User:Goldsztajn/sandbox

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See also

• {{Ministries & Departments of Nepal}}
• {{Legislatures of Nepal}}
• {{Government of Nepal}}
• {{Political parties in Nepal}}

Some topics that needing elaboration:
1981-1989
1. Relations with/role of the Catholic Church - far more complicated than the rather triumphalist material presented here. Solidarity was a coalition of counter-hegemonic forces (viz students, workers, Church) none of which on their own were strong enough to successfully confront RPD-ruled Poland. Previous isolated attempts (workers in 1970, students in 1968, the Church in 1966) had failed. Later, during the clandestine period (82-887), Solidarity adopts conservative social policies in order to maintain relations with the Vatican - which has the effect of alienating some of its membership. Furthermore, the complex nature of Solidarity's initial radical project (anti-heiracrical, democratic) stood in marked contrast to the Catholic Church's totally undemocratic nature. In earlier periods of the 1960s and 1970s there was a symbiotic concordance between the RPD and the Catholic heirarchy - it is Solidarity's emergence which breaks that concordance and brings the Church unambiguously into an anti-communist position. See John Stanley's Sex and Solidarity, 1980-1990 / Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue Canadienne des Slavistes Vol. 52, No. 1/2 2010.
2. Role of foreign support (US / US intelligence services / Vatican) - this again is a complex issue and needs to avoid partisan, conspiracy points. Too much gets occluded by the CIA role and less on the broader international support which existed (both from states and non-state actors). There is fairly clear academic consensus on the existence of US intelligence programs (E.g. QPHELPFUL) that were directed to support Solidarity. What is less clear is how effective those programs were and how they should be evaluated in the context of support offered by other actors. Of course, Cold Warriors and conspiracy theorists want to see the CIA role writ large, but the emerging historical literature seems to paint a mosaic. So CIA support in terms of propaganda (publications, broadcasting, radio etc.) is considered "success, but the support of the very large Polish-expatriate populations in North America, France, Britain, West Germany, Australia is given less credit. See Anna Mazurkiewicz's review of Seth Jones "A Covert Action: Reagan, the CIA, and the Cold War Struggle in Poland. On other (ie non-US) foreign intelligence agency support (Swedes, Israelis) see the interview with Seth Jones (in Polish). Finally, the trade union movement in the West lent considerable support to Solidarity this should be discussed. (see for example the somewhat cryptic recollections of US Ambassador John Davis in The Polish Review Vol. 44, No. 4 (1999)

Post-1990 Failure of Solidarity / loss of membership and decline

General article comments:

	Date	Article at AfD	Authordom's claim in full for deletion	Deobandi - related	Comment	Result	Review?
1	22.03	IslamOnline	"Non notable Muslim Brotherhood linked website."	No	Redirect to Yusuf al-Qaradawi would possibly be more appropriate action.	Not closed yet	—
2	18.03	Jamiatul Qasim Darul Uloom Al-Islamiah	"Non notable Islamist seminary in India."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	Not closed yet	—
3	18.03	Madrasatul Islah	"Non notable Islamic seminary."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE carried out. I !voted Keep, founded by notable scholars, produced notable scholars	Not closed yet	—
4	11.03	Asad Madni	"Non notable Islamist scholar and politician from India."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE carried out. Elected politician, easily verifiable.	KEEP*	No action
5	11.03	Accounting and Auditing Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions	"The organization does not seem notable. But its founders are notable."	No	No evidence of BEFORE; notability easily verifiable	KEEP	No action
6	11.03	Union of Catholic Asian News	"I think it is a non notable news portal."	No	No evidence of BEFORE; notability easily verifiable	SNOW KEEP	No action
7	10.03	Muhammad Rafi Usmani	"Non notable Islamist from Pakistan."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE;notability easily verifiable	KEEP	No action
8	24.02	Muhammad Saad Kandhlawi	"Non notable Indian religious scholar."	Yes Deobandi off-shoot	No evidence of BEFORE;notability easily verifiable	KEEP	No action
9	24.02	Maulana Zubair ul Hassan	"Non notable Tablighi Jamaat worker"	Yes Deobandi off-shoot	No evidence of BEFORE; notability easily verifiable	KEEP	No action
10	24.02	Muhammad Talha Kandhlawi	"Nominating for speedy deletion, non notable."	Yes (presumed as following in father's organisation	No evidence of BEFORE carried out. A proposed merger with Muhammad Zakariyya al-Kandhlawi would possibly be more appropriate	Not closed yet	—
11	24.02	Iftikhar-ul-Hasan Kandhlawi	"Non notable Indian Islamic scholar."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	KEEP	No action
12	24.02	Inamul Hasan Kandhlawi	"Non notable Muslim scholar from India."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	KEEP	No action
13	23.02	Madrasah Islamiah	"Non notable article about a Deobandi school."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	DELETE	Possibly
14	23.02	Jamia Darul Uloom, Karachi	"Non notable Deobandi seminary."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	KEEP	No action
15	23.02	Jamiah Farooqia, Karachi	"Non notable Islamist seminary"	Yes Founder of school was Deobadi	No evidence of BEFORE	DELETE	Possibly
16	23.02	Jamiatur Rasheed, Karachi	"Non Notable seminary."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	DELETE	Possibly
17	23.02	Ahsan-Ul-Uloom	"Non notable Islamist seminary"	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	DELETE	Possibly
18	19.02	Ideal Relief Wing Kerala	"Non notable charitable NGO managed by the Jamaat-e-Islami Kerala chapter."	Yes (if editor assertion is true).	No evidence of BEFORE	DELETE	Possibly
19	18.02	Madrasah as-Sawlatiyah	"No scope to keep, because unable to pass even the WP:GNG."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	KEEP*	No action
20	18.02	Jamia Khair-ul-Madaris	"Non notable."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE; academic study on history of the school.	DELETE	Yes
21	18.02	Madrasa Mifthahul Uloom	"I think no scope to keep the non notable article."	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE.	DELETE	Possibly
22	18.02	Al-Jamiatul Islamiah Qasemul Uloom Charia	Non notable Qawmi Madrasah	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	DELETE	Possibly
23	18.02	Jamia Luthfia Anwarul Uloom Hamidnagar	"Non notable Qawmi Madrasah located in Bangladesh"	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE	DELETE	Possibly
24	18.02	Jamia Rahmania Arabia Dhaka	"Non notable Deobandi madrasa"	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE; one of the largest madrassas in Bangladesh.	DELTE	Yes
25	18.02	Al-Jamiatul Arabiatul Islamia, Ziri	"Not notable Islamic religious institution"	Yes	No evidence of BEFORE; 100+ years old, third largest madrassa in Bangladesh	DELETE	Yes

