Learie Constantine

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The Right Honourable
The Lord Constantine
MBE
A cricketer hitting a ball
Personal information
Full name Learie Nicholas Constantine
Born 21 September 1901(1901-09-21)
Petit Valley, Diego Martin, Trinidad
Died 1 July 1971(1971-07-01) (aged 69)
Brondesbury, Hampstead, London, England
Batting style Right hand
Bowling style Right arm fast
Role All rounder
Relations E Constantine (Brother), O Constantine (Brother), LS Constantine (Father), VS Pascall (Uncle)
International information
National side West Indies
Test debut (cap 3) 23 June 1928 v England
Last Test 22 August 1939 v England
Domestic team information
Years Team
1921/22 – 1934/35 Trinidad
1938/39 Barbados
Career statistics
Competition Tests FC
Matches 18 119
Runs scored 635 4475
Batting average 19.24 24.05
100s/50s 0/4 5/28
Top score 90 133
Balls bowled 3583 17458
Wickets 58 439
Bowling average 30.10 20.48
5 wickets in innings 2 25
10 wickets in match 0 4
Best bowling 5/75 8/38
Catches/stumpings 28/0 133/0
Source: CricketArchive, 23 March 2009

Learie Nicholas Constantine, Baron Constantine MBE (21 September 1901 – 1 July 1971) was a West Indian cricketer, who lived for many years in England, qualified as a lawyer and was later appointed Trinidad's High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. Throughout his life, he fought racial discrimination in Britain. He played 18 Test matches before the Second World War and took West Indies' first wicket in Test cricket. For the entirety of his career, he was the team's leading all-rounder and opening bowler. Constantine also represented Trinidad and played professional club cricket in England for Nelson Cricket Club where he was probably the highest paid sportsman in England. An aggressive, entertaining batsman, he scored 635 runs in Tests at an average of 19.24. Mainly as a fast bowler he took 58 wickets at an average of 30.10 and also held 28 catches. Following the end of his cricket career, he became involved in fighting racial discrimination in Britain through his role as a Welfare Officer during the war. For the rest of his life, he fought against racism and was involved in at least two incidents which paved the way for the Race Relations Act in Britain. Later, he became a barrister before joining the government of Trinidad. Upon returning to England, he was initially Trinidadian High Commissioner before assuming a variety of other roles. He was knighted in 1962 and made a life peer in 1969.

Born in Trinidad, Constantine established an early reputation as a promising cricketer and was selected for the West Indies 1923 tour of England. Although moderately successful, he achieved little of cricketing note in the following years. Unhappy at the lack of progress possible for black people in Trinidad, he decided to pursue a career as a professional cricketer in England. Preparing thoroughly, he was a great success during the West Indies' tour of England in 1928 and was awarded a professional contract with the Lancashire League club Nelson. He and his family moved to England to live in Nelson and he played for the club with great distinction between 1929 and 1938. He toured England again in 1933 and 1939, toured Australia in 1930–31 and played two further Test series in the Caribbean. While he was popular wherever he played, owing to his explosive and entertaining style, his record as a Test cricketer was less impressive than in other cricket. Nevertheless, he established a uniquely West Indian style of play. He was chosen as one of the Wisden Cricketers of the Year in 1939.

When the Second World War curtailed his cricket career, Constantine worked for the Ministry of Labour and National Service as a Welfare Officer responsible for West Indians working in English factories to assist the war effort. Constantine often had to deal with racist incidents and attitudes and was awarded an MBE when his job ended in 1946. Subsequently pursuing a legal career, he qualified as a barrister in 1954 while also establishing himself as a journalist and broadcaster. He returned to Trinidad in 1954 but was soon drawn into politics. He became a founding member of the People's National Movement which won an election and became the minister of communications for Trinidad. After a successful spell in government, he did not stand in the next election, disillusioned by party politics and returned to England as Trinidad's High Commissioner between 1961 and 1964. This post ended in controversy as he became involved in a case of racial discrimination in Bristol. In his final years, he served in a number of positions in England, including joining the Race Relations Board, the Sports Council and serving as a BBC Governor. Failing health reduced his effectiveness in some of these roles and he faced criticism for becoming a part of the British Establishment. Nevertheless, in 1969 he became the first black peer when he became Baron Constantine. He died of a heart attack on 1 July 1971.

Contents

[edit] Early life

Constantine was born in Petit Valley, a village close to Diego Martin in north-west Trinidad, on 21 September 1901, the second child of the family and the eldest of three brothers.[1][2] His father, Lebrun Constantine, was the grandchild of slaves;[3] Lebrun rose to the position of overseer on a cocoa estate in Cascade, near Maraval, where the family moved in 1906.[4][5] Lebrun was famous on the island as a cricketer who represented Trinidad in first-class cricket and toured England twice with a West Indian team.[note 1][3][4] Constantine's mother, Anaise Pascall, was the daughter of slaves and her brother Victor was also a Trinidad and West Indian first-class cricketer;[2] a third family member, Constantine's brother Elias also later represented Trinidad.[6]

Although the family was not wealthy, Constantine considered his childhood a happy one and believed that he and his siblings were luckier than many other children.[7][8] Constantine spent much of his childhood playing in the hills near his home or on the estates of his father and grandfather.[5][7] He enjoyed cricket from an early age,[7] and played with his whole family who regularly practised together under the supervision of Lebrun and Victor Pascall.[9][10]

Constantine was taught in Port of Spain at the St Ann's Government School until the age of 12, and then at St Ann's Roman Catholic School until 1917.[11] He displayed little enthusiasm for learning and never reached a high enough standard to achieve a scholarship to college.[11] Rather than his academic achievements, he was known as a keen sportsman and respected for his cricketing lineage. At his second school, he proved to be a good footballer and sprinter. Coached and encouraged by Andrew de Four, the headmaster, he also played for the school cricket team, which he captained in his last two years.[12] By this time, he had built a reputation as an exceptionally good cricketer: an attacking batsman and a good fast-medium bowler, he also excelled as a fielder.[13] His father prohibited Constantine from playing competitive club cricket until 1920 for fear of the detrimental effect on his cricket of being exposed to top-class opposition at an early age; he also wanted his son to establish a career before playing competitive cricket.[13][14]

Upon leaving school, Constantine joined Jonathan Ryan, a solicitors in Port of Spain as a clerk; this was a possible route into the legal profession. However, as a member of the black lower-middle class, he was unlikely to progress far: few black Trinidadians at this time became solicitors and he faced many social restrictions owing to his colour.[15][16]

[edit] Cricket career

[edit] Cricket in Trinidad

Constantine played cricket for Shannon Cricket Club; he first played for the team in 1916, before his father stopped him playing.[13] When he returned to the team in 1920, he played for the second team, but after scoring 50 runs in an hour during his third game, he was promoted to the first eleven.[17] Cricket in Trinidad at the time was divided along racial lines. For cricket clubs on the island, the colour of a player's skin was crucial. Shannon was associated with black lower middle-class players such as teachers or clerks.[18] The club was highly competitive and motivated, partly as a reaction to the racial discrimination that its players and supporters encountered in their daily lives, and took cricket very seriously. Constantine's cricket thrived in this atmosphere, but the club also helped to form some of his political views.[19] He particularly noticed that in Trinidadian and West Indian cricket, white and light-skinned players were often favoured over black players with greater ability.[20]

