User:Rjensen/subpage3/Age of Reform in Britain

see User:Rjensen/subpage3/Age of Reform in Britain begun Oct 14, 2017. nov 2018 add more notes

first drafts of sections ported to United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

introduction

The era of reform came in a time of peace, guaranteed in considerable part by the overwhelming power of the Royal Navy. Britain engaged in only one serious war between 1815 in 1914, the Crimean war against Russia in the 1850s. At was strictly limited in terms of scope and impact. The major result was the realization that military medical services needed urgent reform, as advocated by the nursing leader Florence Nightingale. British diplomats, led by Lord Palmerston, promoted British nationalism, opposed reactionary regimes on the continent, helped the Spanish colonies free themselves, and work to shut down the international slave trade. It was a time of prosperity, population growth, and better health, except in Ireland where over one million deaths were caused by a terrible famine when the potato crop failed in the 1840s. The Industrial Revolution accelerated, with textile mills joined by iron and steel, coal mining, railroads, and shipbuilding. The second British Empire, founded after the loss of the 13 American colonies in the 1770s, was dramatically expanded in India, other parts of Asia, and Africa. There was little friction with other colonial powers until the 1890s. British foreign policy avoided entangling alliances.

Britain from the 1820s to the 1860s experienced a turbulent and exciting “age of reform.” The century started with 15 years of war against France, ending in Wellington’s triumph against Napoleon in 1815 at Waterloo. There followed 15 difficult years, in which the Tory Party, representing a small, rich landed aristocracy that was fearful of a popular revolution along the French model employed severe repression. Suddenly in the mid-1820s, as popular unrest increased, the government made a series of dramatic changes. The first reforms came in the 1820s as the more liberal Tories rejected the ultraconservative “Ultra Tory” faction. The party split, key leaders switch sides, the Tories lost power, and the more liberally minded opposition Whigs took over. the Tory coalition fell apart, and it was resembled under the banner of the Conservative Party. Numerous Tories, such as Palmerston, switched over to the Whig opposition, and it became the Liberal Party.

Constitutionally, the 1830s marks a watershed: the end of Crown control over the cabinet. King William IV in 1834 was obliged to accept a Prime Minister who had a majority in Parliament, and the Crown ever since has gone along with the majority.^[1]Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page).

Prime Minister Canning

John Bright (1811–1889), reform leader

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John Bright built on his middle-class Quaker heritage and his collaboration with Richard Cobden to promote all varieties of humanitarian and parliamentary reform. They started with starting with the successful campaign against the Corn Laws. These were tariffs on imported food that kept up the price of grain to placate Tory landowners. The major factor in the cost of living was the price of food, and the corn laws The price high. Bright was a powerful speaker, which boosted him to election to parliament in 1843. His radical program included extension of the suffrage, land reform, and reduction of taxation. He opposed factory reforms, labour unions and controls on hours For workers, women and children, arguing that government intervention in economic life was always mistaken. He opposed wars and imperialism. His unremitting hostility to the Crimean war led to his defeat for reelection in 1857. He was soon reelected from Birmingham, leading a national campaign for parliamentary reform in 1858 to enlarge the suffrage to reach the working man. He was intensely moralistic and distrusted the integrity of his opponents. He loathed the aristocracy that continued to rule Britain. He held a few minor cabinet positions, but his reputation rests on his organizing skills and his rhetorical leadership for reform.^[2]

Historian A. J. P. Taylor has summarized Bright's achievements:

John Bright was the greatest of all parliamentary orators. He had many political successes. Along with Richard Cobden, he conducted the campaign which led to the repeal of the Corn Laws. He did more than any other man to prevent the intervention of this country (Britain) on the side of the South during the American Civil War, and he headed the reform agitation in 1867 which brought the industrial working class within the pale of the constitution. It was Bright who made possible the Liberal party of Gladstone, Asquith and Lloyd George, and the alliance between middle class idealism and trade unionism, which he promoted, still lives in the present-day Labour Party.^[3]

Richard Cobden (1804–1865), reform later

Prime Minister Robert Peel 1788-1850

Prime Minister Lord Russell (1792–1878)

Florence Nightingale (1820-1910)

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Joseph Chamberlain

A J.P. Taylor states: [moved to article]

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Great Britain followed the German model.

Postwar reaction: 1815-22

The postwar era was a t---move to History of the United Kingdom

Suffrage

Economic conditions

= too thin

Politics

Rise Of The Conservatives

11-8-2017 Close, D. The Rise Of The Conservatives In The Age Of Reform," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 1972, Vol. 45 Issue 111, p89-103. 15p. Historical Period: 1832 to 1841. Abstract: Asserts that the middle class in 1832, when Sir Robert Peel came to power, demanded various fundamental reforms, but a change in public opinion by 1841 led them to a generally quiescent mood. Consequently, Conservative M.P.'s progressed from a state of disunity, demoralization, and impotence, to one of unity, confidence, and dominating strength. Several diverse factors influenced elections, which accounted for the Conservative gain in electoral strength. The Conservative recovery may be divided into three periods between the general elections in 1832, 1835, 1837, and 1841. The election of 1835 caused a greater change in party strength than any other election until 1880. Chief causes of Conservative gains were the replacement of reforming enthusiasm by propertied influence, the trend to the Right among propertied owners, the agricultural depression, and better organization. The main electoral trend in 1837 was a further movement to the Right among property owners and a weakening of radicalism which was probably the chief cause of Conservative growth. The election of 1837 was a decisive trial of strength which the Liberals lost even though circumstances favored them. In the period from 1837 to 1841, Conservatives benefited most from a decline in the enthusiasm of Liberal supporters. (AN: 46441212) Subjects: Great Britain;

Tory reformers versus Ultra Tories

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Ultras tories ex DNB

nov 12 2017 James J. Sack, ‘Ultra tories (act. 1827–1834)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Ultra tories (act. 1827–1834) were a floating group of what a later age, though not their own, would characterize as the ‘extreme right wing’ of British and Irish politics. They were politicians, intellectuals, and journalists who, in general, rejected the changes in British life loosely associated with the Enlightenment, the industrial revolution, and urbanization. Staunch defenders of the protestant constitution enshrined in 1689, they displayed a consummate hatred for their political opponents that often verged on obsession. As opponents of economic liberalism they shared with some of their counterparts in French, Iberian, or German politics a willingness to challenge the nostrums of classical political economists, and to support measures that would tend to mitigate the hardships of the poor during the early industrial age.

A tenuous source for the movement may exist in the resignation in 1822 of Charles William Vane, third marquess of Londonderry, as ambassador to Vienna, inspired by detestation for the liberal toryism of the new foreign secretary, George Canning. There is stronger evidence that ultra toryism incubated in the mid-1820s within circles loyal to the heir presumptive to the throne of the United Kingdom, Prince Frederick, duke of York and Albany, former grand master of the Orange Order of Great Britain, and as stalwart as his late father George III in opposition to Catholic emancipation. On Frederick's death, in January 1827, he was succeeded as the ultras' royal sponsor by his younger and less admirable brother, Prince Ernest Augustus, duke of Cumberland, grand master of the Orange Order in Great Britain and Ireland, and, after 1837, king of Hanover.

During the early months of 1827 political events made the previously inchoate ultras a power in the land. In February the long-serving prime minister, Lord Liverpool, was permanently incapacitated by a stroke, leading to a year of political instability favourable to the influence of previously marginalized groups. Already enraged by proposals from Liverpool's ministers to reduce the protective duties on corn imports, a group of ultras led by the borough-monger and evangelical protestant Henry Pelham Fiennes Pelham-Clinton, fourth duke of Newcastle, and including Edward Boscawen, first earl of Falmouth, David William Murray, third earl of Mansfield (1777–1840), Philip Henry Stanhope, fourth Earl Stanhope [see under Stanhope, Philip Henry, fifth Earl Stanhope] and Sir Edward Knatchbull, coalesced as self-styled ‘king's friends’ in an attempt to prevent George Canning, who was known to favour Catholic emancipation, succeeding as prime minister.

Though unsuccessful in these court manoeuvres, the ultras were able to promote their views more widely as a result of the establishment, in May 1827, of the daily Standard newspaper. Part of the press empire of Charles Baldwin [see under Baldwin family], The Standard was edited by a brilliant Irish protestant, Stanley Lees Giffard, who was aided by the Irish protestant wit and leader-writer of genius William Maginn. The ultras also put on a public show of force at a county meeting of Kent freeholders at Penenden Heath, in October 1828, addressed by Knatchbull and George William Finch-Hatton, tenth earl of Winchilsea and fifth earl of Nottingham, which carried resolutions in favour of upholding the protestant establishment in church and state.

The formal surrender on the Catholic question by Wellington and Peel in early 1829, when the Roman Catholic Relief Act was introduced, engendered in ultra tory circles an orgy of hatred and recrimination at what they viewed as the destruction of the protestant constitution. The dowager duchess of Richmond decorated her drawing room with stuffed rats named after the ministerial apostates; the duke of Wellington fought a duel with Winchilsea, who had accused him of insidious designs to promote Catholicism; and in virulent verse published in the newly ultra Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Maginn likened Peel to Judas Iscariot.

Much of the important tory press had become ultra in 1829 and 1830: the newly minted Fraser's Magazine, in which Maginn played a commanding role, wanted Wellington to resign and allow Charles Grey, second Earl Grey, ‘a man of unimpeachable honour, and first-rate understanding’, to succeed him (Fraser's Magazine, July 1830, 737). The weekly newspaper Age, edited by the ultra tory blackmailer Charles Molloy Westmacott, also encouraged Grey to overthrow the duke (Age, 6 June 1830, 180). Some ultra tories even drew the conclusion from the passage of Catholic relief that a House of Commons more responsible to a presumably anti-Catholic electorate would be susceptible to their causes. Hence such prominent ultras as Knatchbull advocated moderate parliamentary reform, George Spencer-Churchill, marquess of Blandford, proposed suppressing rotten boroughs, and Charles Gordon-Lennox, fifth duke of Richmond and Lennox, actually joined Grey's reforming whig administration late in 1830.

In 1830, the annus mirabilis of ultra toryism, the movement achieved its aim of bringing down Wellington's administration, though in doing so it broke up the loyalist, Burkeian, Pittite, tory, and, latterly, Conservative coalition that had, save for one year, ruled Britain since 1783. Ultra tories provided thirty-two votes against the ministry in the crucial House of Commons vote on 15 November 1830, which led to Wellington's resignation and the formation of Grey's administration. Richmond and his connections aside, the actual whig Reform Bill, with its mass disfranchisement of aristocratic rotten boroughs, was not what most ultras defined as reform: Newcastle headed the twenty-two ‘stalwarts’ in the House of Lords who voted against the third reading of the whig Reform Bill on 4 June 1832. The years 1831 to 1834, therefore, saw the gradual reconciliation of most ultras and the Wellingtonian tories.

Estimates of ultra tory strength as a parliamentary force vary, but one account has identified nineteen ultra peers and up to seventy-six MPs during 1829–30 (Jupp, 287, 314–15). The leading ultras in the House of Lords, besides Cumberland, Newcastle, Richmond, Stanhope, and Winchilsea, were the deputy grand master of the Orange Order for England and Wales, George Kenyon, second Baron Kenyon, and the old Pittite lawyer, John Scott, first earl of Eldon. In the Commons, besides Knatchbull, the chief ultras were Henry Bankes (1757–1834); the evangelical protestant Sir Robert Harry Inglis; the philanthropic Christian paternalist Michael Thomas Sadler; the political eccentric Sir Richard Rawlinson Vyvyan; and the Eldonian lawyer Sir Charles Wetherell.

Although the tory man-of-affairs John Wilson Croker thought in 1833 that the ultras were ‘the silliest and wildest party’ he had ever seen (L. J. Jennings, ed., Correspondence and Diaries of John Wilson Croker, 1884, 2.210), it is possible to identify them as coherent proponents of a particular mentality, which went beyond a narrow defence of protestant privilege. They can be seen as critics of the power of the executive, and the erosion of provincial authority, as well as offering a ‘country party’ critique of the economic policies of free trade and dear money. The latter explains the adherence of figures like Sadler, who took up the cause of limiting factory hours, and opposed the rigours of the new poor law, and the MP Matthias Attwood (d. 1851), a member of the Birmingham banking family who were prominent critics of the return to the gold standard.

When the term ultra tory was used after the failure of Peel's first administration of 1834–5 it tended to mean those Conservatives, especially in the Lords, who opposed the Peelite policy of sustaining Lord Melbourne's whig ministry in power and protecting it from the radicals. The then ultra leaders, besides Londonderry included Richard Temple-Nugent-Brydges-Chandos-Grenville, first duke of Buckingham, Edward Law, first earl of Ellenborough, and John Singleton Copley, first Baron Lyndhurst. While the ultras of the late 1830s had some personal and ideological connections with the 1827–34 ultras, they were in general a pale reflection of the earlier group, as far at least as political ferocity is concerned. The more respectable ultras of 1836 or 1841 would have had little resonance with the crazed Vyvyan, suspecting Wellington of attempting to poison him, and plotting with Metternich in Vienna in 1834, or with Cumberland and Kenyon's protégé William Blennerhasset Fairman, deputy grand secretary of the Orange Order for Great Britain, fantasizing, in Cumberland's interest, some sort of coup against the accession to the throne of the young Princess Victoria of Kent.

