote that when he was not in Changi Prison but continued working in Raffles Museum, Shinozaki came to the museum to arrest Corner, because Mrs. Arbenz, a Swiss, and who was mentally damaged by the occupation of Japanese, reported Shinozaki that Corner was hostile to Japan, and Shinozaki grabbed his arm.[29]

Supervisor of Overseas Chinese Association[edit]

The Overseas Chinese Association (OCA) was a Japanese-sponsored body started on 2 March 1942 as the main representative of the Chinese community to interact with the Japanese administration, and OCA promoted $50 million compulsory "donation" from the beginning, despite Shinozaki denied that in his autobiography.[30][21][31] In his autobiography, he wrote that the foundation concept of OCA was to rescue Chinese leaders who were confined by 25th Army but later Colonel Watanabe (ja) took over as the Chief Military Administrator, Shinozaki was removed from his post as the adviser to the OCA and then Takase and Wee Twee Kim abused OCA to promote $50M "donation".[32] But Shinozaki's remark was inconsistent with that there already were founded many similar associations in the whole Malay Peninsula through the Malayan Campaign which fought from Dec. 1941 to Jan. 1942, all of them were used to promote "donation". And in spite of his remark that he left OCA in early March 1942 because Colonel Managi (ja), the head of JMA, was moved to Borneo, but Managi still remained in Singapore until 8 April 1942, when the ”donation” had already undertaken in Singapore.[30]

He mainly managed English speaking Chinese leaders though Takase and Wee Twee Kim oppressed Chinese speaking Chinese leaders during the same period.[20][33] He also said that he made the list of persons who were not sustainable to the burden of "donation" before he left OCA.[34]

Chief Education Officer[edit]

Until June 1942, during the period when JMA's official staffs still have not arrived from Japan, Shinozaki was located to Syonan municipal office as the Chief Education Officer. When the schools were still inactive, for the ceremony of The Emperor's Birthday scheduled to be held on 29 April 1942, Shinozaki taught children to sing Kimigayo and Aikoku Kōshinkyoku to make General Yamashita pleasant.[35]

In June 1942, Shinozaki backed to Japan.[36] According to his autobiography, he visited Shigenori Tōgō, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Tōgō rewarded him for long time imprisonment life with "a thick wad of cash".[37]

Chief Welfare Officer[edit]

In August 1942, he backed to Singapore and became Chief Welfare Officer of Syonan municipal office.[38] According to the interview to Shinozaki which recorded in 1981, his task was to help unemployed, to provide financing, to hold events which contributed to the welfare of civilians, to protect civilians from the Japanese Army or from Kempeitai and miscellaneous tasks.[39] According to his autobiography written in 1976, The main task of welfare section was to plan labor contributions for assorted Japanese defense projects.[40] In this period, the Welfare Office issued "thousands of Good Citizen's Ticket" which was necessary to travel to the suburbs of Singapore. (that was not to rescue people from the threat of Sook Ching Massacre, of course.)[41] Shinozaki also wrote that he still managed Japanese-sponsored associations which were organized by each ethnic groups, such as OCA or the Eurasian Welfare Association(EWA) under Dr. Charles Joseph Paglar.[40]

In September 1943, by Operation Jaywick, Southern Expeditionary Army Group became anxious about the recapture operation of Allied army and the residents of Singapore, especially Chinese and Eurasian residents, contact with them. Kempeitai started Double Tenth incident and S.E.A.G. directed to Syonan municipal the "evacuation" of civilians. [42] Shinozaki wrote that Naito (ja), the Mayor of Syonan from July 1943, told Shinozaki to carry out that mission and said that "I heard the rumor that in Hongkong they throw the civilians into the sea, but I don't want to do that. Please take method which doesn't let the civilians feel uneasy and forcibly."[42] Shinozaki suggested to OCA and EWA the "settlement" plan, superficially for the purpose of filling up the shortage of foods.[43][44] Shinozaki let them looking for participants, advertised that the "settlement" was free from the monitoring of Kempeitai and abundant with soil and crops, that was utopia, and then sent Chinese and Eurasian residents who appried for the plan, were seen as "hostile" by JMA, to Endau settlement ("New Syonan"), where lacked sufficient irrigation facilities until re-development implemented in 1946 by Japanese POW, and Bahau settlement ("Fuji-go"), where Malayan policemen were always monitoring settlers and many "settlers" died by malaria.[45][46][47][48]