Constantine's reputation continued to grow as he played for Shannon.[21] One innings he played in 1921 against renowned fast bowler George John was widely commented on,[21][22] but according to C. L. R. James, this was the only time he played in such an effective way until 1928.[22] Even so, the white captain of the Trinidad team, Major Bertie Harragin, detected promise in Constantine and encouraged him. Constantine's father was still in the Trinidad team at this time, but did not put himself forward for selection in 1921 in the hope that his son would replace him. Harragin selected Constantine junior to play in the Inter-Colonial Tournament in Trinidad's match against British Guiana. But Constantine missed that match when he arrived late after a newspaper advertised the wrong starting time. Instead, he made his first-class debut in the following match, the final of the tournament, against Barbados on 21 September 1921. He scored a duck in his first innings, batting at number eight in the batting order. After taking two wickets at a cost of 44 runs in Barbados' only innings, he scored 24 in his second innings, batting this time at number three.[23][24] Constantine played in Trinidad's next games, in the next Inter-Colonial Tournament in Guiana twelve months later.[note 2] Although in two games he scored only 45 runs and took four wickets,[28] commentators considered his fielding in the covers to be exceptional and he retained his place in the team largely as a fielder.[27][28]

Although Trinidad lost to Barbados in the final, the Barbados captain Harold Austin, who was also the captain of the West Indies team, was impressed by Constantine.[29] Mainly on the strength of his fielding,[30] Austin secured Constantine's selection for the 1923 West Indian tour of England; it was a surprising choice as there were other candidates who appeared to have stronger claims.[29] By now, Constantine had left the solicitors Jonathan Ryan to join the law firm of Llewellyn Roberts, a larger practice which paid more. As his new employer's longer working hours restricted Constantine's cricket practice, when he was selected for the West Indies he resigned his position.[31]

[edit] Tour of England in 1923

The West Indies tour of England in 1923, under the captaincy of Austin, was a successful one; the team played 21 first-class matches, of which six were won, seven lost and the others drawn. The team's effectiveness, and particularly the success of leading batsman George Challenor, persuaded English critics that West Indian cricket was stronger than previously supposed and helped the West Indies to attain Test match status in 1928.[32] Challenor was the biggest individual success of the tour, but Constantine also impressed English critics, through his style of play more than his statistical success.[33] Constantine played 20 first-class matches on the tour, scoring 425 runs at an average of 15.74 and taking 37 wickets at an average of 21.86.[34][35] These were not regarded as good figures and, although his batting and bowling occasionally impressed, he was inconsistent.[36] Against Oxford University, he scored 77, his maiden first-class fifty, but his only other half century came against Derbyshire; he also took five wickets in an innings for the first time, in the match against Kent, but he did not take more than three wickets in any other innings on the tour.[28]

Even so, Wisden Cricketers' Almanack commented that his batting, while highly unorthodox in technique, could be very effective when he was in form. Wisden also noted that his bowling was fast. Several English players, including Jack Hobbs, singled out Constantine as an unusually talented cricketer on the strength of his performances in 1923.[37] Commentators considered him to be an exceptional fielder;[38] Pelham Warner, a former England captain and influential journalist and administrator, described Constantine after the tour as the best fielder in the world, while he was praised by the press and in the pages of Wisden.[36] James later wrote: "He is a success, but he has not set the Thames on fire, and, what is more, he hasn't tried to."[22]

[edit] Mid-1920s career

John Arlott later commented that, on his first tour of England, "[Constantine] learnt much that he never forgot, by no means all of it about cricket: and he recognised the game as his only possible ladder to the kind of life he wanted."[39] When Constantine returned to Trinidad, he had no permanent job and little prospect of advancement in any suitable profession. He took several temporary jobs but was often forced to rely financially upon his family.[40] But by this stage, he had decided to pursue a career as a professional cricketer in England,[41] and began to practise with this target in mind.[39] Although he scored 167 for Shannon in 1924, and took eight for 38 for Trinidad against Barbados, Constantine's cricket was steady but not particularly successful in this period.[28][40] His performances did not stand out and he was dropped from the West Indies team to face the MCC touring team during 1926. He was recalled for the following match, once again at the insistence of Austin, who wanted a good cover fielder in the team.[42] Constantine was also involved in an incident over short-pitched bowling. The MCC fast bowlers had bowled short at Austin, who was nearly 50; in retaliation, Constantine bounced the MCC captain, Freddie Calthorpe, and only stopped after C. L. R. James pointed out the diplomatic row which would follow if Calthorpe, an important figure in the British establishment, was hit by the ball.[43] Once more, his performances were not statistically impressive, but his style impressed critics and spectators,[44] and he came top of the West Indies bowling averages.[45]

A new, permanent job with Trinidad Leaseholds allowed Constantine to devote more time to cricket; he had time to practise and the firm were happy to allow him to play representative cricket.[46] Constantine realised that to succeed as a professional cricketer, his performances needed to improve and he had to fulfil some of the potential which critics had recognised since his first appearances. His bowling was not particularly fast and while batting he often got out playing shots which were too adventurous. After his relative failure in 1926, he increased his level of practice. He improved his fitness and trained to become a slip fielder so that he could conserve energy for bowling.[47] To become a genuine fast bowler, he increased the pace of his bowling and developed greater stamina.[48] By the time trial matches were arranged for the 1928 tour of England, his cricket had improved to the point where he took five for 32 and scored 63 in the second trial match and he was chosen to go to England.[28][49] When he went, he left behind his wife Norma, whom he had married in 1927, and his newly-born daughter.[49][50]

[edit] Tour of England in 1928

Constantine wanted to be successful and entertaining enough on the 1928 tour to secure a contract to play cricket professionally in England. He therefore ensured that he was in peak physical condition when the tour began.[51] C. L. R. James wrote that Constantine "had revolted against the revolting contrast between his first-class status as a cricketer and his third-class status as a man ... The restraints imposed upon him by social conditions in the West Indies had become intolerable and he decided to stand them no longer."[52] James later wrote that Constantine would never have left Trinidad had he been able to live with "honour [and] a little profit".[53]

Aside from his personal success, Constantine was also conscious that his cricket had to be entertaining to benefit West Indies cricket: the tourists had to be attractive for spectators to encourage public interest and ensure the financial success of this and future tours.[54] He began the tour in good form; in the opening first-class match, against Derbyshire, he began his second innings with the West Indians needing 40 runs to win; in seven scoring shots, Constantine hit 31 runs and took the team to a two-wicket victory.[28][55] In the following match, he scored 130 in 90 minutes, his maiden first-class century, against Essex to give his team a first-innings lead.[28][56] Against Surrey he scored two fifties in a drawn game;[28] the second innings averted a West Indian defeat after the early batsmen had failed.[57] In the following games, Constantine scored another fifty against Oxford University and took ten wickets in the game against Cambridge University, but it was the Middlesex game which brought Constantine to the widest attention.[28][54]