James J. Sack Sources M. Brock, The Great Reform Act (1973) · B. T. Bradfield, ‘Sir Richard Vyvyan and tory politics’, PhD diss., U. Lond., 1965, 258 · B. T. Bradfield, ‘Sir Richard Vyvyan and the fall of Wellington's government’, University of Birmingham Historical Journal, 11/2 (1968) · C. H. Driver, Tory radical: the life of Richard Oastler (1946) · N. Gash, Reaction and reconstruction in English politics, 1832–1852 (1965) · R. A. Gaunt, ‘The fourth duke of Newcastle, the ultra-tories and the opposition to Canning's administration’, History, 88 (2003), 568–86 · R. A. Gaunt, ed., Unhappy reactionary: the diaries of the fourth duke of Newcastle-under-Lyne, 1822–50 (2003) · R. A. Gaunt, ed., Unrepentant Tory: political selections from the diaries of the fourth duke of Newcastle-under-Lyne, 1827–38 (2006) · R. L. Hill, Toryism and the people, 1832–1846 (1929) · B. Hilton, A mad, bad, and dangerous people? England 1783–1846 (2006) · P. Jupp, British politics on the eve of reform: the duke of Wellington's administration, 1828–30 (1998) · H. Knatchbull-Hugessen, Kentish family [1960], 219 · J. J. Sack, From Jacobite to Conservative: reaction and orthodoxy in Britain, c.1760–1832 (1993) · D. G. S. Simes, ‘Ultra tories in British politics, 1824–1834’, D.Phil. diss., U. Oxf, 1974 · J. Wolffe, The protestant crusade in Great Britain, 1829–1860 (1991) © Oxford University Press 2004–16 All rights reserved: see legal notice Oxford University Press

James J. Sack, ‘Ultra tories (act. 1827–1834)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press. accessed 12 Nov 2017

Nonconformists

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Hutson, Harry M. "Methodist Concern with Social Problems In England, 1848-1873" Methodist History. (1969) 7#3 pp 13-23. : The Methodists in England were sensitive to human needs in several social areas from 1848 to 1873. They considered state action necessary in matters of education, public health, housing, poor relief, and factory labor abuses. In dealing with labor-capital relationships, they sought to motivate and constrain individuals by urging both employer and employee to practice the golden rule. (AN: 46075641)

Hempton, David N. "Wesleyan Methodism And Educational Politics In Early Nineteenth-Century England" History of Education (1979) 8#3 pp 207-221. : 1820 to 1850. Abstract: In 1820-50 Wesleyan Methodist leaders faced the problem of education control. In the debates between 1839 and 1846 they switched their support from the Church of England to the Nonconformists, not wishing to see the Church dominate national education and seeking the best possible terms for their own schools. Despite their concern for the education of working people, their sectarian position after 1832 hindered English national education.

Was revolution likely?

was a revolution possible or likely in Britain? historians have long debated the issue, noting that at the time there was widespread fear in the political elite that a revolution from below was imminent.^[4] There had been successful revolutions in the American colonies in the 1770s, in France in the 1790s and again in 1830. The Spanish colonies in Latin America revolted successfully against Spain around 1820. Across Europe in 1848, there were series of major attempted revolutions, all of which were quickly suppressed by reactionary forces.

In Britain, the French Revolution never had significant support. There was a small-scale attempted revolution in Ireland in 1798, it had little momentum and was soon suppressed. Under Daniel O'Connor, the Catholic Association formed in Ireland in 1823 with undertones of revolution unless Catholics were given the vote; Wellington was worried and asked Catholic emancipation in 1829. The Catholic Association became the model for pressure groups, such as the Birmingham Political Union and the Chartist movement. The Birmingham group was founded in 1829 by Thomas Attwood, a banker who was devoted to monetary reform. He organized large scale outdoor rallies that demanded political reforms but promised to use peaceful methods only. It faded away after the Reform Act of 1832 was passed.^[5] The Chartists seemingly has the potential, and the government was ready with military force to suppress an insurrection in April 1848, but the demonstrations were peaceful and much smaller than expected; Chartism faded away peacefully/^[6]

Britain itself never had an attempted revolution in the 19th century. Élie Halévy, the historian of 19th century Britain, convinced many historians with his argument that the rapid spread of the Methodist movement absorbed much of the revolutionary mood among the working classes, and directed it into religiosity. The Methodist church was politically conservative, but a trained generations of working-class young man and to the techniques of organization and leadership, which in turn played a major role in strengthening and building the trade union movement. Union activists, however, focused on specific goals in terms of representation, wages and working conditions for their membership, and never tried to overthrow the capitalist system in Britain.^[7]^[8]

Topics

Young

Young, G. M. "Mid-Victorianism." History Today. Jan1951, Vol. 1 Issue 1, p11-17. 7p. Historical Period: ca 1846 to ca 1874. Abstract: The article describes British intellectual life, politics, and culture during the mid-Victorian period. Some of the notable Parliamentary legislation considered includes Fielden's Factory Bill of 1847, the repeal of the Corn Laws in the 1840s, and election reform laws. Social movements detailed include Tractarianism, Chartism, food safety reforms proposed by Arthur Hassal, and the educational reforms initiated by English educator Thomas Arnold. Notable authors mentioned include naturalist Charles Darwin, social commentator and novelist Charles Dickens, and Scottish satirist and essayist Thomas Carlyle. (AN: 74642686)

Education

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WEST Education and the state: A study in political economy (1965, rev ed 1994) West, Edwin G. "Education and the state: A study in political economy." (1994). EG West - 1994 - ecsocman.hse.ru … West demonstrates that by the Foster Act of 1870 the state system of education was superimposed over successful private efforts, thereby suppressing an emerging and increasingly robust structure of private, voluntary and competitive education funded by families, churches … Cited by 254 Related articles

Middleton, Nigel. "The Education Act of 1870 as the Start of the Modern Concept of the Child." British Journal of Educational Studies 18.2 (1970): 166-179. The Education Act of 1870 has long been seen as a milestone in educational development, but recent commentators have stressed that it brought neither free nor compulsory education, and its importance has thus tended to be diminished rather than increased. -- Defending the Faith through Education: The Catholic Case for Parental and Civil Rights in Victorian Britain. Academic Journal

By: Tenbus, Eric G. History of Education Quarterly. Fall2008, Vol. 48 Issue 3, p432-451. 20p. Historical Period: 1844 to 1892. Abstract: Cardinal Archbishop Henry Edward Manning (1808-92) articulated a rhetoric for Catholic education that united Roman Catholics in Great Britain in a campaign to protect the rights of a religious minority. Manning voiced concern about increasing secularism in society and in education and maintained that parents, not the state, had the primary role in educating children. If parents needed help, the Church had a divinely appointed responsibility for providing assistance in its pastoral role. Manning and others sought a share of the public support for schools, which became possible in 1847. In 1870, tax support for board schools but not Catholic schools called forth the argument that such discrimination threatened civil liberties by reducing freedom of choice in education. Perceived dangers from proselytism by Protestants, continuing secularism, and apostasy made advocacy for Catholic education a continuing theme. DOI: 10.1111/j.1748-5959.2008.00158.x. (AN: 33246371) Subjects: England; Great Britain; Catholic Church; Doctrinal theology; Church & education; Universities & colleges -- Religion; Religion & state; Proselytizing; Secularism; Christian education; Educational planning; Church & state; Civil rights; Education; Manning, Henry Edward, 1808-1892 Cited References: (52) Linked Full Text

"We Fight for the Cause of God": English Catholics, the Education of the Poor, and the Transformation of Catholic Identity in Victorian Britain. Academic Journal

By: Tenbus, Eric G. Journal of British Studies. Oct2007, Vol. 46 Issue 4, p861-883. 23p. Historical Period: 1840 to 1902. Abstract: When the Catholic Church entered the English educational system in 1847, English Catholics were a politically timid group that was split between old Catholic gentry, Oxford Movement converts, and Irish immigrants. Catholics had been an isolated group in England, and many were opposed to entering the government education system, even though many poor Catholics had previously been left with no educational opportunities whatsoever. At the same time, most Catholic members of Parliament, who were nearly all Irish, were preoccupied with specifically Irish issues, to the detriment of education. Catholics began to assert themselves as a group in educational matters as the Catholic clergy, laity, and press were galvanized in the struggle over the Education Act of 1870. A lack of unity over education issues persisted to nearly the end of the 19th century, but by 1902 Catholics generally supported the positions of the hierarchy in education policy, including the high priority placed on education for the poor. The debates over education were crucial to the transformation of English Catholic identity, from an isolated and quiescent group to an assertive political force. (AN: 26683657) Subjects: Great Britain; England; English Catholics; Religious communities; Sects; Catholic identity; Identification (Religion); Religion & social status; Poor people; Education; Catholics; Education policy PDF Full Text (138KB) --\ PDF Full Text (114KB) 5. THE EDUCATION OF CATHOLICS FROM THE ACT OF UNIFORMITY TO THE CATHOLIC RELIEF ACTS. Periodical

By: Holt, Geoffrey. Recusant History. May2005, Vol. 27 Issue 3, p346-358. 13p. Historical Period: 1559 to 1791. Abstract: Discusses the education available to English Catholic boys and girls at home and abroad between 1559 and the Catholic Relief Acts of 1778 and 1791, showing how it depended on the irregular enforcement of the penal laws and on the determination of recusants to provide a Catholic education for their children, whatever the cost. (AN: 17351830) Subjects: Great Britain; England; Education; Catholics -- Great Britain; Criminal law; Higher education; Catholics

Check SFX 12. Anti-Catholicism in Germany, Britain, and the United States: A Review and Critique of Recent Scholarship. Academic Journal

By: Drury, Marjule Anne. Church History. Mar2001, Vol. 70 Issue 1, p98. 34p. Historical Period: 1700 to 1999. Abstract: Reviews 1980's-90's scholarship exploring cultural anti-Catholicism from the 18th to the early 20th century. The article first analyzes Protestant political, economic, intellectual, and cultural critiques of Catholicism in Great Britain and the United States. It then explores political and cultural issues of religion and confessional antagonism in imperial Germany. The final section suggests that anti-Catholic views were not merely the result of self-righteous anti-Catholics; some anti-Catholic claims may be legitimated by statistics showing Catholics to have been less educated and less prosperous than their Protestant contemporaries. While Catholic intellectuals attributed this disparity to discrimination, their subsequent exhortations to raise the Catholic work ethic show implicit agreement with the Protestant critiques. (AN: 4314529) Subjects: United States; Great Britain; Germany; Anti-Catholicism; Religion; Christian union; Protestantism; Work ethic; Protestants; Historiography; Education

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Check SFX 20. THE SOCIAL CLASSES ATTENDING CHRISTIAN BROTHERS SCHOOLS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Academic Journal

By: Coldrey, Barry. British Journal of Educational Studies. Feb90, Vol. 38 Issue 1, p63-79. 17p. Historical Period: 1800 to 1809. Abstract: Analyzes the charge that by the middle of the 19th century Ireland's Christian Brothers' schools had all but abandoned their charge to provide education for the poor, and instead, were providing education for the middle classes. The significant numbers of middle-class students in Christian Brothers' schools was the result of the Irish Catholic hierarchy's directive that Catholic youth must attend Catholic schools, not national or model schools (which were Protestant dominated) as well as the high quality of education provided by the Christian Brothers. (AN: 13062587) Subjects: Ireland; Christian Brothers; Catholic Church; Catholic children; Social history; Social classes; Brothers (Religious); Education; Parents; Catholics; Schools; Boys

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THE CHURCH, EDUCATION AND CONTROL OF THE STATE IN IRELAND. Academic Journal

By: Ryan, Patricia Twomey. Eire-Ireland. Fall1987, Vol. 22 Issue 3, p92-114. 23p. Historical Period: 1800 to 1999. Abstract: Traces the course of events by which the Catholic Church authorities in Ireland established influence over, and eventually control of, the Irish National School System. This close relationship of Church and educational institutions has had a powerful effect on the Irish political state. (AN: 46467949) Subjects: Ireland; Catholic Church; Church & state; Education

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27. TOWARDS RELIGIOUS EQUALITY FOR CATHOLIC PAUPER CHILDREN, 1861-68. Academic Journal

By: Matthew, J. British Journal of Educational Studies. Jun83, Vol. 31 Issue 2, p141-153. 13p. Historical Period: 1861 to 1868. Abstract: Outlines the problems and seven-year battle faced by Catholic leadership in translating the 1861 recommendations of the Select Committee on the Administration of Poor Relief into effective legislation. Until 1868, in spite of prior "permissive" legislation allowing otherwise, English Catholic pauper children continued to be educated as members of the established church in workhouses and Poor Law Schools. (AN: 13149735)

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SCHOOL OR CLOISTER? AN ENGLISH EDUCATIONAL DILEMMA, 1794-1889. Academic Journal

By: McClelland, V. A. Paedagogica Historica. Feb1980, Vol. 20 Issue 1, p108-128. 21p. Historical Period: 1794 to 1889. Abstract: Outlines the efforts of the Old Catholics - those who were descended from the survivors of penal days and who had, with occasional lapses, preserved the pre-Reformation allegiance intact - to retain their identity and influence as a social unit within English Catholicism in the 19th century. Particular attention is paid to the plan formulated at a meeting of the Cisalpine Club in 1793 to establish a special school for Catholic laity. The scheme illustrates the desire of the Catholic aristocracy not only to have an exclusive education for their sons but also to be free of episcopal surveillance. The author shows how the plan clashed with the objectives of Bishop Thomas Talbot, who was determined to open a small seminary for the education of Church students in the Midland District. Reference is made to the resultant compromise, the establishment of a school at Oscott near Birmingham, the foundation of the Oratory School in 1859, and the opening of a school at Woburn by the eccentric William Petre in August 1877. (AN: 46365174)

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41. THE PROTESTANT ASSOCIATION AND THE ANTI-MAYNOOTH AGITATION OF 1845. Academic Journal