Though JMA advertised that "settlement" might resolve the shortage of food, but immigrated population was limited to 1,200-1,500 through the Japanese Occupation period, so "settlement" was not effective in this point of view.[49] In 1944, as the actual situation of "settlement", that was much effort turned out to be few gain, they were waiting for the food sent from Syonan, and there was the malaria area, was orally spread to Singapore, people who would apply to be "settler" declined sharply.[50] Though Shinozaki in his autobiography didn't refer to such situations and blamed MPAJA because they disturbed Endau and Eurasians because they were lazy in Bahau.[51][52] But despite the terrible situations of "settlement", especially in Bahau, Syonan municipal didn't desert the "settlement" and get "settlers" back to Singapore, because the true purpose was not to nurse the residents but to "evacuate" residents itself.[53]

Shinozaki wrote and it was believed by some person that he sent foods to "settlers" and retained the lifeline of them, so his "humanitarian acts" have been recorded by Yap Pheng Geck, his contact with Shinozaki came in connection with the Endau Scheme. Yap found him to be sincere in wanting to promote the local people's welfare and even risked his neck sometimes with the Japanese military police, interceding for the Chinese people and also rendering the same services to Eurasians.[54] Eurasian doctor John Bertram van Cuylenburg, his contact with Shinozaki came in connection with the Bahau, marveled Shinozaki that a man who had spied for his country and been sentenced and jailed by the British, could want to do his level best to lessen the sufferings of the Singapore people.[55][56]

But Professor Yamada (ja) had claimed about Shinozaki wrote himself like as the performer of "evacuation" plan. Yamada was the chief of Headquarter of Syonan Evacuation Plan at that time, and he wrote that "Shinozaki wrote that we did a good thing, "evacuation" of Singapore residents. I don't know Shinozaki might be responsible for the plan nominally, but I know that actually involved was Me, and not him. Shinozaki touched to Nothing. So he doesn't know the detail of things, though I know them."[57]

In mid of 1943, M.Gaus, who was from Sumatera and had been a member of Malayan Welfare Association (MWA), was called by Shinozaki, who had supervised each "Welfare Association", and attended a meeting. There were other members of MWA and the meeting was called to criticize Gaus. On the meeting, Gaus was blamed by Shinozaki that Gaus' opinion which based on Melayu Raya made cracks in the unity of Malayan society. Then Shinozaki in the angry tone of voice requested Gaus to cooperate to maintain the unity of Malayan society because the "Holy War" was ongoing. Gaus wrote that he was confused by Shinozaki's groundless criticism.[58]

Post-war years[edit]

The Witness of Sook Ching Massacre[edit]

first war crimes trial to be held in South East Asia Command at the Singapore Supreme Court on 21 January 1946

After the Japanese surrender, Shinozaki was captured from Japanese internment camp in Jurong but soon released and became to help the British Field Security Force and during the War Crimes Trials as interpreter and prosecution witness. According to his autobiography, that was because so many survivors in Singapore vouched for his exemplary behavior.[59] According to the article of Nanyang Siang Pau on 30 July 1946, at that time, a hundred of Japanese residents of pre-war Malaya applied for remaining in Singapore, and Shinozaki was one of them. But because he was sentenced guilty as a spy in 1940, there was little hope of success. So he cooperated with British Field Security Force to prosecute his colleague, the member of Kempeitai as the war criminal, to obtain forgiveness for himself.[60]

In 1946, the public opinions were not against to him, because he apologized for the fault of JMA and the Sook Ching Massacre, and he agreed to compensate for their sin.[61][62] He also argued the Collaborator Case in January 1946 for Dr. Pagular, the leader of EWA, and said that "please punish me".[63]

But his testimony in War Criminal Court of Sook Ching Massacre drew strong protests from Chinese residents. In the Court, though he was one of the prosecution witnesses, he said that Saburo Kawamura (ja), commander of the Syonan Defence Garrison and who was the commander of Sook Ching Massacre, ordered Shinozaki to save thousands of Chinese and Eurasians and he did so. He also said that each of three defendants who were asked for the death penalty had very kind and merciful character.[64] Chuang Hui Tsuan blamed Shinozaki as the "wire-puller" of Sook Ching Massacre, required to execute all defendant and to deport Shinozaki from Singapore.[65] Though not all defendant were sentenced to death, Shinozaki was deported from Singapore in 1948.[2] Then he had been refused to re-enter to Singapore until 1973, though other Japanese people were allowed from 1953. [66][67]