Prior to the game, Constantine was struggling for fitness, but conscious that he was the star attraction and that success was important in a high-profile game, he chose to play.[58] Middlesex batted first, but Constantine bowled little owing to his injury. Middlesex reached 352 before declaring the innings closed and West Indies were struggling at 79 for five when Constantine came into bat. He scored 50 runs in 18 minutes and went on to score 86 in under an hour to avert the follow-on. When Middlesex batted again, he took seven for 57 in a spell of extremely fast bowling to bowl Middlesex out for 136. West Indies needed 259 to win but looked likely to lose when Constantine returned to bat with the score 121 for five. This time, he scored 103 in 60 minutes, hitting two sixes and 12 fours and taking West Indies to a three-wicket victory.[59][60] The spectators and Middlesex members gave him a standing ovation and cheered enthusiastically; for players and spectators this was the defining match of Constantine's career.[61] Writing many years later, cricket writer E. W. Swanton noted that there were few all-round performances in the history of cricket to match it.[38] Shortly after the game, Nelson, a cricket club in the Lancashire League, offered Constantine a professional contract, which was his aim at the start of the tour.[61]

The rest of Constantine's tour was successful; he did particularly well against Northamptonshire, taking 13 wickets in the game, including a hat-trick, and scoring 107 in his only innings.[62] Only in the Test matches, the first ever played by West Indies, was he less effective. Although he took West Indies' first wicket in Test cricket, dismissing Charlie Hallows, and finished with innings figures of four for 82,[61] he took only one more wicket during the remainder of the three Test series and ended with five wickets at an average of 52.40; with the bat, he scored 89 runs in six innings at 14.83.[63][64] Even so, Jack Hobbs said that Constantine's opening overs to him in the first Test were among the fastest he ever faced,[61] and Constantine was criticised for bowling short at the England batsmen in the second Test.[65] When the tour ended, Constantine had scored more runs and taken more wickets and catches in first-class games than any other tourist.[61] He was second in the team's batting averages with 1,381 runs at 34.52 and led the bowling averages with 107 wickets at 22.95.[34][35][66] However, he bowled far more than any of his team-mates and believed that his captain, Karl Nunes, over-bowled him; the pair did not get along well on the tour.[66] But it was the manner in which Constantine played which set him apart from the restrained form of cricket generally played in England at the time: his style, aggression and entertaining cricket made a big impression on the crowds. According to Peter Mason in his biography of Constantine, he established a unique style of West Indian cricket and possibly established the template for West Indian cricketers for years to come.[67]

[edit] Series against England and Australia

Head and shoulders photograph of a man in a dark suit.
Constantine during the tour of Australia in 1930

When Constantine returned to Trinidad, his good form continued in the Intercolonial Tournament; in the two matches, he took 16 wickets and in the final against Barbados scored 133, the highest score of his career and Trinidad's highest innings in the competition until then. Trinidad won the competition and Constantine was praised on the island.[68][69] These were his last matches in the tournament for Trinidad as the rules at the time did not permit professional cricketers (which he became by signing for Nelson) to take part.[70] Constantine played one match in Jamaica for a West Indies team against an English touring team and then travelled to Nelson to begin his professional career.[69]

Following his first season with Nelson in 1929, Constantine returned to the West Indies to face England in another Test series, visiting New York along the way.[71] Although the English touring team still contained some famous names, the Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC)—who administered English cricket at the time—had sent out two teams at the same time that winter, the other going to New Zealand. The touring party to the West Indies contained two players in their fifties, Wilfred Rhodes and George Gunn.[72] The first Test was drawn and, while Constantine did little with the bat, he contributed a long spell of bowling and fielded well, holding several catches. This was enough for him to be regarded as the star performer and he was awarded a bat for his contribution.[73][74] However, the MCC captain criticised his use of short-pitched bowling with fielders concentrated on the leg side;[75] one such ball struck the 40-year-old Andy Sandham but Constantine only reverted to more conventional tactics after a request from the MCC manager. Bill Voce had pursued similar tactics earlier in the match and knocked out one of the home batsmen.[76] Constantine then played twice for Trinidad against the MCC team. Cramp prevented him from bowling in the second game and he failed with the bat, but he took nine catches in total and he believed he was fielding better than he had ever done.[77] During the second Test, which also took place in Trinidad, Constantine scored a rapid 58 and took six wickets, but West Indies lost by 167 runs.[28][73] Compensation came in the following match when West Indies recorded their first win in Test matches. Centuries from George Headley and Clifford Roach paved the way, and Constantine took four for 35 and five for 87 to secure the victory.[73] Constantine was left out of the final match, mainly for political reasons. In the series, 29 men represented West Indies and each match had a different home captain. Expenses and inter-island politics meant that selectors tended to pick players from the island hosting the Test.[78] In the three matches in which he played, Constantine scored 144 runs at 14.40 and took 18 wickets at 27.61.[63][64]

After his second season at Nelson, Constantine joined the first West Indies team to tour Australia. The side felt some trepidation over how the black members of the side would be received, but the tour passed off without incident and Constantine later praised the reception the team was accorded.[79] The team was captained by Jackie Grant, a white man who had played for Cambridge University but had not seen any of the team play recently. Constantine considered this to be unsatisfactory and he felt that it affected performances.[79] West Indies were heavily defeated in the five-Test series, losing the first four matches before winning the last match for their first overseas victory.[79] Constantine achieved little in the series, scoring just 72 runs at 7.20 and taking eight wickets at 50.87.[63][64] In other first-class games, he was more successful and, although Headley performed very well, it was Constantine who proved immensely popular with spectators.[80] Even before the Tests began, his fielding drew praise from the press and he was described in The Sydney Mail as the fastest bowler seen in Australia for years.[81] Monty Noble, a former Australian captain, writing in the Sydney Sun described a rapid innings of 59 runs as "sensational" and one of the best played in Australia since the war.[82] Among his other achievements were five-wicket returns against Victoria, Tasmania and New South Wales, a century in 52 minutes against Tasmania, innings of 75 and 97 in the match against Queensland, 63 runs against South Australia and 93 in the New South Wales game.[28][83] For all his success against the state teams, his fielding was the biggest attraction; in 1950 Donald Bradman, who played against Constantine that season, described him as the greatest fielder he had seen.[84] In all first-class matches, Constantine scored 708 runs at an average of 30.78 and took 47 wickets at 20.21;[34][35] he led the team's bowling averages and came fourth in batting.[85]

[edit] Test series against England in 1933 and 1934–5

By now living in Nelson and barred from the Inter-colonial Tournament,[70][86] Constantine did not return to Trinidad to play cricket for several seasons, and he did not play any first-class cricket for two years.[28] Owing to his contract with Nelson, Constantine was unavailable for much of the West Indies' tour of England under the captaincy of Jackie Grant in 1933. Constantine never took issue with Nelson over this, although some critics claimed he was swayed by the greater financial rewards the club provided.[87] He appeared once for the tourists in May, scoring 57 in 27 minutes and taking four wickets in a victory over an MCC team at Lord's.[88] In this match, he and Manny Martindale, another West Indian fast bowler, were criticised in the press for bowling short at the MCC batsmen.[89] The West Indian board unsuccessfully tried to negotiate his release for the first Test match, which West Indies lost heavily.[90] After he had appeared in some mid-week games for the West Indies (Lancashire League games were held on Saturdays), taking nine wickets in the game against Yorkshire, Nelson gave him permission to appear in the second Test at Manchester.[88]