By: Cahill, Gilbert A. Catholic Historical Review. Jul1957, Vol. 43 Issue 3, p273-308. 36p. Historical Period: 1845. Abstract: A description of the role played by the Protestant Association in opposition to Sir Robert Peel's bill for a financial grant to Saint Patrick's College, Maynooth, and the consequent "No-Property" agitation that arose in England. (AN: 46337911) Subjects: Ireland; Great Britain; Education; Anti-Catholicism

Add to folder Check SFX 42. MIXED EDUCATION AND THE SYNOD OF ULSTER, 1831-40. Academic Journal

By: Ó Raifeartaigh, T. Irish Historical Studies. May1955, Vol. 9 Issue 35, p281-299. 19p. Historical Period: 1831 to 1840. Abstract: Discusses the principle of "mixed" education (i.e., education of pupils of different religious denominations) in the state-supported Irish schools, and the attitude toward it shown by Roman Catholics, the Established (Anglican) Church, and the Presbyterians. All three denominations were distrustful, many denominational schools withdrawing from any connection with the national board of education, thereby sacrificing support from public funds. In 1840, however, an agreement was reached between the board and the Presbyterian Synod of Ulster, whereby in certain cases Presbyterian schools were granted national aid without guaranteeing the maintenance of mixed education. The author regards this step as "the first official breach" of the safeguards for Catholic children laid down in 1831. (AN: 46584764) Subjects: Ireland; Religion -- History; Church history; Education; Church & state

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National schools and British Schools

Prior to the nineteenth century, there were few schools. Most of those that existed were run by church authorities and stressed religious education.^[9] The Church of England resisted early attempts for the state to provide secular education.^[10] In 1811, the Anglican National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church in England and Wales was established. Historically, the schools founded by the National Society were called National Schools (still an integral part of the state school system). The Protestant non-conformist, non-denominational, or "British schools" were founded by Society for Promoting the Lancasterian System for the Education of the Poor, an organisation formed in 1808 by Joseph Fox, William Allen and Samuel Whitbread and supported by several evangelical and non-conformist Christians.^[11]

In 1814, compulsory apprenticeship by indenture was abolished. By 1831, Sunday School in Great Britain was ministering weekly to 1,250,000 children, approximately 25% of the population. As these schools preceded the first state funding of schools for the common public, they are sometimes seen as a forerunner to the current English school system.

Ragged schools

In 1818, John Pounds, known as the crippled cobbler, set up a school and began teaching poor children reading, writing, and arithmetic without charging fees.^[12]

In 1820, Samuel Wilderspin opened the first infant school in Spitalfields.

After John Pounds' death in 1839 Thomas Guthrie wrote Plea for Ragged Schools and started a ragged school in Edinburgh, another one was started in Aberdeen. In 1844 Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury formed the 'Ragged School Union' dedicated to the free education of destitute children and over the next eight years over 200 free schools for poor children were established in Britain.^[12] with some 300,000 children passing through the London Ragged Schools alone between 1844 and 1881.^[13]

Over 95% of children of elementary school age were already enrolled in schools well before it was made compulsory and free.

Government involvement

In August 1833, Parliament voted sums of money each year for the construction of schools for poor children, the first time the state had become involved with education in England and Wales (whereas a programme for universal education in Scotland had been initiated in the seventeenth century). A meeting in Manchester in 1837, chaired by Mark Philips, led to the creation of the Lancashire Public Schools' Association. The association proposed that non-denominational schools should be funded from local taxes. Also 1837, the Whig former Lord Chancellor Henry Brougham presented a bill for public education.^[14]

In 1839 government grants for the construction and maintenance of schools were switched to voluntary bodies, and became conditional on a satisfactory inspection.

In 1840 the Grammar Schools Act expanded the Grammar School curriculum from classical studies to include science and literature. In 1861 the Royal Commission on the state of popular education in England, chaired by the Duke of Newcastle, reported "The number of children whose names ought [in summer 1858 in England and Wales] to have been on the school books, in order that all might receive some education, was 2,655,767. The number we found to be actually on the books was 2,535,462, thus leaving 120,305 children without any school instruction whatever."^[15]

In fee-paying public schools, important reforms were initiated by Thomas Arnold in Rugby.^{[clarification needed]}^{[citation needed]}

The Forster Act of 1870

William Forster's Elementary Education Act 1870^[16] required partially state-funded board schools to be set up to provide primary (elementary) education in areas where existing provision was inadequate. Board schools were managed by elected school boards. The schools remained fee-charging, but poor parents could be exempted. The previous government grant scheme established in 1833 ended on 31 December 1870.

The Act meant that compulsory attendance at school ceased to be a matter for local option, as children had to attend between the ages of 5 and 10, with exceptions such as illness, if children worked, or lived too far from a school. The Act empowered school boards to make byelaws for educating children between the ages of 5 and 13 but exempted any child aged over 10 who had reached the expected standard (which varied by board).^[17]

Introduction of compulsory education 1880

The Elementary Education Act 1880 insisted on compulsory attendance from 5 to 10 years.^[18] For poorer families, ensuring their children attended school proved difficult, as it was more tempting to send them working if the opportunity to earn an extra income was available. Attendance officers often visited the homes of children who failed to attend school, which often proved to be ineffective. Children under the age of 13 who were employed were required to have a certificate to show they had reached the educational standard. Employers of these children who weren't able to show this were penalised.^[19] An act brought into force thirteen years later went under the name of the "Elementary Education (School Attendance) Act 1893", which stated a raised minimum leaving age to 11. Later the same year, the act was also extended for blind and deaf children, who previously had no means of an official education. This act was later amended in 1899 to raise the school leaving age up to 12 years of age.^[19]^[20]

The 1891 Elementary Education Act provided for the state payment of school fees up to ten shillings per head.

The Elementary Education (School Attendance) Act 1893 raised the school leaving age to 11 and later to 13. The Elementary Education (Blind and Deaf Children) Act of the same year extended compulsory education to blind and deaf children, and made provision for the creation of special schools.

The Voluntary Schools Act 1897 provided grants to public elementary schools not funded by school boards (typically Church schools).

In the late Victorian period grammar schools were reorganised and their curriculum was modernised, although Latin was still taught.^{[clarification needed]}^{[citation needed]}

Funding of technical colleges

In 1889, the "Technical Institutes Act" was passed. According to D. Evans, "It gave powers to the County Councils and the Urban Sanitary Authorities to levy a penny tax to support technical and manual instruction. The curricula in technical institutions also had to be approved by the Science and Art Department. In the following year the Local Taxation Act introduced the 'whiskey tax', which made extra money available for technical instruction."^[21]

From April 1900 higher elementary schools were recognised, providing education from the age of 10 to 15.

History of education in England

wikipedia

2.1 Sunday School Movement

3 Nineteenth century
3.1 National schools and British Schools 3.2 Ragged schools 3.3 Government involvement
3.4 The Forster Act of 1870 3.5 Introduction of compulsory education 1880 3.6 Funding of technical colleges
4 Balfour and Local Education Authorities; 4.1 Balfour Act of 1902; 4.2 The Fisher Act of 1918; 4.3 Spens and Norwood reports
5 1944: Butler and the tripartite system

Education act of 1902-- articles

Ottewill, Roger, "'Education, education, education': researching the 1902 Education Act," Local Historian (2007) 37#4 pp 258-272. 15p. re 1902 to 2007. Abstract: The Education Act of 1902 was one of the most important and far-reaching pieces of legislation in the Edwardian era, as it ended the divide between voluntary schools, which were largely administered by the Church of England, and schools provided and run by elected school boards. Its introduction, however, led to clashes between the Unionist government representing Anglicans and the Liberals who had the support of nonconformists. The article also surveys source material about the act, suggests possible future areas of research, and draws parallels between the 1902 act and the establishment of faith-based schools in modern Britain. (AN: 27800529)

Munson, J. E. B. "The Unionist coalition and education, 1895-1902." Historical Journal (1977), 20#3 pp 607-645. 39p. Historical Period: 1895 to 1902. Abstract: Examines complicated problems of Tory education policy, the Unionists' coalition government of 1895, and the state of education in Britain at the end of the 19th century. Public opinion and political exigencies were balanced against educational needs in the parliamentary infighting leading up to the Education Act of 1902. Sir Robert Morant, The Act's supposed author, is put in the background by the political struggle which included many of the best known Unionist leaders, including Lord Salisbury, the Duke of Devonshire, Arthur Balfour, and Joseph Chamberlain.

Pugh, D. R. "Wesleyan Methodism and the education crisis of 1902," British Journal of Educational Studies (1988) 36#3 pp 232-249. 18p. Historical Period: 1902. Abstract: Outlines the controversies dividing Wesleyan Methodism prior to the passage of the British Education Act of 1902, which provided for equal tax support for denominational and public elementary schools and their administration by Local Education Authorities. At issue were questions of additional funds for Anglican schools, which dominated rural elementary education (and which were regarded with suspicion by some Nonconformists), the replacement of elected school boards by Local Education Authorities, and, on the other hand, the prospect of creating Wesleyan schools in districts where only Anglican schools then existed.

Taylor, Tony. "Lord Cranborne, The Church Party And Anglican Education 1893-1902: From Politics To Pressure," History of Education (1993), Vol. 22 Issue 2, p125-146. 22p. Historical Period: 1893 to 1902. Abstract: The Church Party, a group of Tory Members of Parliament devoted to the Church of England, played an influential part in the shaping of Tory educational policy at the turn of the century. The article revises the prevailing view of the origins of the 1902 Education Act, which should really be called the Church Party Act of 1902. The Church Party, under the leadership of Lord Cranborne, the 4th Marquis of Salisbury, strongly opposed the spread of secularism in education. With John Gilbert Talbot, Cranborne and the party fought the Education Department and the radical Arthur Acland from March 1894. The Church Party effectively blocked the Education Department's attempts to hinder the growth of Anglican schools. It also successfully exerted pressure in 1897 over the Voluntary Schools Act, an interim measure, and pressed the government for long-term legislation in 1897-1901. The 1902 Education Act was a major victory

Platten, Stephen G. The Conflict Over The Control Of Elementary Education 1870-1902 And Its Effect Upon The Life And Influence Of The Church. British Journal of Educational Studies. Oct75, Vol. 23 Issue 3, p276-302. 27p. Historical Period: 1870 to 1902. Abstract: Describes the efforts of the Anglican voluntary schools to survive while in competition with non-denominational Board Schools, from the Education Act of 1870 to that of 1902. Asserts that the increasing restriction of the Church of England's role in elementary education during the late 19th century was an effect of the growing secularization of society. Based on Minutes of Evidence and Reports of Royal Commissions of Inquiry, 'Hansard,' and other Parliamentary and official papers; 85 notes. (AN: 13114307)

Pugh, D. R. "The 1902 Education Act: The Search For A Compromise." British Journal of Educational Studies Jun1968, Vol. 16 Issue 2, p164-178. 15p. Historical Period: 1902. Abstract: The battle between the Church and Nonconformists over the 1902 Education Act obscured but did not destroy much real harmony over the religious issues in education in many parts of England. Moderates sought a compromise at the national level, and both Anglican and Nonconformist clerics used the correspondence columns of 'The Times' as a vehicle for their suggestions. A vocal minority of Unionist Members of Parliament (many relying on a Nonconformist vote) also pressed for concessions. However, compromise in 1902 was doomed. The "compromisers" had insufficient common ground, and Prime Minister Arthur James Balfour and the government were determined to stand by the Voluntary School interests at all costs.

Pugh, D. R. "The Church And Education: Anglican Attitudes 1902." Journal of Ecclesiastical History. Jul1972, Vol. 23 Issue 3, p219-232. 14p. Historical Period: 1902. Abstract: Examines the broad spectrum of opinion expressed by different groups within the Church of England toward Balfour's Education Bill of 1902. By providing for public support of denominational schools this bill promised to relieve the church of the double burden of maintaining its own schools while paying education rates. But within the Church of England, apprehensions were voiced over: 1) the prospect of inculcating Anglo-Catholic tenets; 2) the damage likely to be done to relations with the Nonconformists; and 3) the limited degree of public representation on the management boards of the church schools. There were also angry speeches against Nonconformist opposition to spending public money on religious education. The addition of an amendment to place religious instruction in church schools under the control of the management boards as a whole (rather than confiding it to the church representatives) precipitated a torrent of criticism. Notwithstanding all this, the bill was passed, and its principles have prevailed ever since. 66 notes. (AN: 46332714)

Betts, Robin. "Dr. Macnamara And The Education Act Of 1902." Journal of Educational Administration & History Sep1993, Vol. 25 Issue 2, p111-121. 11p. Historical Period: 1890 to 1903. Abstract: Examines the impact of Liberal Member of Parliament T. J. Macnamara in supporting British educational reform and in promoting the passage of the Education Act of 1902, which reformed local authority over elementary and secondary schools and provided greater educational access for all social classes.

Simpson, Linda. Imperialism, National Efficiency And Education, 1900-1905. Journal of Educational Administration & History. Apr1984, Vol. 16 Issue 1, p28-36. 9p. Historical Period: 1900 to 1905. Abstract: Discusses the national debates about education and educational efficiency that stemmed from Great Britain's unprecedented and unexpected national humiliation in the Boer War against the South African republics. (AN: 46130328)

Tenbus, Eric G. "'We Fight for the Cause of God': English Catholics, the Education of the Poor, and the Transformation of Catholic Identity in Victorian Britain." Journal of British Studies. Oct2007, Vol. 46 Issue 4, p861-883. 23p. Historical Period: 1840 to 1902. Abstract: When the Catholic Church entered the English educational system in 1847, English Catholics were a politically timid group that was split between old Catholic gentry, Oxford Movement converts, and Irish immigrants. Catholics had been an isolated group in England, and many were opposed to entering the government education system, even though many poor Catholics had previously been left with no educational opportunities whatsoever. At the same time, most Catholic members of Parliament, who were nearly all Irish, were preoccupied with specifically Irish issues, to the detriment of education. Catholics began to assert themselves as a group in educational matters as the Catholic clergy, laity, and press were galvanized in the struggle over the Education Act of 1870. A lack of unity over education issues persisted to nearly the end of the 19th century, but by 1902 Catholics generally supported the positions of the hierarchy in education policy, including the high priority placed on education for the poor. The debates over education were crucial to the transformation of English Catholic identity, from an isolated and quiescent group to an assertive political force.