*(closed inappropriately by Authordom, should have been speedy keep/nominator withdrawal.)

References

Current Lede	Copy edit
Cultural racism, sometimes called neo-racism, new racism, postmodern racism, or differentialist racism, is a concept that has been applied to prejudices and discrimination based on cultural differences between ethnic or racial groups. This includes the idea that some cultures are superior to others, and that various cultures are fundamentally incompatible and should not co-exist in the same society or state. In this it differs from biological or scientific racism, meaning prejudices and discrimination rooted in perceived biological differences between ethnic or racial groups.	Cultural racism, sometimes called neo-racism, or new racism, and less frequently postmodern racism or differentialist racism, is a concept scholars have applied to prejudices and discrimination based on cultural differences between ethnic, national or racial groups. This includes idealized notions of inferior and superior cultures, and claims of the fundamental incompatibility of different cultures co-existing within the same social spaces or states. This differs from biological or scientific racism, which is rooted in perceptions of human biological or genetic inequality.
The concept of cultural racism was developed in the 1980s and 1990s by West European scholars such as Martin Barker, Étienne Balibar, and Pierre-André Taguieff. These theorists argued that the hostility to migrants then evident in Western countries should be considered racism, a term that had been used to describe discrimination on the grounds of perceived biological race since the 1930s. They argued that while biological racism had become increasingly unpopular in Western societies during the second half of the 20th century, it had been replaced by a new, cultural racism that relied on a belief in intrinsic and insurmountable cultural differences instead. They noted that this change was being promoted by far-right movements such as the French Nouvelle Droite.	In English, the concept is first utilized by sociologists such as William Wilson and James M Jones in the United States in the late 1960s and early 1970s to examine the treatment of African-Americans in US society in a post-slavery, civil rights context. Starting from the 1980s, European political theorists such as Martin Barker, Étienne Balibar, and Pierre-André Taguieff developed the concept to explain the origins and forms of discrimination directed against migrants and refugees. This racism no longer utilizes biological justifications but rather promotes the idea of intrinsic and insurmountable cultural differences, and opposition to multiculturalism. This shift was common among far-right movements such as the French Nouvelle Droite, the German AfD, the Polish and others.
Three main arguments as to why beliefs in intrinsic cultural differences should be considered racist have been put forward. One is that hostility on a cultural basis can result in the same discriminatory and harmful practices as belief in intrinsic biological differences, such as exploitation, oppression, or extermination. The second is that beliefs in biological and cultural difference are often interlinked and that biological racists use claims of cultural difference to promote their ideas in contexts where biological racism is considered socially unacceptable. The third argument is that the idea of cultural racism recognises that in many societies, groups like immigrants and Muslims have undergone racialization, coming to be seen as distinct social groups separate from the majority on the basis of their cultural traits. Influenced by critical pedagogy, those calling for the eradication of cultural racism in Western countries have largely argued that this should be done by promoting multicultural education and anti-racism through schools and universities.
The utility of the concept has been debated. Some scholars have argued that prejudices and hostility based on culture are sufficiently different from biological racism that it is not appropriate to use the term "racism" for both. According to this view, incorporating cultural prejudices into the concept of racism expands the latter too much and weakens its utility. Among scholars who have used the concept of cultural racism, there have been debates as to its scope. Some scholars have argued that Islamophobia should be considered a form of cultural racism. Others have disagreed, arguing that while cultural racism pertains to visible symbols of difference like clothing, cuisine, and language, Islamophobia primarily pertains to hostility on the basis of someone's religious beliefs.	Debates on the utility of cultural racism have focussed on the extent of difference from biological racism and whether incorporating the practices associated with cultural racism diminishes the usefulness of racism as a concept. Scholars have also discussed whether or not Islamaphobia should be considered a form of cultural racism or discrimination on the basis of religious belief.