Sales of autobiography[edit]

On February 1972, New Nations reported Shinozaki return to Singapore, as an industrialist, and he just completed writing a book.[68] His memoir in Japanese was first published serially on Southern Cross, the journal of The Japanese Association, Singapore (ja) from Jul./Aug. 1972 to Mar./Apr. 1974.[69] From 28 August 1972 to 5 October 1972, his autobiography translated into Chinese by Chin Kah Chong published serially on Nanyang Siang Pau.[70][71] Then in May 1973, the Chinese version of his autobiography was published in the book form (Shinozaki 1973z), which reprinted in June 1973 and in August 1973.[72][73] In the same year, he was interviewed by Lim Yoon Lin of the Institute of South-East Asian Studies for its oral history programme and the record of the interview which written in English (Shinozaki 1973e) was published.[74] From July 1974 to December 1974, the Japanese version of his autobiography was published serially on Syokun!, a Japanese journal by Bungeishunjū.[5][75] Then published in the book form in 1976 (Shinozaki 1976). In 1975, English version of his autobiography Syonan - My Story was published by Asia Pacific Press.Later his autobiography was reprinted in 1982.[76][77]

Critics and supporters[edit]

On 1 November 1972, on Sin Chew Daily, Chuang Hui Tsuan wrote an article which criticized Shinozaki's self-praising in his autobiography.[2] Then in 1973, on Sin Chew Daily, Lee Kim Chuan and Qing1 Mu4duan4 also criticized Shinozaki for his self-praising.[2]

On 18 June 1973, Wu2 You2 on Nanyang Siang Pau criticized Shinozaki's autobiography as which not worth to be a historical resource of Singapore, and let their history depending on his autobiography was a fearful thing. He wrote that Shinozaki wrote he saved the life of one person and which was his heroic and voluntary action, but didn't write JMA killed and suffered hundreds of citizens and Shinozaki implemented that as a staff of JMA.[78] On 7 July 1973, on Nanyang Siang Pau, Shinozaki pleaded to Wu2 You2 that he did not dare not to write, but just wrote his own experiences.[79] Then Wu2 You2 on Nanyang Siang Pau again criticized Shinozaki, as that Shinozaki easily distorted their painful history. He pointed that the "Good Citizen's Ticket" was not so special but were needed to all staffs who cooperated with JMA during the occupation period, so each Japanese staff of Syonan Municipal, not only Shinozaki but other staffs, did issue. He also criticized Shinozaki wrote OCA first founded for saving the life of Chinese leaders. Anybody lived that period knew that Japanese Army after occupied Malayan City let the noted person of that place organized "Security Preservation Committee" or similar organization, so Singapore couldn't be an exception.[80]

On 30 and 31 July 1973, Tan Y. S. on Nanyang Siang Pau commented that Shinozaki's autobiography wrote many things about JMA which Tan didn't know, but Shinozaki didn't know the sorrows of Singaporean citizens. Then he corrected some "mistakes" of Shinozaki based on Tan's own experience and induced the readers to report their own experiences to compare with which Shinozaki wrote.[81]

On 28 August 1973, Wu3 Cha4 on Nanyang Siang Pau followed Tan Y.S., he pointed out that he heard from credible information sources that when JMA let Singaporean leaders moved to "settlement", they made "Black List" and prepared when Allied Army landed Malay Peninsula, immediately kill the named persons on that list who jailed in "settlement". Shinozaki referred to the "evacuation" plan, but didn't refer to its true aim was unnatural, so please correct that problem. If it was because he forgot to write the dark side of JMA, he could feel pity for that, but if the distortion of history and fabrication had done intentionally, he couldn't forgive that. Then he again induced readers to tell and record their experiences to debunk the lies of Shinozaki. [82]

On 12 September 1973, Lee Kim Chuan on Nanyang Siang Pau criticized Shinozaki, that though he was in Force 136 and was not in Singapore during the War, what written in Shinozaki's autobiography were far different from what he heard from his friends lived in Singapore or from the evidence of War Criminal Court. Wrote such self-praising book was shameful behavior.[83]

In November 1974 on Science of Thought (ja), a Japanese journal, Hiroshi Tanaka introduced that the series of articles appeared in Singaporean Newspapers which criticized Shinozaki's autobiography. And he translated some of them.[84]