Bland, Joan. "The Impact Of Government On Catholic Education In England, 1870-1902." Catholic Historical Review. Jan1976, Vol. 62 Issue 1, p36-55. 20p. Historical Period: 1870 to 1902. Abstract: Studies the English Catholic experience between the Education Acts of 1870 and 1902. The Gladstone Ministry, 1868-74, undertook to make elementary education universal in England by increasing government support of "voluntary" (religious) schools and inaugurating a nonsectarian public system to complement them. Although a small minority consisting largely of poor Irish immigrants, the English Catholics were fairly treated. Public money and helpful supervision enabled them to enlarge their numbers and improve their secular instruction, and they were free to impart religious instruction without state interference. (AN: 46470575)

Armytage, W. H. G. "Issues At Stake: The Biosocial Background Of The 1902 Education Act." History of Education. May1981, Vol. 10 Issue 3, p183-194. 12p. Historical Period: 1880 to 1908. Abstract: The movement to reverse the moral decline in family life and a falling birth rate resulted in the 1902 Education Act. The Eugenics Education Society was founded in 1908 to spread the ideas of Francis Galton, a scientist who believed that if the population were regulated the genetic level of successive generations could be raised. Other proponents of these ideas were R. Ussher, Sidney Webb, and Beatrice Webb. New interest in child study resulted in the establishment of the British Child Study Association in the 1890's. (AN: 46417131)

Subjects: GREAT Britain; POPULATION; GALTON, Francis, Sir, 1822-1911 Add to folder

Honeycutt, Dwight A. "Motivations of a political activist: John Clifford and the Education Bill of 1902." Journal of Church & State. Winter90, Vol. 32 Issue 1, p81. 16p. Historical Period: 1902. Abstract: John Clifford's opposition to the Education Bill of 1902 was based in his theological view of man, authority, church, and state. The author discusses these theologies and their contribution to his motivation in opposing the bill. Clifford, head of the Baptist Union from 1888 and longtime leader in directing religious attention to social problems, feared that the Anglican Church would gain more power through the bill, thus bringing church and state closer. (AN: 9604243421)

HTML Full Text

Daglish, N. D. "A 'Difficult And Somewhat Thankless Task': Politics, Religion And The Education Bill Of 1908. Journal of Educational Administration & History. Apr1999, Vol. 31 Issue 1, p19-35. 17p. Historical Period: 1902 to 1908. Abstract: The 1906 Liberal Party electoral victory in Britain is viewed by many as the result of discontent with the Education Act (1902), which provided money to support denominational religious instruction in voluntary elementary schools, owned primarily by the Church of England and Roman Catholics. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's government faced the challenge of placating Nonconformists, who opposed the 1902 act and supported the Liberals, while not allowing them to dominate Liberal policymaking. Campbell-Bannerman resigned in 1908 and was replaced by Herbert Henry Asquith. The author details the negotiations among education, political, and religious authorities about provisions to be included in the 1908 education bill for school funding, control by local education authorities, contracting out schooling, and rights of entry. Negotiations ultimately failed, largely because financial provisions were not included in the bill, so the 1902 act remained in force despite strong resistance to it.

Taylor, Tony. Arthur Balfour and educational change: The myth revisited. British Journal of Educational Studies. Jun94, Vol. 42 Issue 2, p133. 17p. Historical Period: 1895 to 1902. Abstract: The 1902 Education Act, commonly called Balfour's Act, has shaped the course of secondary schooling in England and Wales since. Although Arthur James Balfour has been credited with initiating the bill and steering it through Parliament, it was a matter of expediency, as he was not really interested in education. (AN

Hinchliff, Peter. "Archbishop Frederick Temple And The Reform Of Education." Anglican & Episcopal History. Sep1994, Vol. 63 Issue 3, p314-333. 20p. Historical Period: 1840 to 1902. Abstract: Frederick Temple, archbishop of Canterbury from 1896 to 1902, was highly influential in educational reform in Great Britain during the second half of the 19th century. Much of his thought on education was formed while he was headmaster of Kneller Hall, a training college for teachers from very underprivileged sections of society, from 1849 to 1858. Believing that the lower and middle classes lacked education because the schools did not know what to teach them and parents had no criteria for choosing a school, he was instrumental in setting up the modern system for establishing curriculum and examination boards. He thought that the immersion of children in a refined environment was more important to education than the passing of information, though he strongly supported teaching science and mathematics. His view of the debate concerning religious education raging at the time was that individuals rather than denominations should be guaranteed religious freedom. His thinking shifted through his career, and much of his writing expressed the decision of a group rather than his personal opinion.

Religious Controversy And The School Boards 1870-1902.

By: Richards, N. J. British Journal of Educational Studies. Jun1970, Vol. 18 Issue 2, p180-196. 17p. Historical Period: 1870 to 1902. Abstract: From their creation in 1870 to their abolition in 1902, the school boards became a focus for hostility between Nonconformists and the Established Church, most significantly in the Nonconformist struggle to achieve religious equality. Analysis of school board elections shows occasional bitter contests. Most large towns saw fights over the creation of school boards as against dependence on voluntary denominational schools. Nonconformists opposed denominational schools' receiving rate-aid until the responsibility for aiding children of poor parents was transferred to the poor law guardian in 1876. Religious instruction was a further source of contention. Concludes that "board schools in general did represent an improvement over denominational schools in the direction of religious equality." Based on printed and secondary sources and contemporary newspapers. (AN: 19013841)

The Education Bill Of 1906 And The Decline Of Political Nonconformity.

By: Richards, Noel J. Journal of Ecclesiastical History. Jan1972, Vol. 23 Issue 1, p49-63. 15p. Historical Period: 1902 to 1906. Abstract: Traces the decline of religious nonconformity as a political force to the failure of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's Liberal Government to drastically revise the Education Act of 1902. That act was believed to favor Anglican schools, and its amendment was the object of Augustine Birrell's Education Bill of 1906, which would have denied state aid to Protestant schools offering denominational religious instruction. Although overwhelmingly passed by the Commons, the bill was emasculated in the Lords. The progress of the measure revealed differences between the Nonconformists and other supporters of the government, such as Irish Nationalists and Socialists. When the cabinet showed a willingness to make concessions to the Anglicans, Nonconformist leaders denounced any compromise. In December 1906 Campbell-Bannerman withdrew the bill, and political nonconformity fell. Based on printed original and secondary authorities; 79 notes. (AN: 46113640)

Lloyd George's Education Bill? Planning the 1906 Education Bill.

By: Daglish, Neil D. History of Education. Dec94, Vol. 23 Issue 4, p375. 10p. Historical Period: 1902 to 1906. Abstract: An analysis of the 1906 Birrell Bill, one of the major pieces of education legislation in 20th-century England, and its failure. The 1902 Education Act passed by Balfour's government had generated serious educational and political consequences unforeseen by its author. Augustine Birrell was appointed president of the Board of Education in the 1905 Campbell-Bannerman government, and, in the face of persistent Nonconformist pressure for education reform, expressed the opinion that "resolution of the religious question must precede education reform." Birrell and David Lloyd George were both appointed to the education committee of the 1905 government, and issues of denominational instruction dominated their meetings. Lloyd George played a significant role in the planning of the 1906 bill, and it was this that strengthened his resolve when prime minister to ensure the success of the 1918 Education Act.

The Religious Education Dilemma.

By: Payne, Ernest A. Baptist Quarterly. Oct1970, Vol. 23 Issue 8, p360-376. 17p. Historical Period: 1780 to 1970. Abstract: Discusses English education from 1780 to the present and the controversy over the type of religious education to be offered. Although most disputants favored each group's teaching its own views in separate schools, some schools were set up with nonsectarian religious curricula. Before 1870 church and private sponsorship were the basis for both elementary and secondary education. Following the defeat of the Roebuck Bill in 1833, Nonconformists objected to state support of education since the Anglican schools received the bulk of funds. A new period began in 1870 with the passage of the Education Act, which doubled the grants to denominational schools but required that certain standards be met. The act also provided that schools be controlled by local boards. Nonconformists objected to religious instruction under the boards' control since these boards were elected by the vestries and town councils. Changes in 1902 inspired Nonconformists to passive resistance and the controversy over the dual school system persisted to 1944. The author summarizes the Act of 1944 and the problem of religious education in the postwar years. (AN:

The Birrell Education Bill Of 1906. By: Pattison, R. Journal of Educational Administration & History. Oct1973, Vol. 5 Issue 12, p34-41. 8p. Historical Period: 1906. Abstract: Examines the reasons for the failure of Augustine Birrell's (1850-1933) proposed Education Bill (1906), which was an attempt to remedy by legislation the dissatisfaction felt by Liberals and Nonconformists with the Conservative Party's Education Act (1902). (AN: 46314469)

Planning The Education Bill Of 1896. By: Daglish, N. D. History of Education. Mar1987, Vol. 16 Issue 2, p91-104. 14p. Historical Period: 1896. Abstract: Examines planning stages of the unsuccessful 1896 Education Bill, which provoked fierce opposition, chiefly through its proposal to undermine school board autonomy by the establishment of a "paramount education authority" in every county. Its contents anticipated those of the second bill of 1902, which Arthur A. Balfour maneuvered into law by drawing heavily on his experience from 1896.

ord Salisbury And The Politics Of Education. By: Taylor, Tony. Journal of Educational Administration & History. Sep1984, Vol. 16 Issue 2, p1-11. 11p. Historical Period: 1850 to 1902. Abstract: Discusses Lord Salisbury's educational philosophy, ca. 1850's-1902, and refers, for example, to his distrust of the Education Department, his support for free education, his hatred of secular public education, and his opposition to state interference in education. (

English Nonconformity, Education And Passive Resistance 1903-6. By: Pugh, D. R. History of Education. Jul1990, Vol. 19 Issue 4, p355-373. 19p. Historical Period: 1903 to 1906. Abstract: After the passage of the 1902 Balfour Education Act, tens of thousands of Nonconformists in England refused to pay the local tax that would primarily support the denominational schools of the Church of England. The resistance campaign focused attention on the courts, the sales of goods of those convicted in order to pay the tax, and the prisons, where a few protestors were incarcerated. Though both the resisters and their opponents believed they had a good chance of changing the law, political changes and the rise of other issues weakened their support in Parliament in 1906. Although the movement withered to insignificance, it persevered until the advent of World War I.

The Liberal Party And Patriotism In Early Twentieth Century Britain. By: Readman, Paul. Twentieth Century British History. Jul2001, Vol. 12 Issue 3, p269-302. 34p. Historical Period: 1900 to 1907. Abstract: While historians have extensively recognized the Conservative Party's appeals to patriotism, they have not extended the same recognition to Liberal Party articulations of patriotism in the early Edwardian period. Regarding the Education Bill of 1902, Liberals complained that it was actually more patriotic to promote religious freedom in public schools than to support denominational schools. Liberals also portrayed the tariff reform promoted by Conservatives as unpatriotic. Similarly, on land reform Liberals argued that it was patriotic to support rural quality of life issues. In general, Liberals felt that it was patriotic to pursue ideals that minimized class differences. (

"Bourne, Norfolk And The Irish Parliamentarians: Roman Catholics And The Education Bill Of 1906. By: McClelland, V. Alan. Recusant History. Oct1996, Vol. 23 Issue 2, p228-256. 29p. Historical Period: 1902 to 1906. Abstract: A careful examination of the Education Bill of 1902 by Francis Bourne resulted in an effort to effect changes in the Education Bill of 1906. Bourne was concerned that the position of British church schools had to be secured. He encountered significant opposition in the House of Lords. (AN: 46249915)

"The Denominational Schools' Issue In The Twentieth Century. By: Cruikshank, Marjorie. History of Education. Mar1972, Vol. 1 Issue 2, p200-213. 14p. Historical Period: 1902 to 1972. Abstract: Considers changes in the English dual system of educational administration in the 20th century. Although the voluntary sector has always been a strong, integral part of the system of public education, there has also existed a distinction between the financing of county and voluntary schools. Changes in the proportion of the cost to be borne by the voluntary bodies have resulted from changes in political, social, and economic conditions but the religious controversy which surrounded the 1902 Education Act has been overtaken by a growth in religious apathy. The author traces the decline in the number of pupils in Church of England schools and the increased number in those of the Catholic Church and notes increased emphasis on denominational teacher training. The English solution to denominational education is illogical but capable of responding to changing needs and circumstances. Primary and secondary sources; table, 20 notes.