During the previous winter, England had played Australia in the controversial Bodyline series in which the English bowlers were accused of bowling the ball roughly on the line of leg stump. The deliveries were often short-pitched with four or five fielders close by on the leg side waiting to catch deflections off the bat. The tactics were difficult for batsmen to counter and were designed to be intimidatory.[91] By the 1933 season, it had become a sensitive subject.[92] In the game against Yorkshire, Grant was frustrated to discover that the home team had prepared a soft pitch which reduced the effectiveness of fast bowling and he ordered Constantine to bowl Bodyline. The tactics were not effective in that instance, but Grant and Constantine discussed the matter further and decided to use Bodyline during the second Test.[89][93] West Indies scored 375, of which Constantine made 31.[28] When England replied, several batsmen were discomfited by the Bodyline bowling;[89] Wally Hammond was struck on the chin and retired hurt.[94] Constantine and Martindale bowled up to four short deliveries each over so that the ball rose to head height; occasionally they bowled around the wicket.[95] Although not as fast as he had been on the previous tour, Constantine was still capable of short bursts of very fast bowling.[96] Even so, the England captain Douglas Jardine, the man responsible for the Bodyline tactics used in Australia, batted for five hours to score his only Test century. Many critics praised Jardine's batting and bravery in the game.[93][97] The ball carried through slowly on another soft pitch, which reduced the effectiveness of the Bodyline tactics,[98] and Constantine took one for 55.[28] The public disapproval expressed during and after the match was instrumental in turning English attitudes against Bodyline,[98] an attitude Constantine considered hypocritical.[89] In West Indies second innings, England also bowled Bodyline, but Constantine's innings of 64 in an hour ensured that the match was drawn.[99][100]

Constantine played only one more first-class game on the tour; in all first-class games, he scored 181 runs at 20.11 and took 14 wickets at 22.14.[34][35] The team management negotiated a deal with Nelson to release him for the third Test, with Essex all-rounder Stan Nichols to be Constantine's substitute for the club team. When Jardine heard, he convinced the England selectors to include Nichols in the team for the Test, the deal collapsed and Constantine did not play.[101] Most critics believed that the team underachieved in the Test series; Constantine believed that one cause was the inexperience of Grant as captain.[99]

Constantine's next first-class cricket came late in 1934, when he went to India to coach and play in the Moin-ud-Dowlah Gold Cup Tournament. He played two matches which were retrospectively given first-class status, and nearly represented the Europeans cricket team in the Bombay Quadrangular tournament until critics disagreed over his eligibility.[102][103] Constantine returned to Nelson in December 1934, in time to receive a telegram from the West Indies Board inviting him to play in the Test series against England to be played in early 1935. The message arrived too late for him to play in the first Test, won by England, but he travelled with his family to Trinidad, where the second Test was to be held, and played in the remainder of the four-match series.[104]

When the MCC team played Trinidad in two matches preceding the second Test, Constantine took a total of 10 wickets in the games.[28] In the second, he played with his brother Elias for the only time in a first-class match; the brothers shared a partnership of 93.[105] In the first innings of the Test, Constantine scored 90, his highest Test score. West Indies had the advantage for much of the game and left England needing 325 to win in the fourth innings. The tourists aimed to achieve a draw but lost early wickets.[106] In the final stages of the match, Constantine was warned by the umpire that he was bowling Bodyline and Jackie Grant withdrew him from the bowling attack, to Constantine's displeasure. When the crowd protested, Constantine returned to bowl and with only two balls of the match left, he took the last English wicket.[107] West Indies had won by 217 runs and Constantine had taken three for 11; in the match, he scored 121 runs and took five wickets. The third Test was drawn, leaving the final Test to decide the series.[28] After making a big total, West Indies bowled England out twice to win by an innings and record their first Test series victory. As well as taking six wickets in the game, Constantine captained the team to victory after Grant injured an ankle on the last morning and asked Constantine to assume the leadership in his absence.[108] Peter Mason writes: "Given the measures that the West Indian authorities had taken to ensure that no black man would ever captain a regional side, it was a great irony and a huge source of delight to Constantine that he should be the man to lead the team at the moment of their greatest achievement so far."[109] Once more, the press praised Constantine and hailed his achievements.[110] In the series, he scored 169 runs at an average of 33.80 and took 15 wickets at 13.13.[34][35]

[edit] Tour of England in 1939

A cricketer bowling.
Constantine bowling in 1930

Apart from one match in early 1939, when he appeared by invitation for Barbados in a friendly match, Constantine did not play any first-class cricket until West Indies toured England in 1939. In that time, West Indies did not play any Test matches. Constantine had deliberately not signed for the Lancashire League in 1939 to be available for the tour; he realised his age made future tours unlikely.[70] However, he was not happy with either the playing strength of the touring team, nor with the £600 he was offered for the tour[70][111] West Indies lost the three-match Test series 1–0 against a very strong England side.[70] Their performances improved as the series progressed and the team were on top for stages of the latter two Tests. Rain and the preparations for the Second World War, which cut the tour short, brought disruption to several games. Overall, critics judged the playing record of the team to be good, and Hubert Preston, the editor of Wisden, wrote that the tour "brought considerable distinction to the team".[112] Nevertheless, Constantine and the captain, Rolph Grant, did not get along. Constantine believed Grant was appointed simply because he was white and that he was unsuited to the job. Constantine captained the side in one match but was reprimanded by the West Indies board for not pursuing a win and replaced for the next game.[113]

By now aged 38, Constantine no longer bowled fast but generally at medium pace from a short run-up.[70] To compensate for his reduced pace, he mixed up his bowling style to deceive the batsmen, spinning the ball and bowling at speeds from quite slow to occasionally very fast.[112] He bowled more overs than any other member of the team and was the leading wicket-taker with 103 wickets in the season at an average of 17.77.[35][114] He led the team's bowling averages,[115] and came seventh in the bowling averages for the season.[114] Preston noted that "in bowling Constantine stood out by himself".[112] With the bat, Constantine scored 614 runs at 21.17,[34] and Preston wrote that Constantine "often electrified onlookers with his almost impudent zest for runs".[112] His highest innings came in the final Test match when he scored 79 in an hour, out of 103 runs while he was batting, and hit 11 fours. Wisden commented: "Constantine, in the mood suggesting his work in Saturday afternoon League cricket, brought a welcome air of gaiety to the Test arena. He revolutionised all the recognised features of cricket and, surpassing Bradman in his amazing stroke play, he was absolutely impudent in his aggressive treatment of bowling shared by Nichols and Perks."[116] In the three Tests, Constantine scored 110 runs at 27.50 and took 11 wickets at 29.81,[63][64] including five for 75 in the final Test.[28] Preston considered his fielding to be excellent,[112] and selected him as one of Wisden's Cricketers of the Year for his performances during the season.[9]