There is no detailed information about what did Shonozaki do then. In 1978 he interviewed by Yoji Akashi at Hirakata, Osaka.[85] Until 1983, he wrote some articles about the modern history of Singapore which published on Japanese magazines like "Shi (History)" by "Gendai-shi Konwakai(social meeting on modern history)" and took part in Japan Safety Appliances Association.[86] Then he died in 1991.[87]

Chuang Hui Tsuan, who first criticized Shinozaki, collected the materials about the history of Japanese occupation period and then committed the editorial to Professor Hsu Yun Tsiao of Nanyang University. Though Chuang died in 1974 and Hsu died in 1981, Chua Ser Koon continued editing and in 1984 the book titled Xin Ma Huaren Kangri Shiliao (Malayan Chinese Resistance to Japan) 1937-1945 was published so as to tell the experiences of the Singaporean citizens who lived the period of Japanese occupation period and to tell "the true history" to the next generation.[88]

In 1987, Hara (1987) warned that there still had existed many books in Japan which were misreading or fabricating fake history about Singapore under the Japanese Occupation and some of them were derived from Shinozaki's autobiography.

And then, someone who fooled by Shinozaki sometimes still called him as Schindler of Singapore.[89]

See also[edit]



  1. ^ Hara 1987.
  2. ^ a b c d Tanaka 1976, p. 237.
  3. ^ Bridges 1986, pp. 24-25, based on Shinozaki 1973e, pp. 1-2.
  4. ^ Bridges 1986, pp. 24-25.
  5. ^ a b Shinozaki 1974, p. 145.
  6. ^ According to The Straits Times (1940b) and The Straits Times (1940a), when Special Branch of Straits Settlements Police searched Shinozaki's office in Japanese Consulate in Singapore on September 1940, they found a certification document on which wrote that Shinozaki was appointed to a staff of Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 20 December 1936.
  7. ^ University of Tokyo 1981, pp. 171-172,175.
  8. ^ In his autobiography, Shinozaki wrote that he took Colonel T. Tanikawa, the planning chief of Japan's Imperial Army Headquarters in Tokyo, and Major Kunitake who was on Tsuji Masanobu's Malaya Campaign planning staff, but these facts are not the reason of his espionage suspects on the trial in 1940, the fact that he truly took them or not is suspected, and these two Servicemen was not the staff of Tsuji but the staff of Imperial Japanese Army General Staff Office. See Ichiji Sugita, War leading without information(in Japanese), Hara Shobo, Tokyo, 1987, p.146.
  9. ^ The Straits Times (1940-11-23). "SHINOZAKI CONVICTED ON TWO SECRETS CHARGES". The Straits Times. p. 11. Retrieved 2016-06-19. 
  10. ^ 'DISMISSED WITH IGNOMINY' The Straits Times, 6 February 1941, Page 11
  11. ^ 'Gaol For Japanese On Charge Under Defence Regulations' The Straits Times, 2 November 1940, Page 10
  12. ^ Bridges 1986, p. 26 wrote that Kashiwabara sentenced 3 months' rigorous imprisonment and then deported, based on "Malay Mail" of 21 Oct. 1940 and 2 Nov. 1940.
  13. ^ The Japanese Association 1978, p. 66.
  14. ^ Bridges 1986, p. 32.
  15. ^ Shinozaki 1976, pp. 34-70.
  16. ^ Onishi 1977, p. 64.
  17. ^ The Japanese Association 1978, p. 55.
  18. ^ Bridges 1986, pp. 32-33.
  19. ^ The Japanese Association 1978, p. 57.
  20. ^ a b Tan 1947a.
  21. ^ a b Shinozaki 1976, pp. 51-70.
  22. ^ Whole Country Kempei Friendship Alliance 1976, p. 978.
  23. ^ Shinozaki 1976, pp. 56-57.
  24. ^ TRIAL OF JAPANESE ON SECRETS CHARGES The Straits Times, 19 November 1940, Page 11
  25. ^ Onishi 1977, p. 70.
  26. ^ Whole Country Kempei Friendship Alliance 1976, p. 976.
  27. ^ Hiroshi Tanaka, "Afterword of translator" (Hsu & Chua 1986, p. 327)
  28. ^ Lee 2005, p. 88,"Japanese Players—Shinozaki Mamoru"
  29. ^ Corner, E. J. H., translated by Mikiko Ishii, Memory of Syonan Museum (in Japanese), Chuokoron Sha, 1982, pp.102-103
  30. ^ a b Hara 1987, p. 91.
  31. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau, 31 July 1973 Page 12