"The Free Church M.P.s of the 1906 Parliament. By: Bebbington, D. W. Parliamentary History (Edinburgh University Press). Mar2005, Vol. 24 Issue 1, p136-150. 15p. Historical Period: 1906 to 1910. Abstract: Members of Parliament (MP's) belonging to Nonconformist denominations constituted nearly one-third of the 1906 House of Commons and overwhelmingly belonged to the Liberal Party majority. Although well-organized as the Nonconformist Parliamentary Committee and including many competent parliamentarians, they failed to overturn the hated Balfour Education Act (1902) and had few successes otherwise. A diverse and often fractious body, the Free Church MP's had little esprit de corps, poor leadership, and weak coordination with sympathetic extraparliamentary pressure groups and generally subordinated their loyalty to Nonconformity to allegiance to party and government. A body of MP's that had begun the Parliament with high hopes lost interest in Nonconformist causes as other issues seized public and Parliamentary attention

"'Tried as in a furnace': The National Union of Teachers" By: Betts, Robin. History of Education. Mar96, Vol. 25 Issue 1, p55. 17p. 4 Black and White Photographs. Historical Period: 1896 to 1903. Abstract: Serious divisions between voluntary and board school teachers over Sir John Gorst's unsuccessful Education Bill of 1896 threatened to destroy the National Union of Teachers. The union's leaders, with T. J. Macnamara playing the leading role, managed to reestablish unity in the years leading to the Education Act of 1902, which established the county authorities as units of local education administration, by concentrating on the issue of rural board schools and urging the government to introduce comprehensive legislation. Macnamara and other leading union figures opposed the abolition of the London School Board and, although the unity of the union had been secured, the question of education in London was to create new divisions in succeeding years.

Seaman, Victorian England 189-202

WIC education grant of 1833 allocates 20,000 pounds a year for construction of new schools by the two existing voluntary bodies.. Roebuck the radical propose the government should establish a national system of education. Church of England was totally opposed, fearinng there were three choices the church in control, the radicals and secularism, or radicals and nonconformance page 190 -- churches since 1833 grant to support Andrew Bell national Society for the education of the children of the poor and the principles of the Church of England, founded 1811.. By 1838 it'd built 700 schools with government aid. The grant system was a success for the Church of England. The 20,000 pounds was not enough. Prime Minister Milburn 1839 will raise the grant to 30,000 pounds but it they have to report to the committee of the privy Council – state control. Melbourne also proposed a national normal college for school teachers. Peel and Gladstone blocked Melbourne's plan. Nonconformance did not want a normal college either,, fearing it would have an Anglican chaplain. Secularists were opposed. And voluntary guests were opposed to any new state involvement in education. The factory build 1843 required textile factories to provide three hours of schooling a day, with the government helping witth the building, and the maintenance paid by the local port rate. The church in wanted Anglican nominated by the Bishop of those abandoned Newcastle commission 1858 the National Society claim 1.2 million out of the total 1.6 million students, with a small British Society have had hundred 50,000 Catholics at 86,000 the Wesleyan's at 60,000, the Congregationalists at 35,000 obviously the established church in Don and much more effective job. Page 192 1846 the Russell government gives grants for maintenance of society schools as well as construction. Money extended to Roman Catholic poor School Committee.Page 193 1852 few children getting to little schooling, it government spending was growing out of control. 1858 Derby sets of Newcastle Commission, which issued a report in 1861. IIt said 2.2 5 million children of the poor classes were receiving elementary instruction – as high a proportion as could be expected. But only a fourth of the kids received a good education. Page 193 only one child in five state beyond the age of 10. One and three attended less than 100 days a year. Page 194 Robert Lowe1861 introduces standards – payment by results system, designed to keep the cost down. At the time and ever since that cost-efficient scheme has been condemned. Resources spread thinly by using monitors of older children teaching younger ones, one monitor per 20 kids. Semen actually likes the system page 195 the system reached the upper sectors of the working class, but not the lower levels page 196 solution to extract extend the reach was the Forrester 1870 bill to fill the. England and Wales divided into districts with an elected school board, each could levy in education rate to supplement the government grant, the voluntary subscriptions, and parental fees. Page 197 the issue was religion – thee Anglicans as an established church wanted to teach its doctrines. Ordained Anglican priests are excluded from the school boards, but a Methodist lay preacher was not. Nonconformists objected to money going to the Anglicans school boards were energetic and ambitious page 197. Expenses rose. 18 7600 Israeli illegal compulsion on parents for efficient elementary instruction, forbids the employment of children under age 10. Gladstone 1880 compels school attendance age 5 to 10, restricts when a student could leave school between 10 and 14. What was missing was free education – and plenty of these of the parents. Palmerston moves into secondary education with the Clarendon commission 1861 and 1864 the Taunton commission

Bibl

Barnard, H.C. A History of English Education (1961). since 1860 online
Curtis, S.J. (1965). History of education in Great Britain. University Tutorial Press.
Dent, H.C. 1870-1970 Century of Growth in English Education (1970).
Halevy, Elie (1951). History of the English People in the 19th Century: Imperialism & Rise of Labour. Vol 5. pp. 139–210.
Halevy, Elie (1952). History of the English People in the 19th Century: Rule of Democracy 1905-1914. Book 1. Vol 6. pp. 64–93.
Jarman, T.L. Landmarks In The History Of Education: English Education As Part Of The European Tradition (1951) copied

Publication date 1951

Lawson, John; Harold Silver (1973). A social history of education in England. Methuen.
Lawton, Denis. Education and Labour Party Ideologies, 1900-2001 and Beyond (2004) online
McCulloch, Gary. The Struggle for the History of Education (2011), Focus on Britain excerpt; Chapter 1 covers historiography.
McCulloch, Gary. Historical Research in Educational Settings (2000); textbook on how to write British educational history. excerpt; Good bibliography
Mitch, David. "Schooling for all via financing by some: perspectives from early modern and Victorian England." Paedagogica Historica 52.4 (2016): 325-348.
Sanderson, Michael. Education and Economic Decline in Britain, 1870 to the 1990s (New Studies in Economic and Social History) (1999)
Stephens, W. B. Education in Britain 1750-1914 (1999)
Sturt, Mary. The education of the people: A history of primary education in England and Wales in the nineteenth century (1967)
Wardle, David. English popular education 1780-1970 (Cambridge UP, 1970)
Woodward, Llewellyn. The Age of Reform 1815–1870 (2nd edn., 1962) pp 474-501.

Education Acts Cannon: 326

Education Acts. Starting in the 19th cent., a series of Education Acts have signalled the reform and reorganization of all aspects of education. Many of the Acts are named after the statesmen who introduced them. The 1870 Act, steered through Parliament by the Liberal W. E. *Forster, was intended to establish a system of efficient elementary schools in England and Wales. Locally elected school boards were to provide schools where there was a deficiency by the denominational bodies, who had previously been the sole providers. This Act was the beginning of the so-called 'dual system' which still exists. The 1880 Act, introduced by the Liberal A. J. Mundella, imposed universal compulsory schooling, making education obligatory for the majority of children under the age of 10.

The 1902 Act, the work of the Conservative A. J. *Balfour, set up a co-ordinated national system of education, administered by a central Board of Education. School boards were abolished and replaced by local education authorities, consisting of elected councils of counties, county boroughs, boroughs, and urban districts, responsible for secular and voluntary schools: county and borough councils were also responsible for secondary and technical education. Grammar schools were established and free places provided for pupils from elementary schools.

Chamberlain

Gladstone And Education, 1870. By: Adelman, Paul. History Today. Jul1970, Vol. 20 Issue 7, p496-503. 8p. Historical Period: 1869 to 1877. Abstract: Joseph Chamberlain, elected chairman of the new National Education League in 1869, became the spearhead for a national system of free and secular education in 19th-century Britain. Recounts the early history of the league and the framing of the bill. The inadequacies of the act for nonconformists and radicals, and the defeat of the Liberal Party in the election of 1874 witnessed the rise of popular associations in the populous cities. These associations became important instruments in the reorganization of the Liberal Party after the defeat of 1874, and gave rise to the institutionalization of the young Liberals in the National Liberal Federation. The federation, which was formed under the guidance of Chamberlain in 1877, took an active role in sponsoring further reform of the educational system. Illus., 4 notes. (AN: 46559583)

Public schools

expensive opportunity for upper class and upper middle class; Greatly expanded in 19th century, including Catholics, Scotland and Ireland; key players were Thomas Arnold at rugby 18 2842, and Samuel Butler at Shrewsbury 1793-1836. 1861 commission under Lord Clarendon lifted nine major schools and generally approved; headmasters organize to oppose imposed changes; very successful linkage to civil service law of 1870, as public school graduates did very well indeed on the tests

Grilli, Giorgia. English public schools and the moulding of the 'Englishman'.

History of Education & Children's Literature. 2015, Vol. 10 Issue 1, p643-667. 25p. Historical Period: ca 1830 to ca 1945. Abstract: The paper looks at the English public school system before and during the days of the British Empire. It provides an overview of their history and how they became a feature of the collective imagination. For a long time exclusive and -- despite their name -- strictly private, public schools were the traditional training ground of the British élite. They were acknowledged as producing generations of English 'gentlemen' bound by a precise behavioural code -- a code that, at the pinnacle of their fame during the second half of the 19th century was, however, learned, not inherited, and by that token, accessible to the emerging middle class. The young men issuing from England's public schools were seen as embodying quintessential English traits: team spirit, acknowledgement of the responsibilities and duties that come with privilege, playing by the rules, good manners, ability to command but also readiness to serve and sacrifice their lives in distant lands -- all fundamental qualities for a nation with an expanding empire. The reasons behind the enormous social and educational success enjoyed by public schools will be analysed, especially following the reforms introduced by illuminated headmasters like Thomas Arnold whose revamped curriculum was underpinned by a new educational philosophy. As well as tracing the history of these institutions as they changed down the years, the paper also examines the unique literary genre -- the school story -- that arose during the heyday of public schools. An exclusively British phenomenon, the school story was read in all strata of society, disseminating a romanticised version of public school traditions, ethos and outlandish behaviour that became a major feature of the collective imagination. Also, in the years straddling the 19th and 20th centuries -- when public school pupils, the new heroes of a very widespread children's literature, were groomed to become worthy officers of the Empire -- the public school educational model was adopted by all other schools in England. [AB

Religious disputes

although most reformers called for more education, there were terrific religious disputes, especially as the nonconformists opposed state aid or expansion of the Anglican schools. Catholics set up their own system of schools.

Catholic system

Tenbus, Eric G. "We Fight for the Cause of God": English Catholics, the Education of the Poor, and the Transformation of Catholic Identity in Victorian Britain." Journal of British Studies. Oct2007, Vol. 46 Issue 4, p861-883. 23p. Historical Period: 1840 to 1902. Abstract: When the Catholic Church entered the English educational system in 1847, English Catholics were a politically timid group that was split between old Catholic gentry, Oxford Movement converts, and Irish immigrants. Catholics had been an isolated group in England, and many were opposed to entering the government education system, even though many poor Catholics had previously been left with no educational opportunities whatsoever. At the same time, most Catholic members of Parliament, who were nearly all Irish, were preoccupied with specifically Irish issues, to the detriment of education. Catholics began to assert themselves as a group in educational matters as the Catholic clergy, laity, and press were galvanized in the struggle over the Education Act of 1870. A lack of unity over education issues persisted to nearly the end of the 19th century, but by 1902 Catholics generally supported the positions of the hierarchy in education policy, including the high priority placed on education for the poor. The debates over education were crucial to the transformation of English Catholic identity, from an isolated and quiescent group to an assertive political force. (AN: 26683657)

Subjects: Great Britain; England; English Catholics; Religious communities; Sects; Catholic identity; Identification (Religion); Religion & social status; Poor people; Education; Catholics; Education & state PDF Full Text (

Leys, M.D.R. Catholics in England, 1559-1829: a social history (1961) pp 154-68.
Tenbus, Eric G. "'We Fight for the Cause of God': English Catholics, the Education of the Poor, and the Transformation of Catholic Identity in Victorian Britain." Journal of British Studies. Oct2007, Vol. 46 Issue 4, p861-883. 23p. Historical Period: 1840 to 1902. Abstract: When the Catholic Church entered the English educational system in 1847, English Catholics were a politically timid group that was split between old Catholic gentry, Oxford Movement converts, and Irish immigrants. Catholics had been an isolated group in England, and many were opposed to entering the government education system, even though many poor Catholics had previously been left with no educational opportunities whatsoever. At the same time, most Catholic members of Parliament, who were nearly all Irish, were preoccupied with specifically Irish issues, to the detriment of education. Catholics began to assert themselves as a group in educational matters as the Catholic clergy, laity, and press were galvanized in the struggle over the Education Act of 1870. A lack of unity over education issues persisted to nearly the end of the 19th century, but by 1902 Catholics generally supported the positions of the hierarchy in education policy, including the high priority placed on education for the poor. The debates over education were crucial to the transformation of English Catholic identity, from an isolated and quiescent group to an assertive political force. (AN: 26683657)

Subjects: Great Britain; England; English Catholics; Religious communities; Sects; Catholic identity; Identification (Religion); Religion & social status; Poor people; Education; Catholics; Education & state PDF Full Text (138KB)

THE WESLEYANS, THE "ROMANISTS" AND THE EDUCATION ACT OF 1870. Smith, John T. Recusant History. May1996, Vol. 23 Issue 1, p127-142. 16p. Historical Period: 1848 to 1870. Abstract: During most of the mid-19th century, Wesleyans exhibited steadily increasing anti-Catholicism. When Catholics petitioned the government to support Catholic schools in 1848, the Wesleyans denounced their request and stated that their taxes would not support popery. However, by 1870 when the Education Act was passed (which provided funds for most religious schools), the Wesleyan attitude had moderated. (AN: 46364998)