The third Test match, after which the tour was abandoned owing to the war, was Constantine's last. In 18 matches, he scored 635 runs at an average of 19.24, took 58 wickets at 30.10 and held 28 catches.[117] He played just once more in first-class cricket, when in 1945 he captained a team representing the "Dominions" against England at Lord's; Constantine was the only black player in the game. The match, regarded as one of the most exciting played at Lord's, was narrowly won by the Dominions. Constantine, in the second innings, shared a partnership of 117 in 45 minutes with Keith Miller; Constantine scored 40 runs. He did not bowl much as he considered himself too slow, but ran out a batsman at a key point in the final innings.[118] In all first-class cricket, Constantine scored 4,475 runs at 24.05 and took 439 wickets at 20.48.[117]

[edit] Lancashire League cricketer

During the tour of England in 1928, Constantine signed an initial three-year contract with Nelson, to play in the Lancashire League. The contract was worth £500 per season, plus performance bonuses and travelling expenses.[119] He remained there until 1937, an unusually long time for a professional to remain with a club.[120] Constantine's appearances in the Lancashire League boosted attendances and gate receipts for all Nelson's matches and helped the club to clear its debts. Historians of the league have calculated that he increased gate receipts by £100 for games in which he played; overall league attendances went up by 50,000 across the season and Nelson's gate money made up three-quarters of the total for all league clubs.[121] The financial stability brought by Constantine's popularity allowed other clubs to attract high-profile professionals.[122] He also brought sporting success: in his nine seasons at the club, Nelson never finished lower than second and won the league competition seven times; the team also twice won the knockout cup.[120] Constantine was well-rewarded for his role; he renewed his contract in 1931 for £650 each year and when a rival league attempted to poach Constantine in 1935, all the Lancashire League clubs contributed to his wage,[121] which rose to £750 per year between 1935 and 1937. This wage was far more than the maximum wage for a professional footballer at the time and probably made Constantine the best-paid sportsman in the country.[123][124] It also placed him among the top earners in Nelson, receiving far more pay than those who watched him.[123] Consequently, he and his family had a good standard of living for the first time in their lives.[121]

As Nelson's professional, Constantine played during Saturday afternoon matches and in weekday evening knockout games.[124] He also had coaching commitments during the week.[125][126] On the field, he was immediately successful and looking back, he saw his first season at Nelson as the best of his life owing to the freedom and excitement of the cricket he played. Even so, he improved his figures in subsequent seasons.[127] In nine years at the club, he scored 6,363 runs at an average of 37.65 and took 776 wickets at 9.50. His highest score was 192,[128] and his best bowling figures were ten wickets for ten runs.[129] In each season except for 1932, he averaged over 30 with the bat and in 1933 he scored 1,000 runs at an average of over 50. He took over 70 wickets every season and his bowling average never rose above 11.30; in five seasons, he averaged under ten runs per wicket.[130] In 1933, he took 96 wickets, his highest aggregate,[130] and had he not missed two games to play for the West Indies touring team, would likely have completed the double, an unprecedented feat in the league.[120][131] Constantine enjoyed league cricket and preferred its brand of cricket to what he perceived as the negativity and dullness of county cricket.[132] He believed the standard of play was very high, stating "Never in my life have I played harder than in Lancashire."[133] In his history of West Indies cricket, Michael Manley notes that league cricket at this time was intense and unrelenting, comparable to modern one-day cricket. But, "it was in this special atmosphere of League cricket that Constantine was supreme."[131]

For the 1938 season, Constantine played for Rochdale in the Central Lancashire Cricket League, although he continued to live in Nelson. He received £812 for the season, and performed successfully. But he did not enjoy the experience owing to what he perceived as a more selfish attitude among the players, some of whom seemed jealous of his earnings, and the different nature of pitches in his new league. Furthermore, there was an incident of racial abuse which he believed the Central Lancashire League committee effectively covered up.[134] In 1939, Constantine represented West Indies during the season and did not play any further professional league cricket in Lancashire. During the war, Constantine returned to play for Nelson as an amateur.[135]

[edit] Style and technique

E. W. Swanton believed that Constantine was the first great West Indian cricketer to make an impression on the British public: "he indeed personified West Indian cricket from the first faltering entry in the Test arena in 1928 until the post-war emergence of the trinity of Worrell, Weekes and Walcott."[38] He went on: "There have been many all-rounders with better records on paper with both bat and ball; but it is hard to think of one who made a more sensational impact, in either department, and above all impossible to imagine his superior as a fielder anywhere."[38] In 1934, Neville Cardus described Constantine as a "genius" and the "most original cricketer of recent years".[136] R. C. Robertson-Glasgow called Constantine one of the best all-rounders of his period, and the most exciting cricketer to watch of all his contemporaries.[137] This was partly because his style of cricket meant that he could alter the course of a match in a short space of time. Even so, he was completely professional in his approach and preferred not to take unnecessary risks.[138]

Constantine's batting was based on good eyesight, quick reflexes and natural ability. While batting, he was able to use his wrists to adjust the angle of the bat at the last second to deal with unexpected late movement by the ball. More so than any orthodox coaching, this ability arising from the uneven pitches on which he learned the game, influenced Constantine's batting. He batted by instinct and, according to Manley, "his every stroke owing more to energy than calculation".[139] He was capable of scoring rapidly against any standard of bowling, but rarely batted for long periods because he chose not to defend. His best shots were the cut, pull and hook.[140] C. L. R. James believed that Constantine only found his best form in Test matches once he became an accomplished league cricketer.[141] By setting himself to master the variety of pitch conditions he encountered, and adopting a style of fast-scoring and occasionally unorthodox batting, he became an adaptable and effective batsman who improvised where necessary to prevent bowlers getting on top.[142] His early supporters had hoped that he would become an outstanding batsman; James later wrote: "It was not to be, and what was, was not less."[53]

A fielder who excelled at the position of cover-point, according to Manley, Constantine was "athletic, panther-quick, sure handed and with an arm that could rifle the ball into the wicket-keeper's gloves like a bullet even from the deepest boundary which was not then limited to 75 yards".[143] Many who saw him believed that he was one of the best fielders of all time.[144] As a bowler, Constantine had a relatively short run-up, but he accelerated at the end of it and his bowling action was explosive.[145] Beginning as an outright fast bowler, he adapted his style following his league experience. According to James, he reached his best form as a bowler in 1939 using what he had learned in the leagues.[146] By this time, he was varying his pace, spin and the flight of the ball; this made him effective even on good batting pitches such as that in his final Test match.[147] Although Constantine's Test bowling record was modest, this may to some extent reflect the poor standard of fielding in the West Indies team.[148] In their early days in Test cricket, the West Indian fielders dropped a lot of catches, handicapping the bowling attack.[38][149]

According to Manley, wherever he played, he brought "style and humour: that aggressiveness that is somehow good-natured and which is the distinctively West Indian quality in all sport. Constantine's extrovert exuberance was, of course, more particularly Trinidadian than generally West Indian. Perhaps it is this last characteristic that gave him that special quality of panache which sets him apart from all other West Indian cricketers."[138]