  32. ^ Shinozaki 1976, pp. 60-61.
  33. ^ Tan 1947b.
  34. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 12 September 1972
  35. ^ Shinozaki 1976, pp. 76-78.
  36. ^ According to his autobiography, his actions also made him highly unpopular with some in the Japanese military that in June 1942, he temporarily "disappeared" from Syonan with the help of the Navy to avoid their ire.(Shinozaki 1982, p. 47)
  37. ^ Shinozaki 1976, pp. 86-87.
  38. ^ Shinozaki 1976, p. 87.
  39. ^ University of Tokyo 1981, pp. 201-202.
  40. ^ a b Shinozaki 1976, p. 92.
  41. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau, 19 February 1973 page.14.
  42. ^ a b Shinozaki 1976, pp. 98-99.
  43. ^ Shinozaki 1976, pp. 100-101. Shinozaki also wrote that he was reluctant to let the Eurasians move to Bahau, but Bishop Adrian Devals of the Catholic Church was eager to go there (Shinozaki 1976, pp. 116-118)
  44. ^ Van Cuylenburg 1988, p. 221.
  45. ^ Shinozaki 1976, pp. 100-101.
  46. ^ Van Cuylenburg 1988, pp. 228-229,236.
  47. ^ Hara 1987, p. 92.
  48. ^ Honda 1989, p. 90.
  49. ^ University of Tokyo 1981, pp. 208-209.
  50. ^ Yokota 1953, p. 131.
  51. ^ Iwatake 1981, p. 247.
  52. ^ Shinozaki 1976, pp. 106-110,118.
  53. ^ Shinozaki 1976, p. 119.
  54. ^ Yap 1982, p. page number needed.
  55. ^ Van Cuylenburg 1982, p. page number needed.
  56. ^ Van Cuylenburg 1988, pp. 175-176.
  57. ^ University of Tokyo 1981, p. 136, 'Interview record of Mr. Yoichi Itagaki, Mr. Isamu Yamada, and Mr. Naosaku Uchida,'
  58. ^ Gaus 2012, pp. 85-86,88-91.
  59. ^ Shinozaki 1982, pp. 100-101 "Japanese Repatriation"
  60. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 30 July 1946 page.3
  61. ^ "NIPA SHOT 3,000 CHINESE" The Singapore Free Press, 15 August 1946, Page 1
  62. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 12 February 1947, Page 5
  63. ^ Paglar Case: Charge To Be Framed On Monday SHINOZAKI'S EVIDENCE The Straits Times, 26 January 1946, Page 3
  64. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 3 April 1947, Page 5
  65. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 6 April 1947, Page 3
  66. ^ The Straits Times, 16 September 1956, Page 4
  67. ^ The Japanese Association 1978, pp. 87-88, 'course of history of Japanese community of Singapore after the war,'
  68. ^ 'The spy who saved lives comes back' New Nation, 29 February 1972, Page 1
  69. ^ 'Occupation of Singapore and the era of "Syonan" - My wartime history,', republished on The Japanese Association 1978, p. 79
  70. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau, 28 August 1972 page.16 and so on.
  71. ^ Tanaka 1976, p. 236.
  72. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 28 May 1973, Page 7Nanyang Siang Pau 24 June 1973, Page 20 and Nanyang Siang Pau 22 August 1973, Page 18
  73. ^ Tanaka 1976, pp. 236-237.
  74. ^ Shinozaki 1982, p. page number needed.
  75. ^ Tanaka 1976, p. 238.
  76. ^ Reprint of books on Japanese rule The Straits Times, 13 October 1982, Page 2
  77. ^ Lianhe Zaobao 22 September 1986, Page 14
  78. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 18 June 1973, Page 16
  79. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 7 July 1973, Page 18
  80. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 18 July 1973 Page 14
  81. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 30 July 1973 Page 13Nanyang Siang Pau 31 July 1973 Page 12
  82. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 28 August 1973 Page 12
  83. ^ Nanyang Siang Pau 12 September 1973 Page 12
  84. ^ Tanaka 1976, pp. 236-274.
  85. ^ University of Tokyo 1981, p. 169.
  86. ^ Safety Digest vol.29, no.3, March 1983, pp.19-21.
  87. ^ Forum 1998, p. 677.
  88. ^ Hsu & Chua 1986, pp. 1-3,319-321.
  89. ^ 'Japanese saviour, the Schindler of S'pore', The Straits Times, 12 September 2005, page.5.


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