Selby, D. E. Henry Edward Manning And The Education Bill Of 1870. British Journal of Educational Studies. Jun1970, Vol. 18 Issue 2, p197-212. 16p. Historical Period: 1870 to 1881. Abstract: Historians widely agree that Henry Edward Manning, head of the Catholic Hierarchy in England, at first condoned the 1870 Education Act and the system it created, and only gradually came to oppose it. In fact "Manning consistently opposed the State assuming an active role in the provision of elementary education and was at pains to put forward what he considered a viable alternative to such a step." Manning's fear of growing secularism in England and his belief in the essential value of Christian education led him to propose extending the existing system of denominational schools by state grants and limited rate-aid. Analysis of Manning's reaction to the provisions of the 1870 Act and the debates during its passage shows his first concern was to preserve Catholic schools from School Board interference. His correspondence with Gladstone shows that he was relying on the latter to protect Catholic schools; but contrary to popular views, Gladstone's hostility to the attitudes and activities of the Vatican Council then in session did not make him unsympathetic to Manning on the education issue - he endeavored to ensure a solution fair to all. Manning's dissatisfaction with the system set up by the act did not emerge until about 1881. Based on printed sources and the Gladstone Papers, British Museum, London. (AN: 19013842)

Subjects: GREAT Britain; GRE

Nonconformists

The Methodists and other Nonconformists bitterly opposed the Education Act of 1902, which funded Church of England schools, and funded Methodists schools too but put them under local school authorities.^[22] In the long run the Nonconformist schools practically vanished. In 1902 the Methodist Church operated 738 schools; they numbers rapidly declined throughout the 20th century. Only 28 remained in 1996.^[23]

Munson, J. E. B. "The London School Board Election Of 1894: A Study In Victorian Religious Controversy." British Journal of Educational Studies. Feb 1975, Vol. 23 Issue 1, p7-23. 17p. Historical Period: 1871 to 1902. Abstract: Examines the origins and development of the London School Board election controversy of 1894. Important for social, religious, and political reasons, the controversy arose over the issue by the London School Board to its teachers of a circular which stated that Christian religious instruction was to be given and that teachers who could not conscientiously do so would be relieved of this duty without prejudice. To the teachers' unions, anxious to enhance the professional status of teaching, this seemed to impose a religious test on teachers. To the Anglican churches it raised the "spectre of `undenominationalism'," while to the Nonconformists it threatened to seriously hinder their efforts to secure a democratic education system. Finally the controversy did much to discredit the School Boards, hasten their demise and the emergence in 1902 of local authority education committees.
Murphy, James. "Religion, The State, And Education In England." History of Education Quarterly. Winter 1968, Vol. 8 Issue 1, p3-34. 32p. Historical Period: 1072 to 1968. Abstract: Claims that before the Reformation disputes between church and state over education were rare. In the early 16th century some few borough or guild schools began to escape from ecclesiastic control. By the time of Elizabeth I, the state exercised control over education through the Anglican Church, fostering orthodoxy and uniformity. With Oliver Cromwell's victory a state system of education appeared feasible; the Restoration brought Anglican control; and the 18th century witnessed a growing competition among Anglicans, Nonconformists, and Roman Catholics. The monitorial schools of the early 19th century brought secular subjects to the schools and, as the church reduced its claim to control of the schools, the state extended both assistance and control. By 1870, a national system of elementary education was begun which, by 1902, incorporated and preserved denominational schools. By 1962, 77.6 percent of all schools were state schools, 8.4 percent Catholic, and 11.9 percent Anglican, whereas in 1876 the respective figures had been 16.7, 5.7, and 60 percent. (AN: 46455392)

Platten, Stephen G. "The Conflict Over The Control Of Elementary Education 1870-1902 And Its Effect Upon The Life And Influence Of The Church." British Journal of Educational Studies. Oct75, Vol. 23 Issue 3, p276-302. 27p. Historical Period: 1870 to 1902. Abstract: Describes the efforts of the Anglican voluntary schools to survive while in competition with non-denominational Board Schools, from the Education Act of 1870 to that of 1902. Asserts that the increasing restriction of the Church of England's role in elementary education during the late 19th century was an effect of the growing secularization of society. Based on Minutes of Evidence and Reports of Royal Commissions of Inquiry, 'Hansard,' and other Parliamentary and official papers; 85 notes. (AN: 13114307)
Pugh, D. R. "English Nonconformity, Education And Passive Resistance 1903-6."

History of Education. Jul1990, Vol. 19 Issue 4, p355-373. 19p. Historical Period: 1903 to 1906. Abstract: After the passage of the 1902 Balfour Education Act, tens of thousands of Nonconformists in England refused to pay the local tax that would primarily support the denominational schools of the Church of England. The resistance campaign focused attention on the courts, the sales of goods of those convicted in order to pay the tax, and the prisons, where a few protestors were incarcerated. Though both the resisters and their opponents believed they had a good chance of changing the law, political changes and the rise of other issues weakened their support in Parliament in 1906. Although the movement withered to insignificance, it persevered until the advent of World War I.

Pugh "Wesleyan Methodism And The Education Crisis Of 1902." British Journal of Educational Studies. 1988, Vol. 36 Issue 3, p232-249. 18p. Historical Period: 1902. Abstract: Outlines the controversies dividing Wesleyan Methodism prior to the passage of the British Education Act of 1902, which provided for equal tax support for denominational and public elementary schools and their administration by Local Education Authorities. At issue were questions of additional funds for Anglican schools, which dominated rural elementary education (and which were regarded with suspicion by some Nonconformists), the replacement of elected school boards by Local Education Authorities, and, on the other hand, the prospect of creating Wesleyan schools in districts where only Anglican schools then existed.
Smith, John T. Methodism and Education 1849-1902: J.H. Rigg, Romanism, and Wesleyan Schools (1998) excerpt
Smith, John T. "‘The enemy within?’: the clergyman and the English school boards, 1870–1902." History of Education 38.1 (2009): 133-149.
- what had been at the beginning of the century a minimal provision by voluntary bodies, notably the Church of England, was transformed by 1902 into a system of state-provided primary education that was both universal and compulsory. the Methodists fought against the Anglicans
- Smith, John T. "Ecumenism, economic necessity and the disappearance of Methodist elementary schools in England in the twentieth century." History of Education (2010) 39#4 pp 631-657. the decline of the Wesleyan educational effort in England in the twentieth century. In 1902 the Church had 738 schools, but these rapidly declined throughout the century, with only 28 remaining in 1996. The establishment of these schools during the nineteenth century had been largely for the protection of Wesleyan children, with a denominational mistrust of the proselytism in both Anglicanism and Roman Catholic institutions. This study aims to show how far this mistrust continued into the twentieth century and estimates the influence of growing ecumenism on the Church's decision to allow its own elementary schools to disappear. Nevertheless, this is an important subject, reflecting the declining influence of all churches on wider society in the twentieth century, as well as the increasing need to form church alliances to counter growing secularism in a post-Christian era

Wales

Elwyn Jones, Gareth. "Education and Nationhood in Wales: An Historiographical Analysis." Journal of Educational Administration & History. Dec2006, Vol. 38 Issue 3, p263-277. 15p. Historical Period: 1800 to 1999. Abstract: Throughout the centuries, a sense of national identity in Wales has manifested itself in a variety of ways: aspirations to statehood, a unique language, cultural distinctiveness, religious affiliation, sporting achievement, and, most recently, political devolution. Educational institutions in myriad forms have reflected aspects of these manifestations and themselves shed some light on their nature. In turn, the historiography of education in Wales is itself a product of national, educational, social, and scholarly preoccupations that both reflect the ideas and priorities of the time and shed some light on their nature and significance. This article explores some of these interactions and, in so doing, provides an introduction to some of the major secondary sources of information on Welsh education. To this end, it outlines in very general terms outstanding landmarks in those elements of Welsh education since the early modern period that might be claimed to be distinctive and the way in which the historiography reflects and reinforces such claims. Although the article sketches the picture in the centuries from the Tudors to industrialization, it focuses largely on the period since the 19th century, when the England-Wales state took over the financing of the education of its citizens to an ever increasing extent. Within this period, there is particular emphasis on such episodes as the "Treason of the Blue Books" in 1847, the Welsh Intermediate Education Act of 1889, the "Welsh Revolt" following the Education Act of 1902, and the more subtle but steady devolutionary episodes evident in the 20th century, culminating in the creation of the National Assembly for Wales in 1999. All have generated a range of secondary works that reflect the priorities of historians in a scholarly environment, which, since the 1960's, has seen changes in approach to the study of history which have allowed historians of Welsh education to take their place in the mainstream of historical studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Linked Full Text

Civil service

copy ex "civil service"; see also Davies, ISLES; Hoppen pp 110ff

The Offices of State grew in England, and later the United Kingdom. Initially, as in other countries, they were little more than secretariats for their leaders, who held positions at court. They were chosen by the king on the advise of a patron, and typically replaces when their patron lost influence. In the 18th century, in response to the growth of the British Empire and economic changes, institutions such as the Office of Works and the Navy Board grew large. Each had its own system and staff were appointed by purchase or patronage. By the 19th century, it became increasingly clear that these arrangements were not working.

In 1806, the Honourable East India Company, a private company that ruled only in India, established a college, the East India Company College, near London. The purpose of this college was to train administrators; it was established on recommendation of officials in China who had seen the imperial examination system. The civil service, based on examination similar to the Chinese system, was advocated by a number of Englishmen over the next several decades.^[24]

William Ewart Gladstone, then a junior minister, in 1850 sought a more efficient system based on expertise rather than favouritism. The East India Company provided a model for Stafford Northcote, the private Secretary to Gladstone, who with Charles Trevelyan (Permanent Secretary of the Treasury)( drafted the key report in 1854. A permanent, unified and politically neutral civil service, in which appointments were made on merit, was introduced on the recommendations of the Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854, which also recommended a clear division between staff responsible for routine ("mechanical") work, and those engaged in policy formulation and implementation in an "administrative" class. The report was not implemented, but it came at a time when the bureaucratic chaos in the Crimean War demonstrated that the military was as backward as the civil service. A Civil Service Commission was set up in 1855 to oversee open recruitment and end patronage. Prime Minister Gladstone took the decisive step in 1870 with his Order in Council to implement the Northcote-Trevelyan proposals.^[25] This system was broadly endorsed by Commissions chaired by Playfair (1874), Ridley (1886), MacDonnell (1914), Tomlin (1931) and Priestley (1955).

The Northcote–Trevelyan model remained essentially stable for a hundred years. This was a tribute to its success in removing corruption, delivering public services (even under the stress of two world wars), and responding effectively to political change. Patrick Diamond argues:

The Northcote-Trevelyan model was characterised by a hierarchical mode of Weberian bureaucracy; neutral, permanent and anonymous officials motivated by the public interest; and a willingness to administer policies ultimately determined by ministers. This bequeathed a set of theories, institutions and practices to subsequent generations of administrators in the central state.^[26]

neutral?

Efficiency and counter-revolution: connecting university and civil service reform in the 1850s. By: Ellis, Heather. History of Education. Jan2013, Vol. 42 Issue 1, p23-44. 22p. Historical Period: 1851 to 1860. Abstract: Historians have often recognised important links between the processes of university and civil service reform in mid-nineteenth-century England. Yet such connections are usually seen as forming part of a wider project of modernising reform with any conservative or counter-revolutionary aims largely discounted. However, as this article suggests, the decision to tie success in the new examinations to a career at the ancient English universities was not designed chiefly to recruit the most efficient people (as the report itself claims) or to provide new employment opportunities for Oxbridge graduates. Rather, the reformers sought to take advantage of the socialising function of the universities, to ensure the recruitment of men of sterling moral character, reliable and loyal, into a civil service increasingly called upon to serve as a bulwark of the state at a time of social and political upheaval. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER] DOI: 10.1080/0046760X.2012.697922.

STATESMEN IN DISGUISE": REFLEXIONS ON THE HISTORY OF THE NEUTRALITY OF THE CIVIL SERVICE. Clark, G. Kitson. Historical Journal. Mar1959, Vol. 2 Issue 1, p19-39. 21p. Historical Period: 1800 to 1899. Abstract: Discussion of the historical role of the British permanent civil service and its relations with Crown ministers and with Parliament. The author disproves the hitherto accepted theory that the subordination and anonymity of British civil servants was the result of the 1854 Northcote-Trevelyan proposals. Such subordination was appearing at least as early as 1830, although for another half century there was deviation from the developing pattern by Edwin Chadwick, Rowland Hill, Charles Trevelyan, and other eminent civil servants, each of whom had achieved a reputation as an expert before his appointment to office. (AN: 46174216)