[edit] Life in England

[edit] Nelson

During his time in Nelson, Constantine made a deep impression on the local population. As well as playing cricket, he became involved in the local community. He coached local children, engaged with the team's supporters and visited the hospital. Jeffrey Hill, who wrote a history of Nelson, described him as a "local champion".[150] He was generally popular with fellow players and the other residents of Nelson, spent little and kept out of political discussions.[151] He appreciated that he enjoyed greater freedom than working for a solicitors in a Trinidad dominated by racial issues.[125] Although Nelson suffered from the effects of the Depression, Constantine's high earnings were never a source of resentment, partly because of his bearing and personality and also through what he brought to the town through his status and achievements as a cricketer.[152] For many years after he left, Constantine enjoyed celebrity status in Nelson. Of his time there, he said: "If I had not come ... I could not have been the person I am today ... I am a better citizen for the time I have spent in Nelson."[135] In his obituary, Arlott said: "In his younger days some thought him bouncy or unduly colour conscious; if that were so, Nelson warmed him."[39]

Initially only Constantine and his wife moved to Nelson, leaving their daughter with relations. His first season was difficult; both he and the residents of the town were uncertain of each other. Few black people had been seen in Nelson and the locals were initially curious to the point of intrusiveness. Constantine and his wife were frequently stared at, but matters sometimes became more unpleasant. Although some members of the public wrote welcoming letters, the Constantines also received racist and abusive ones. Constantine quickly established boundaries over what he considered acceptable, permitting and even sharing small jokes over skin colour but protesting strongly at outright racism. After his first season, there were no more such incidents.[153] John Arlott wrote: "[Constantine] fought discrimination against his people with a dignity firm but free of acrimony."[39] Constantine later attributed some of the uneasiness during the first year to ignorance, but at the time he was ready to return to Trinidad after one season. His wife persuaded him otherwise, pointing out the benefits from remaining to complete his contract.[154] From 1930, possibly helped by the arrival of his daughter, Constantine found life more comfortable. There was less novelty surrounding the family and people in the town became much friendlier. The family developed friendships and took part in the social life of the town.[155] Although visiting Trinidad frequently in the English winter,[111][156] Constantine and his family now lived in Nelson permanently.[157]

After each of the first three seasons, the family changed their rented accommodation, eventually settling in a fairly prosperous, middle-class area of Nelson where they lived until 1949.[86][158] During 1932, they took C. L. R. James as a lodger. James had come from Trinidad, where he knew Constantine through having played cricket against him, to London but ran out of money; Constantine offered him a place to live. James was at the forefront of a growing West Indian nationalist movement, but Constantine had until then consciously stayed out of politics in Nelson.[159] Constantine was frequently invited to give talks at social events; James began to accompany him and increasingly became involved in public speaking. Constantine was more restrained in his views than James but joined the League of Coloured Peoples, an organisation aiming to achieve racial equality for black people in Britain.[160] Through James' influence, Constantine realised that he could use his influence in Britain to create interest in the West Indies and further the cause of racial equality and Trinidadian independence.[161] Constantine also helped James to further his career, paving his way into public speaking and helping to secure him a job writing for The Manchester Guardian. Constantine also paid for the publication of James' book on West Indian self-government. In return, James helped Constantine to write his first book, Cricket and I, which was published in 1933. Later commentators have identified the book as an important step in West Indian nationalism which encouraged future authors.[162] James later wrote that, at the time, few active cricketers wrote books and "no one in the West Indies that I knew, cricketer or not, was writing books at all; certainly none was being printed abroad."[156] Although the political activities that he took part in during 1932 badly affected Constantine's form for Nelson,[163] in the longer term they encouraged Constantine to resume his education.[164] The friendship between Constantine and James did not remain as close once James returned to London; they remained in contact but did not always agree politically or morally. But Mason believes that without Constantine's help James may not have later established himself as a celebrated political writer.[165]

[edit] Career during the war

During the war, Constantine continued to play league cricket; he appeared as a professional for Windhill Cricket Club in the Bradford League until 1941,[166] and later played as an amateur in the Liverpool and District League.[167] He also appeared in many wartime charity matches all over England, in addition to more high profile matches at Lord's.[168] As a popular cricketer, he was in demand to play but found it strenuous given his age.[169] But the war ended his career in top cricket and signalled a change in his priorities. When the war began, he chose to remain in Britain and continued to live in Nelson. After assisting in Nelson's preparations for war and serving as an Air Raid Precautions equipment officer,[170] he became a billeting officer in Nelson and inspected homes to assess their suitability for housing evacuees. He had applied for a job with the Ministry of Labour and was also expecting a call-up to the armed services, when the Ministry of Labour and National Service offered him a job as Welfare Officer, a senior position with the responsibility for the many West Indians who had been recruited to work in factories in the north-west of England for the duration of the war.[171]

Working mainly from Liverpool, Constantine helped the men to find accommodation and training, smoothed over difficulties they had settling in and assisted them with any problems. He also had to help them adapt to their unfamiliar environment and tackle the severe racism and discrimination which many of them faced.[172] Constantine attempted to work with both sides, working closely with trade unions and attempting to ease the fears and suspicions of white workers.[173] Where employers refused outright to employ West Indians, Constantine used his influence with the Ministry of Labour to increase the number of orders placed at the company so they were forced to employ more workers, of any race, to meet the demands. In most cases, Constantine preferred negotiation to confrontation and this approach was often successful.[174] His familiarity with England and his experience as a West Indian living there assisted him in his role. Also, his status as a famous cricketer and his high profile also benefitted his work, although some black workers felt his ease with white managers meant he was on the employers' side and did not entirely trust him.[175] Constantine's wartime experiences led him to increase his involvement in the League of Coloured Peoples, sometimes referring cases to them which he had encountered in his job. Constantine particularly took up the cause of the children of white women and black overseas servicemen who had been posted to England, who were often abandoned by their parents; however plans to create a children's home for them came to nothing, leaving Constantine frustrated at opposition to the scheme.[176]

Constantine remained in his post until the summer of 1946, latterly concerned with the repatriation of the West Indian workers at the end of the war.[177] For his work in the war, he was made a Member of the British Empire (MBE) in 1947.[178] During the war, Constantine also began a career in radio, broadcasting to the West Indies at the government's request on the involvement of West Indians in the war effort. When these broadcasts were successful, he was asked to speak on BBC radio about his life in England. His radio performances met with critical acclaim and he was a frequent guest on radio panel shows. He also took part in a film documentary, West Indies calling, in 1943.[179]

[edit] Constantine v Imperial London Hotels

Main article: Constantine v Imperial Hotels Ltd

In August 1943, Constantine appeared in a charity cricket match at Lord's and had booked rooms for himself, his wife and daughter at the Imperial Hotel in London for four nights. Upon his arrival on 30 July, he was told that they could only stay for one night because their presence might offend other guests.[180] This was not the first occasion he had been refused accommodation on the grounds of skin colour, and he knew of similar incidents affecting other people. But the Imperial Hotel incident affected him deeply, as his family was also involved and because he was due to play cricket for the "Dominions", a team representing the British Empire and Commonwealth.[180] When booking the rooms, he was specifically told on enquiry that his colour would not be an issue.[181] When Arnold Watson, a colleague of Constantine at the Ministry of Labour, arrived and attempted to intervene, he was told by the manageress: "We are not going to have these niggers in our hotel,"[181] and that his presence might offend Americans staying at the hotel. Watson replied that not only was Constantine a British subject, he worked for the government. But no arguments made any difference and Watson persuaded Constantine to leave and stay at another hotel. The new hotel, although owned by the same company as the Imperial, proved to be welcoming.[181]