The concept of cultural racism was developed in the 1980s and 1990s by West European scholars such as Martin Barker, Étienne Balibar, and Pierre-André Taguieff. These theorists argued that the hostility to migrants then evident in Western countries should be considered racism, a term that had been used to describe discrimination on the grounds of perceived biological race since the 1930s. They argued that while biological racism had become increasingly unpopular in Western societies during the second half of the 20th century, it had been replaced by a new, cultural racism that relied on a belief in intrinsic and insurmountable cultural differences instead. They noted that this change was being promoted by far-right movements such as the French Nouvelle Droite.

Three main arguments as to why beliefs in intrinsic cultural differences should be considered racist have been put forward. One is that hostility on a cultural basis can result in the same discriminatory and harmful practices as belief in intrinsic biological differences, such as exploitation, oppression, or extermination. The second is that beliefs in biological and cultural difference are often interlinked and that biological racists use claims of cultural difference to promote their ideas in contexts where biological racism is considered socially unacceptable. The third argument is that the idea of cultural racism recognises that in many societies, groups like immigrants and Muslims have undergone racialization, coming to be seen as distinct social groups separate from the majority on the basis of their cultural traits. Influenced by critical pedagogy, those calling for the eradication of cultural racism in Western countries have largely argued that this should be done by promoting multicultural education and anti-racism through schools and universities.

Debates on the utility of cultural racism have focussed on the extent of difference from biological racism and whether incorporating the practices associated with cultural racism diminishes the usefulness of racism as a concept. Scholars have also discussed whether or not Islamaphobia should be considered a form of cultural racism or discrimination on the basis of religious belief.

Some scholars have argued that prejudices and hostility based on culture are sufficiently different from biological racism that it is not appropriate to use the term "racism" for both. According to this view, incorporating cultural prejudices into the concept of racism expands the latter too much and weakens its utility. Among scholars who have used the concept of cultural racism, there have been debates as to its scope.

Comments

Hi very sorry for the extended delay. I've had a chance to go through everything and I've got the following concerns, which hopefully you can address.

Legacy section

This is quite mixed containing elements which have great degrees of variance in significance.

• The mention of Guthrie and Sinclair is significant and noteworthy but I don't see Hayes' song as part of legacy, it was written during the strike (I would move it to sections above). It is significant though that Hayes later went into Colorado politics and worth mentioning.
• The fact that this subject has the attention of academic researchers is not a legacy. (Describing Howard Zinn as "controversial" is use of WP:Weasel). I would drop this whole paragraph. The reference to Mary Thomas O'Neal is the first time she appears in the article, but she should be included in the sections dealing with the massacre and aftermath. Her article has material which could be used.
• I would make the Ludlow monument a subsection itself (i.e. ====Ludlow monument====). The text needs some copyediting. The picture of the monument is excellent, I would drop the text from the paragraph about the vandalism, shorten and add to the caption.
• The last paragraph is WP:UNDUE and WP:RECENT, perhaps if a newspaper of record, e.g. the New York Times, had carried such an editorial it might be noteworthy. Should be dropped.
• However, what's missing here and what most studies mention is the historical impact of the strike on the US. Walker provides a good summary: "Although the miners lost the Colorado strike, it was and still is seen as a victory in a broad sense for the union, the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) (Foner 1980; Fox 1990). The Coal War was a shocking event, one that galvanized U.S. public opinion, turned John D. Rockefeller, Jr., into a national villain, and eventually came to symbolize the wave of industrial violence that led to the "progressive" era reforms in labor relations (Adams 1966; Gitelman 1988; Crawford 1995). Coal miners in Colorado did ultimately see some material gains." In particular, this point about influencing subsequent reforms in labor law is probably the most significant legacy.

References