.
EL "CIVIL SERVICE" BRITANICO EN LA CONSTITUCION. The British civil service in the constitution. By: Wheare, W. C. Revista de Estudios Políticos. 1956, Issue 86/87, p109-140. 32p. Language: Spanish. Historical Period: 1856. Abstract: Deals with information, published one hundred years ago, about the organization of the British civil service by Sir Strafford Northcote and Sir Charles Trevelyan, with regard to the choice of applicants on the basis of education and examinations. The royal patronage of public positions was abolished, and the parliamentary aristocracy was transformed into a parliamentary bureaucracy. The very high demands made of candidates for the civil service raised the standards in schools and universities, and the alterations in the educational system made it possible for a larger number of people to enter the civil service, which always represented one of the most desirable careers.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM AND CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A NINETEENTH-CENTURY DEBATE REASSESSED. By: Greenaway, John R. Parliamentary History" (1985) 4:157-169. Historical Period: 1846 to 1856. Abstract: The sharp distinction between politics and administration later characteristic of British government was not sought by mid-19th-century reformers. The Northcote-Trevelyan Report (1854) aimed at replacing civil service patronage with fitness-based selection, but bureaucratic experience was seen as a desirable background for M.P.'s and ministers. Reformers, including William E. Gladstone, hoped to improve Parliament's quality while preserving a governmental role for the aristocracy, thus forestalling Radical demands for a purge of aristocrats from government and fully democratic politics. (AN: 46266760) Subjects: GR

quotation

[in Japanese] "Rethinking Civil Service Reform in Late-19th Century England: Differing Views of the Members of the Commissions of Inquiry and civil Servants". By: Mizuta Tomonori. Shirin. Nov2011, Vol. 94 Issue 6, p31-57. 27p. Language: Japanese. Historical Period: ca 1871 to ca 1900. Abstract (English): This article examines the proposals of the members of the commissions of inquiry for civil service reform and the reaction of civil servants in order to clarify the social mechanism that sustained the gradual improvement and reform of the bureaucracy in late-19th century England. Civil service reform had been recommended by S. Northcote and C. E. Trevelyan in 1853, and concrete proposals were made by the Playfair Commission in 1870s and by the Ridley Commission between the 1880s and 1890s. Both commissions held interviews with many witnesses, including civil servants, and analyzed the issues concerning government bureaucracies in order to resolve the issues. The newspapers reported the commissioners' proposals and progress made in the reforms. The weekly newspapers for the civil service, for example the Civil Service Review and Civil Service Times, in particular, were important news sources, providing their readership of civil servants news of the reforms. Journalists from those newspapers sometimes had high expectations of the activities of the commissioners, but they sometimes criticized the proposals of the commission in light of the actual situation in the bureaucracy. Some readers submitted their opinions in response to the articles on the reforms and offered alternative plans. Throughout the civil service reform, the group who actively pushed for the reform, i. e., reformers and members of the commissions of inquiry, pursued the goals of reducing personnel expenditures and creating an efficient civil service. However, a 'passive' group played an indispensable part in the reform. The reform was also an opportunity for the 'passive' group to remedy problems that had arisen in the bureaucracy, such as various issues of working condition. In that sense, they were considerably concerned with the reforms and responded keenly to information, and raised objections to the proposals of the commissions, seeking a more effective way to resolve the problems. Opinions and responses of the 'passive' group, which appeared in interviews and articles in the newspapers, were effective in adjusting the proposals and activities of the 'active' group. Such a reaction was a necessary factor in the reform, contributing to the improvement and modernization of the administrative organization. The 'passive' group worked to modify the plans of the 'active' group, who prioritized national efficiency, and to adjust them so they would be more practical and acceptable. Therefore, the 'passive' group functioned as a safety brake in the reform against the 'active' group who behaved as the accelerators of reform. The civil service newspapers acted as the interface between the two groups. This mechanism was characteristic of the civil service reform in late-19th century England that was not rapid and did not involve excessive change, but was instead gradual and suited for re-organization. This character might have induced the reform to proceed as 'appropriate' modernization. Civil service reform has a long history. This indicates that the reorganization of the civil service system was necessary and the result of many demands. However, civil service reform was not achieved by the onesided claims of the 'active' group alone. The 'passive' group did not simply exist to be interrogated by the 'active' group. It can be seen that one of the features that contributed to the development of the bureaucracy in the modern England was the long-term concern and unique reaction of the 'passive' group in the reform. Therefore, studying the viewpoints of both the 'passive' and ‘active’ groups on the reforms can create an opportunity for reconsidering our perspective on modern English government administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] (AN: 99960310)

Newspapers

from Ensor, R. C. K. England, 1870–1914 (1936) online influential scholarly survey pp 310-16

If we pass now to consider the press, we find ourselves before one of the turning-points m national evolution Chapter V recorded the reign down to 1 886 ofan extremely digmfied type of j ournahsm, conducted with a high sense ofpersonal responsibihty, and seeking to win intelligent readers on the assumption that the rest would travel m their wake We have now to record how m a few short years it was rivalled, defeated, and eventually almost driven out of the field, by the meteoric rise of another type, far less responsible and far less intellectual, but far more widely sold It IS sometimes said that W T Stead in his editorship ( 1 883-9) of the Pall Mall Gazette pioneered the downfall of the old order But that IS to mistake the scope of the change True, the new journalism was sensational, and Stead also was So, m their day and m their way, had been the greatest editors of The Times^ J T Delane and Thomas Barnes But Stead’s sensations, hke theirs, always made a direct appeal to men dealing with public affairs, even the most lurid of them, his ‘Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon’ (a series of articles exposing the white slave traffic), had as its express object, in which it was successful, the passage of a measure then before Parliament (the Criminal Law Amendment Bill) The key feature of the new journalism was not sensation but commercialism It ran its sensations, as it ran everything else, to make money, and measured them solely by the sales they brought The indisputable pioneer of this school in daily journalism was Alfred Harmsworth, afterwards Lord Northchffe We saw m Chapter V how George Newnes had started a weekly, Tit-Bits, catering m quite a new way for a new class of readers—the millions to whom the Forster Education Act had taught reading without teaching them what to read They were people who only followed print painfully and with difficulty, to hold their interest it was necessary to give short words, short

' THE PRESS REVOLUTION 311 sentences, short paragraphs, short articles, and to put everything as far as possible in story form Working from tliese prermsses, Newnes evolved a regular technique He was a real inventor, and discovered not a few devices that have since been employed on a vastly greater scale Thus he seems to have been the first to use prize competitions as a means to increase the sales of a paper, and he was the first to give his readers a free insurance, diough It was only a modest policy against railway accidents Alfred Harmsworth, who entered his office in 1885 at the age of 20, was the eldest son (by an Irish mother) of an impecumous barrister with a very large family He had left school at 15 to struggle m the humbler paths ofjournahsm How much work he did for Newnes seems uncertain But it is not disputed that through him he became aware for the first time of the new pubhc and how to reach it In 1888 he started the first paper of his own, a weekly entitled Ariswers to Coi respondents It was based on the idea, that, because a column thus headed was commonly one of the mostread features in a paper, therefore a whole paper so constituted would attract readers This was a fallacy, and he might easily have been ruined by it But Harmsworth as a projector was for nothing more remarkable than the rapid and ruthless correction of his own mistakes He had from the first put some matter of Tit-Bits type in his paper, now he made tliat ffie staple, and came out as a direct nval to Newnes Even so his venture ran near the rocks for about sixteen montlis, until the success ofa prize scheme —a pound a week for life for guessing the value of the gold m the Bank of England on a given day—established it with a large cir- culation He proceeded in conjunction mth his brother Harold' (whose extraordinary financial genius supphed the chiefbusiness gift which Alfred lacked) to add fresh ventures to it, and budd up a most lucrative business m periodicals supplying chatty unmtellectuaJ pabulum for uneducated minds Answers rose to 250,000 circulation, then deemed enormous, and five other little papers ^vere produced along ^vlth it, the most profitable, Comic Cuts, being designed for schoolboys of the age at which tlie Harmsworths \veie at school Ail this would have been but a minor influence if tliey had not next used their sudden wealth to invade daily journahsm In 1894. Kennedy Jones, a Glasgow Inshman of semi-slum origin, tlien employed as reporter on an evening paper, obtained a very ‘ Since 1913 Lord Rothcrmcrc

312 MENTAL AND SOCIAL ASPECTS 1886-1900 cheap option on the Evening News He persuaded the Harmsworths to buy it and to make him editor It proved a good bargain for both sides Kennedy Jones was of a rough type, but lie had studied the technique of the American ‘yellow’ press, and possessed the experience of daily journalism which the Harmsworths lacked The Evening News was one of a few evening papers sold at a halfpenny—1 e half what was the standard price of a morning one These already reached a class which did not otherwise buy dailies But the new methods were designed to widen it fast The hard work m their success was Kennedy Jones’s, but the restless imagination ofAlfred Harmsworth played round it at every point He visited the United States to study the model on the spot Then he laid his plans for a moi ning halfpennyjournal One such already existed—the Morning Leader, a small bright radical sheet with a nariow circulation Harmsworth’s conception was nothing like that, he wanted the largest circulation m England By 1896 he and Kennedy Jones had matured their scheme The Daily Mail, launched in May of that year, was an instant success During the first twelve months its daily sale averaged 202,000 At the end of three years it had reached 543,000 No other daily m England touched half that figure, and the young upstart of 34, who had started practically from nothing only eleven years earlier, stood revealed as a menace to the whole established order ofjournalism For that order lived by advertisements and advertisements will go where circulation goes Harmsworth knew his advantage, and his favourite weapon against the penny dailies was a demand for the pubhcation of their net sales What sort ofman, and what sort ofpaper, had Fortune’s wheel thus elevated^ Harmsworth’s best biographer, an intimate and admirer, records that ‘he knew no Latin or Greek, he had very hazy notions ofhistory, he was well acquainted with no modern languages, the interest he took m science was that of a quickwitted child’ ^ And again ‘Boyish in his power of concentration upon the matter of the moment, boyish m his readiness to turn swiftly to a different matter and concentrate on that Boyish the limited range of his intellect, which seldom concerns itself with anything but the immediate, the obvious, the popular Boyish his irresponsibility, his disinclination to take himself or his pubhcations seriously, his conviction that whatever benefits

Hamilton Fj*, Northcliffe (1930), p 29

THE PRESS REVOLUTION 313 them IS justifiable, and that it is not his business to consider the effect of their contents on the public mind Originally, apart from a born zest for news, he was only interested in newspapers as bringing money Later he appreciated them also as bringing power He never appreciated that they brought responsibility His leading characteristics were energ)'^ and ambition Quite early he conceived a parallel between himself and Napoleon, to whom he bore some physical resemblance He thirsted to con- quer But unlike his prototype he had no cultural uses for conquest, nor anything that in the higher sense might be called an ideal The lack of one prevented him from becoming a revolutionary m politics, or even, like his teacher, Newncs, a liberal But he was not really a conservative either It was liis instinct to shout with the largest black-coated crowd But he had no Disraeiian feeling for the greatness of the country’s past and the continuity ofher institutions His political mentality was that of the London clerk class, among whom he lived during his formative years His papers bore the stamp of their uneducated founders ‘Written by office-boys for office-boys’ was Lord Salisbury’s famous gibe But the public which liked them was extremely wide and by no means all poor The business class, which had become so important in England, comprised enormous numbers of men who had not had even a secondary education Outside the matters in which they made their money they had the minds of children Existing newspapers ignored their naive tastes, while assuimng an amount of cnucal intelligence which they simply did not possess Something very similar was true of the women in all ranks of society Harmsworth rightly divined that the favourite paper m the boudoir and m the kitchen would be the same There was a sharp technical difference between the new paper and the old The old would pnnt telegrams and reports pretty much as tliey came m The function of the sub-editor was to decide m what column and in ivnat typt they should appear, if at all and to provide a few plain headings But m the new his function was to rc-wnte them They must be condensed, re-worded, re-paragraphed, and each converted according to certain rules into a lively ‘story’, after which they were given plenty of spicy and tendentious headings The result was in ' Ibid , p io6

314 MENTAL ANT) SOCIAL ASPECTS 1886-1900 every way a ‘brighter’ paper The mere look of the page was cheering, when the number of separate items, headings, and paragraphs on it was so much increased, and one gathered a far larger collection of stories by reading far fewer words But the change had also a disadvantage, which may be expressed by saying that the old method served up its news raw, while the new one served it cooked Cooking never makes news truer, and whereas hitherto the reader had been given the facts and only told what to think ofthem m the leading articles, now it was sought to create his opinion by doctoring the facts before they reached him It IS perhaps not easy for readers ofthe present day, brought up under this system, to realize what a profound innovation it was But indeed the whole attitude towards the reader was transformed The old idea assumed that he was a critical politician, who watched events and would resent the paper’s missing any serious news-item All such items were therefore carefully given , and if none of them happened to be very ‘bright’ that was the affair of Providence, and must be accepted like ram or sun The new idea assumed a mass ofreaders, whose interest m politics was slight, whose memories were short, who would never know or care if half the serious news were left out, but who day by day demanded bright stories to tickle their imaginations and to talk about To report parliament at length, or even to 1 eport it fairly at all, was to bore and estrange them ^ But what they asked, they must have, and if Providence did not supply exciting news, the office must not fail to make some Hence the device of ‘stunts’ , about which the chiefthing to note is that, though they often took the form of advocating some cause, it was seldom on its merits that the cause was espoused, but for its effect on circulation Many of them were quite trivial, but others had far-reaching effects For instance, it was a maxim with Alfred Harmsworth that readers liked ‘a good hate’ One way to satisfy this was by exciting violent xenophobia against a particular nation, and tins he did—in the mneteenth century against France, in the twentieth against Germany Again, he realized from the start the circulation-raising properties of war Already m 1898 the Daily Mail ran up its sales by its stories of Kitchener’s Omdur- ’ Few features in the new journalism were to prove of deeper political impoit than Its abandonment of the practice, till then umveisal, of reporting parliament More tlian anylliing else, it dethroned the house of commons THE PRESS REVOLUTION 315 man campaign Thereafter it did all it could to render England bellicose against the Transvaal, and, when the South African war followed, it profited still further from its excitements The special tram, which it was the first to charter to carry its parcels beyond the area hitherto served by London newspapers, was christened ‘the South African train’ The lengths to which in these days it would go for sensation, and the extent to which it could presume on its readers’ uncntical indulgence, were both well illustrated by an incident in 1900 The fanatical Chinese Boxers besieged the diplomatic corps in Pekin, where the white residents (including 147 women and 76 children) had taken refuge in the British and other legations During weeks of sus- pense the world was without news of them, and their anguished relatives feared every day to hear the worst Then one morning the Daily Mail published the worst—a lurid account of a fnghtful massacre This, as appeared later when the legations were relieved, was a pure invention, and, having regard to the feehngs of relatives, an extraordinarily cruel one If one of tlie old penny papers had done such a thing it would have been ruined , its public would never have forgiven it But the Daily MaiVs pubhc soon forgot Provided it gave them the excitements that they wanted they troubled little about its veracity or honour, and the result showed that it had rightly judged their taste Only the first stage of the Harmsworth revolution falls within these yeais Till the last year oftlie queen’s reign the Daily Mail was still the sole mormng paper of its kind, though m such prosperity that a landslide toivards it was bound to follow We shall trace its extent in a later chapter Meanwhile Neivnes, who had opened the flood-gate, had himself steered a very different course Enriched by Til-Biis, his idea was not, like Harmsworth’s, to spawn shoals ofother papers on the same mental level, but to use his money to give the public something more educative In 1890 he helped W T Stead to stai t the Review ofReviews In 1 891 he founded the Strand Magazine, a popular illustrated monthly (using the then new ‘processblocks’), which ^s’as the forerunner of all such montlihes, and did mIts day a 1 eally beneficent work toivards banislung drabness from middle-class households At the end of 1892 he inten’ened in dailyjournalism ThePall Mall Gazette, a pennyLondon evening paper with the limited but extremely influential circulation