By September, the matter came to public attention when questions were asked in the House of Commons, by which time Constantine had decided to take legal action.[181] The following June, Constantine v Imperial London Hotels was heard in the High Court. Although there was no law against racial discrimination in Britain at the time, Constantine argued that the hotel had breached its contract with him. Constantine informed the court that the attitude of the hotel changed between his booking and arrival owing to the presence of white American servicemen.[182] The defence argued that they had met their contract by accommodating Constantine in another hotel and that he had left the Imperial voluntarily.[183] The managing director of the hotel denied that racist language had been used. After two days of evidence, the judge found in Constantine's favour. He rejected the defence's arguments and praised the way Constantine had handled the situation and his bearing in court. Although the judge could only award five guineas damages for the hotel's refusal to accommodate Constantine,[181] Constantine was vindicated and emerged as a clear winner. He received great support from the public and the case was widely followed in the press. Further questions were asked in parliament and Constantine received the support of the government. He did not pursue the case any further as he believed he had raised the issue of racism in the public eye.[184]

Although racial discrimination continued in England, this case was the first to challenge such practices in court. Critics regard it as a milestone in British racial equality in demonstrating that black people had legal recourse against some forms of racism although also showing that there was no law against discrimination.[184] According to Mason, it "was one of the key milestones along the road to the creation of the Race Relations Act of 1965."[185] In later years, Constantine was remembered as much for this case as for his cricketing achievements.[185]

[edit] Legal studies

Throughout his time in Nelson, Constantine continued to consider a legal career. C. L. R. James helped him with his studies for a short time.[186] Later, Constantine worked in a solicitors' office in Nelson through a contact in the cricket team.[187] He finally decided to pursue a career in the legal profession, and in 1944 he enrolled in the Middle Temple, London.[188] As his studies were expensive, he continued for a time as a professional cricketer.[189] He returned to play for Windhill for three seasons from 1946, leading the league bowling averages in the latter two years.[190] He supplemented his income in 1946 by coaching on weekdays at Trinity College, Dublin. In 1953, he also coached in Ceylon.[191] Constantine also extended his work in journalism; he reported on cricket matches for Reuters during 1946 when his understanding of the game impressed fellow journalists.[192] He wrote several cricket books, probably with the help of a ghostwriter: Cricket in the Sun (1947) covered his career but also discussed the racism he had encountered and suggested ideas for the future of cricket, such as a world cup, which were radical at the time; Cricketers' Carnival (1948), Cricket Crackers and Cricketers' Cricket (both 1949) were more traditional cricket books including coaching tips and opinions.[193] Constantine also established himself as a radio broadcaster. He commentated for the BBC during the West Indies' victorious tour of England in 1950. HIs style won praise from the BBC hierarchy and from fellow journalists and he was soon in demand for other broadcasts, usually to talk about the Commonwealth or West Indies.[194] He enjoyed speaking on the radio and was particularly effective when speaking without a script; audiences particularly appreciated his broadcasts on his early life in Trinidad and his personal experiences.[195]

Around this time, Constantine took on official roles with several organisations and became involved in racial issues. In 1947, he became chairman of the League of Coloured Peoples and joined its executive committee. However, following the death of Harold Moody, the League's founder and Constantine's predecessor as chairman, the league foundered and closed in 1951.[196] In 1948, he was elected president of the Caribbean Congress of Labour and between 1947 and 1950, he joined the Colonial Office's Colonial Social Welfare Advisory Committee.[196] Also in 1950, he became involved in a controversy over the interracial marriage of Seretse Khama, the future president of Botswana. Constantine lobbied the government on Khama's behalf, organised meetings and even approached the United Nations. Little was achieved, and Constantine disapproved of the approach of the Labour government and its Prime Minister, Clement Attlee.[197] Around this time he was also invited to become a Liberal MP and to assist in the organisation of a black Olympic Games, but nothing came of these approaches.[196][198]

Broadcasting in particular provided Constantine with the financial security he needed. His legal studies had begun in earnest in 1946 when he joined the chambers of a barrister in London (though continuing to live in Nelson). Most of his studying was done at home; Constantine neither enjoyed the work nor found it easy but was determined to prove that he could succeed. His wife kept him motivated, restricted visitors to avoid distractions and practically forced him to study, keeping him going several times when he was close to giving up.[199] The family moved to London in 1949 to make it easier for him to study.[200] Between 1950 and 1954, Constantine passed the required series of examinations,[201] and later in 1954 he was called to the bar by the Middle Temple.[198]

Having turned down an offer to return to his old employer, Trinidad Leaseholds, in 1947 when he was not happy with his proposed role,[202] Constantine now agreed to join the company as an assistant legal advisor. He was uncertain about the move, having lived in England for 25 years, and he was still concerned about racial barriers in his homeland. On balance, though, he believed it was a good time to return to Trinidad, particularly as his daughter was moving there to marry.[203] Before leaving England, he published his fifth book, Colour Bar, in 1954. Written with a ghostwriter over two years, it addressed race relations in Britain and how he had experienced racism. He also discussed world-wide racial oppression and how progress could be made to improve the lives of black people.[204] For the time it was written, according to Peter Mason, it was "an explosive, challenging, hard hitting tome, the more so because it came not from a known black militant but from someone who seemed so charming, so unruffled, so suited to British society".[205] Although not radical as viewed by a black audience, it was aimed at white British readers.[206] The British press gave it mixed reviews and criticised him for unfairness in parts of the book; other critics accused him of expressing communist sympathies.[207]

[edit] Return to Trinidad

Constantine arrived in Trinidad in late 1954 at a time when the country was moving closer to independence from Britain and the people had become conscious of political issues. He began his new job in January 1955, working on legal issues that affected his company.[208] The relationship between Constantine and the other senior members of staff, who were mainly white, was not particularly close,[209] leaving him feeling isolated. This was one of a number of factors which drew him towards politics. A new political party called the People's National Movement (PNM) was founded around this time and its leader, Eric Williams, wanted to involve Constantine owing to his popular appeal and shared political views. By January 1956, Constantine had been elected as party chairman and a member of its executive; although he had assured Trinidad Leaseholds he would avoid politics, the company agreed he could pursue his political career.[210] Constantine's role involved establishing an infrastructure for the party, for example setting up local groups affiliated to the party, while maintaining his job at Trinidad Leaseholds.[211] Previously Constantine had been reluctant to become involved in party politics, but he felt that the PNM's policies agreed with his views on improving the lives of black people. Encouraged by his wife, Constantine stood for election in the constituency of Tunapuna, close to where he grew up.[212][213] Constantine won a narrow victory based mainly on the votes of the black population; his colleagues believed he was one of very few personalities who could have won the seat for the PNM. Having won, Constantine resigned from Trinidad Leaseholds,[214] and moved to Tunapuna. The PNM won a majority of seats in the election and Constantine became the minister of communications.[213][214]