3i6 mental and SOCIAL ASPECTS 1886-1900 then open to a newspaper in that class, had long been a leading liberal organ, and since 1 889 edited by E T Cook, one ofthe last and greatest ‘writing editors’ ofthe old school An American millionaire bought it, desiring to convert it into a conservative paper and supposing, apparently, that the staff would acquiesce Instead, under Cook’s leadership they all walked out, and Newnes then engaged them in a body to run a new liberal paper, the Westminster Gazette, whose first number appeared at the end of January 1893 Unlike most of Newnes’s ventures, this journal never shone as a money-maker But as an organ of high politics on the intellectual plane it filled in the revival of the liberal party and during its period of pre-war rule a place of central importance Meanwhile Cook and his colleagues weie thought to have strikingly vindicated the independence ofjournalists Seven years later, however, it was again challenged Down to the outbreak of the South African war the two London liberal mormng papers, the Daily News and Daily Chronicle, took opposite roles The News, edited since 1895 by E T Cook, was proMilner and supported the war The Chronicle, edited by another famous writingjournalist, H W Massingham, was pro-Boer and opposed the war But during 1900 the politics of both papers were forcibly changed The proprietor of the Chronicle squeezed out Massingham, and launched a pro-war policy, while about the same time an anti-war syndicate (originated by Lloyd George) bought the Daily News, and ousted Cook Thus both editors were dislodged, and the positions of the two papers were sharply and oddly reversed—a fact to be remembered by anyone studying the press opinion of that time

Elementary educatio

Sanitation

Sir Edwin Chadwick (1800-90), a former aide to Bentham, and Sir John Simon (1816-1904) became civil servants. They tirelessly to promote clean water supply, sanitation, disease control, food safety, and other advances in public health reform in British cities and towns 1848 and 1876. Chadwick's 1842 'Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population,' used anecdotal evidence to demonstrate the existence of preventable illness and premature death caused by unsanitary conditions in British cities. He used differential class-based death data. These statistics were criticized by contemporary statisticians but provided compelling support in Chadwick's battle to prove the significance of destitution in producing fever. Chadwick also collected these data in a deliberate attempt to test a hypothesis about the significance of unsanitary physical circumstances as a cause of surplus mortality. Contemporary class-based vital statistics made the average-age-at-death measure one of the few ways to express comparative chances of life among different classes. The mortality differentials of the statistics undermined the key opposition to sanitary reform: the notion that cities were invariably unhealthy .^[27]

he attacked local authorities and wrestled with the role of women in the effort to improve the health of Britain's poor. The success of his comprehensive study led to a long, productive career; he was known as the "father of public health.^[28]^[29] Joshi p 353:

Yet the Chadwick that emerges in recent accounts could not be more different from the mid-century Chadwick. The post-war critics saw him as a visionary, an often-embattled crusader for public health whose enemies were formidable but whose vision, extending the liberal and radical tradition, ultimately prevailed. Cultural critics, on the other hand, present a Chadwick who misrepresented (if not outright oppressed) the poor and who was instrumental in developing a massive bureaucracy to police their lives. Thus, while earlier accounts highlighted Chadwick’s accomplishments, the progress of public health reforms, and the details of legislative politics, more recent ones draw attention to his representations of the poor, the erasures in his text, and the growing nineteenth-century institutionalization of the poor that the Sanitary Report promotes. Chadwick, in other words, is portrayed as either a pioneer of reform or an avatar of bureaucratic oppression.

Widerquist, Joann G. "Sanitary Reform And Nursing: Edwin Chadwick and Florence Nightingale." Nursing History Review. 1997, Vol. 5, p149-160. 12p. Historical Period: 1857 to 1890. Abstract: Describes the professional relationship between Florence Nightingale (1820-1910) and Edwin Chadwick (1800-90) and their shared interest in British sanitary reform. Chadwick and Nightingale had, through considerable correspondence, edited and critiqued each other's papers as they began applying statistics to the questions of sanitary reform. Chadwick suggested that Nightingale write a book on prevention of disease, which lead to Nightingale's 'Notes on Nursing.' Chadwick forwarded the book to John Stuart Mill (1806-73), who also critiqued the work. In this and other instances, Chadwick provided Nightingale with access to people and venues that Nightingale would not have otherwise had exposure to, and encouraged her greatly in her writing. (AN: 46873443)

Notes

^ Eric J. Evans, The forging of the modern state: early industrial Britain, 1783-1870 (2nd ed, 1996) pp 257-58.
^ Bill Cash, John Bright: Statesman, Orator, Agitator (2011)
^ Taylor, p. 228
^ Boyd Hilton, A mad, bad, and dangerous people?: England 1783-1846 (2006) pp 426-29, 628-30, 676-77. also Hoppen p 130
^ Asa Briggs, "Thomas Attwood and the Economic Background of the Birmingham Political Union." Cambridge Historical Journal 9.2 (1948): 190-216.
^ Tombs, The English pp 455-58.
^ Timothy Larsen (2017). The Oxford History of Protestant Dissenting Traditions: The Nineteenth Century. Oxford UP. p. 141.
^ Michael H. Shirley and Todd E. A. Larson, eds. Splendidly Victorian: Essays in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century British History in Honour of Walter L. Arnstein. pp. 116–17. {{cite book}}: |author= has generic name (help)
^ Sir Llewellyn Woodward, The Age of Reform 1815–1870 (2nd edn., 1962) pp 474-501.
^ Robert Ensor, 1870-1914 (Oxford History of England, 1936) p 530.
^ Wooler, Fiona (16 June 2016). "Educating the Workers of Sheffield in the 18th and 19th Centuries: St Luke's National School, Garden Street, Sheffield". Industrial Archaeology Review. 38 (1): 47–58. doi:10.1080/03090728.2016.1156850.
^ ^a ^b Smith, MK (2001). "Ragged Schools and youth work". Retrieved 2010-07-09.
^ Walvin, J (1982). A Child’s World. A social history of English childhood 1800-1914. London: Pelican. ISBN 0-14-022389-4.
^ A. Green, Education and State Formation: The Rise of Education Systems in England, France and the USA. Macmillan, 1990
^ http://www.educationengland.org.uk/history/chapter03.html
^ "The 1870 Education Act". www.parliament.uk.
^ Section 74 of the Elementary Education Act 1870
^ Lincolnshire School Resources Genuki.org.uk
^ ^a ^b Cite error: The named reference actsref was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
^ Key dates in British Education (1000-1899) ThePotteries.org
^ Evans, Dick. The History of Technical Education: A Short Introduction. Cambridge: TMag. Web. http://www.tmag.co.uk/.
^ D.R. Pugh "Wesleyan Methodism and the Education Crisis Of 1902." British Journal of Educational Studies (1988) 36#3 pp 232-249
^ John T. Smith, "Ecumenism, economic necessity and the disappearance of Methodist elementary schools in England in the twentieth century." History of Education (2010) 39#4 pp 631-657.
^ (Bodde 2005)
^ Simon Heffer (2013). High Minds: The Victorians and the Birth of Modern Britain. p. 476.
^ Patrick Diamond (2013). Governing Britain: Power, Politics and the Prime Minister. I.B.Tauris. p. 42.
^ James Hanley, "Edwin Chadwick and the poverty of statistics." Medical history 46.1 (2002): 21.
^ Richard Brown, "Chadwick and Simon.". Modern History Review (0956-0726). Apr2005, Vol. 16 Issue 4, p17-21.
^ Priti Joshi, "Edwin Chadwick's Self-Fashioning: Professionalism, Masculinity, and the Victorian Poor." Victorian Literature and Culture 32.2 (2004): 353-370. downloaded.
^ R.W. Cooke-Taylor, The factory system and the factory acts (1894) online.

[1] Eric J. Evans, The forging of the modern state: early industrial Britain, 1783-1870 (2nd ed, 1996) pp 257-58.

[2] Bill Cash, John Bright: Statesman, Orator, Agitator (2011)

[3] Taylor, p. 228

[4] Boyd Hilton, A mad, bad, and dangerous people?: England 1783-1846 (2006) pp 426-29, 628-30, 676-77. also Hoppen p 130

[5] Asa Briggs, "Thomas Attwood and the Economic Background of the Birmingham Political Union." Cambridge Historical Journal 9.2 (1948): 190-216.

[6] Tombs, The English pp 455-58.

[7] Timothy Larsen (2017). The Oxford History of Protestant Dissenting Traditions: The Nineteenth Century. Oxford UP. p. 141.

[8] Michael H. Shirley and Todd E. A. Larson, eds. Splendidly Victorian: Essays in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century British History in Honour of Walter L. Arnstein. pp. 116–17. {{cite book}}: |author= has generic name (help)

[9] Sir Llewellyn Woodward, The Age of Reform 1815–1870 (2nd edn., 1962) pp 474-501.

[10] Robert Ensor, 1870-1914 (Oxford History of England, 1936) p 530.

[11] Wooler, Fiona (16 June 2016). "Educating the Workers of Sheffield in the 18th and 19th Centuries: St Luke's National School, Garden Street, Sheffield". Industrial Archaeology Review. 38 (1): 47–58. doi:10.1080/03090728.2016.1156850.

[Youthwork-12] Smith, MK (2001). "Ragged Schools and youth work". Retrieved 2010-07-09.

[Walvin-13] Walvin, J (1982). A Child’s World. A social history of English childhood 1800-1914. London: Pelican. ISBN 0-14-022389-4.

[14] A. Green, Education and State Formation: The Rise of Education Systems in England, France and the USA. Macmillan, 1990

[15] ttp://www.educationengland.org.uk/history/chapter03.html

[16] "The 1870 Education Act". www.parliament.uk.

[17] Section 74 of the Elementary Education Act 1870

[genuki-18] Lincolnshire School Resources Genuki.org.uk

[actsref-19] Cite error: The named reference actsref was invoked but never defined (see the help page).

[20] Key dates in British Education (1000-1899) ThePotteries.org

[21] Evans, Dick. The History of Technical Education: A Short Introduction. Cambridge: TMag. Web. http://www.tmag.co.uk/.

[22] D.R. Pugh "Wesleyan Methodism and the Education Crisis Of 1902." British Journal of Educational Studies (1988) 36#3 pp 232-249

[23] John T. Smith, "Ecumenism, economic necessity and the disappearance of Methodist elementary schools in England in the twentieth century." History of Education (2010) 39#4 pp 631-657.

[24] (Bodde 2005)

[25] Simon Heffer (2013). High Minds: The Victorians and the Birth of Modern Britain. p. 476.

[26] Patrick Diamond (2013). Governing Britain: Power, Politics and the Prime Minister. I.B.Tauris. p. 42.

[27] James Hanley, "Edwin Chadwick and the poverty of statistics." Medical history 46.1 (2002): 21.

[28] Richard Brown, "Chadwick and Simon.". Modern History Review (0956-0726). Apr2005, Vol. 16 Issue 4, p17-21.

[29] Priti Joshi, "Edwin Chadwick's Self-Fashioning: Professionalism, Masculinity, and the Victorian Poor." Victorian Literature and Culture 32.2 (2004): 353-370. downloaded.

[30] R.W. Cooke-Taylor, The factory system and the factory acts (1894) online.

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introduction

Prime Minister Canning

John Bright (1811–1889), reform leader

Richard Cobden (1804–1865), reform later

Prime Minister Robert Peel 1788-1850

Prime Minister Lord Russell (1792–1878)

Florence Nightingale (1820-1910)

moved Prime Minister Lord Wellington; to UK 10-23-2017

moved Prime Minister Earl Grey=== move to UK 10-23-2017

moved Jeremy Bentham, (1748-1832) reform leader==== moved 10-23-17

Joseph Chamberlain

Postwar reaction: 1815-22

Suffrage

Economic conditions

Politics

Rise Of The Conservatives

Tory reformers versus Ultra Tories

Ultras tories ex DNB

Nonconformists

Was revolution likely?

Topics

Young

Education

new 6-24-18

National schools and British Schools

Ragged schools

Government involvement

The Forster Act of 1870

Introduction of compulsory education 1880

Funding of technical colleges

History of education in England

Education act of 1902-- articles

Seaman, Victorian England 189-202

Bibl

Education Acts Cannon: 326

Chamberlain

Public schools

Grilli, Giorgia. English public schools and the moulding of the 'Englishman'.

Religious disputes

Catholic system

Nonconformists

Wales

Civil service

neutral?

quotation

Newspapers

Sanitation

See also

1820s

1830s

New Poor Law 1834

Later reforms

Further reading

Surveys

Tories and Conservatives

Whigs and Liberals

Radicals and rioters

1832 Reform Act

Popular movements

Foreign policy

Municipal reform

Ideology

Politics

Biographies

Historiography

Notes