As minister, Constantine was responsible for the regeneration of Trinidad's infrastructure, for example by building roads and bridges, expanding the supply of water and electricity and building schools. He also needed to make improvements to Trinidad's road system to cope with an increasing number of cars, and he attempted to modernise the railway system.[215] His work brought him into controversy when he was accused of corruption in late 1958 over a deal to lease a ship to carry passengers and cargo from Port-of-Spain to Scarborough, Tobago. Hurt by the accusation, his angry response in the Legislative Council created a perception that he felt himself to be above his colleagues. According to Mason, the speech placed doubts in the minds of the electorate, which may already have been questioning his commitment to Trinidad given his long absence abroad.[216] It also suggested to his colleagues that Constantine was not sufficiently hardened to survive parliamentary politics.[217] Mason writes: "In short, the speech was a miscalculation."[218] Constantine became increasingly disillusioned with the bitter arguments between the political parties and commentators considered him unsuited to his position.[219]

Constantine assisted in the development of the West Indies Federation as a step towards the independence of the islands, and then played a part in the negotiations which led to Trinidad's independence in 1962. His familiarity with Britain and his fame helped to smooth negotiations, even if his actual participation was minor.[220] Subsequently, he decided not to stand for re-election in 1961, and Williams appointed him as Trinidad and Tobago's first High Commissioner in the UK.[221]

Constantine's political career in Trinidad had been a mixed experience. Peter Mason writes that Constantine was a success: he was efficient, preferred action rather than debate and was both respected and popular. Mason concedes that he was not a natural political and often sensitive to criticism. In addition, his experience abroad was distrusted rather than an advantage.[222] Gerald Howat believes that Constantine's political career was handicapped through his age, his frequent references to his English experience, his disillusionment with politics, his lack of toughness and his rejection of political theorising in favour of pragmatism. Nor was he successful in debate. On the other hand, Howat states that Constantine's popularity attracted support to the PNM and that his ability to work with people led to several successes as minister.[223]

Constantine played a part in the campaign, led by C. L. R. James, to appoint the West Indies cricket team's first black captain; part of the eventual success of the campaign came from the perception of the anachronism that black people like Constantine could hold government positions, but not captain a cricket team.[224]

[edit] Back to England

[edit] High Commissioner

When Constantine returned to England as High Commissioner in June 1961, his initial aim was mainly to promote Trinidad's interests in Britain such as encouraging investment, but the position evolved into a more traditional ambassadorial role as an official representative of the Trinidad government. Among the accolades he received at this time was the freedom of the town of Nelson; he also appeared on several television programmes celebrating his life and achievements. In the New Year's Honours list for 1962, he was knighted and became Sir Learie Constantine.[225] Mason notes that Constantine had now "passed firmly into the consciousness as a British treasure".[226]

His role as High Commissioner ended in controversy. Constantine felt that his high profile required him to speak out on racial issues affecting the growing number of West Indian immigrants to Britain, and he offered quiet support to individuals in a number of cases.[227] He also considered it his duty to represent all West Indians, not just Trinidadians.[228] But in one case in April 1963 he went further; a Bristol bus company refused to employ black staff and Constantine became publicly involved by visiting the city and speaking to the press about the issue. Constantine's intervention assisted in a speedy resolution and the bus company backed down; according to Mason, the affair was crucial in persuading the government of the need for a Race Relations Act.[229] However, politicians in both Trinidad and Britain felt that a senior diplomat should not have become so closely involved in British domestic affairs, particularly as he acted without consulting his government. Consequently, Constantine flew to Trinidad to meet Eric Williams. Although it is not clear what happened when they met, Williams effectively withdrew his support and friendship, possibly wanting a lower profile appointment in Britain.[230] According to Constantine, he sought reassurances from Williams which were not forthcoming.[231] Constantine therefore decided not to renew his contract as High Commissioner when it expired in February 1964.[230][232] He subsequently downplayed the diplomatic effects of his intervention and rarely spoke of what had occurred with Williams.[233]

Howat believes that Constantine was successful as High Commissioner in caring for his staff, but that he did not pay enough attention to his job or to the administration of the office. Other diplomats respected him,[234] but Howat writes: "Yet the evidence for arguing that he was a successful High Commissioner remains sketchy. In the one area in which he acted positively, he blundered—the Bristol affair. In the language of the game he loved ... his timing was wrong though he was full of good intentions. To his office he brought certain known qualities which served him well but he added nothing to his stature or reputation during the term in which he held it."[235] Mason believes that "there was too much of the welfare officer about him and not enough of the government focused diplomat."[236]

[edit] Final years

For the remainder of his life, Constantine lived in London. He returned to legal practice and, despite limited work, he was pleased to achieve a lifelong ambition: although he had limited legal experience, he was elected an Honorary Bencher of the Middle Temple in 1963. As well as undertaking frequent social engagements, he resumed both broadcasting and written journalism. He wrote and broadcast on cricket, race and the Commonwealth and produced two more books: a coaching book in 1964, The Young Cricketers Companion, and The Changing Face of Cricket in 1966 which included his thoughts on modern cricket.[237] For the first time, he worked as a television commentator, although his failing health and talkative style meant he was less successful than on the radio.[238]

Constantine once again became involved with British government organisations at this time. In 1965, he was a founding member of the Sports Council, which aimed to develop sport in Britain. In 1967, he became a member of the three-person Race Relations Board, formed through the Race Relations Act, to investigate cases of racial discrimination.[239] In this role, he spoke out against the Commonwealth Immigrants Act, which led to an offer from the Liberal Party to stand as MP for Nelson, which he declined.[240] Later, he was involved in an unsuccessful attempt to negotiate the release of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the overthrown Prime Minister of Nigeria.[241] In 1966, Constantine was appointed to the BBC's General Advisory Committee before he became a Governor of the corporation two years later. But his declining health restricted his involvement.[242]

In the New Years Honours of 1969, Constantine was awarded a life peerage and became the first black man to achieve a place in the House of Lords. He took the title of Baron Constantine of Maraval in Trinidad and Nelson in the County Palatine of Lancaster. His investiture attracted widespread media attention;[243] Constantine stated: "I think it must have been for what I have endeavoured to do to make it possible for people of different colour to know each other better and live well together."[244] He sat as a crossbencher but was well enough to make only one speech in his time in the Lords.[243]

In 1967 he had been elected as Rector of St Andrew's University by the students. Once again, his health restricted him and the students believed that he did not fulfil his role satisfactorily, to the extent of voting that he step down. However he left the post only when his term expired in 1970.[245] A result of Constantine's many awards and posts in his last years was that he faced criticism that he had become part of the Establishment; Private Eye mocked him and the new generation of West Indian immigrants believed he was out of touch with their views.[246] Throughout his life, Constantine preferred to deal with racism through measured diplomacy, trying to ensure that the perpetrator looked unreasonable and foolish. He wrote that racist incidents: "hurt, of course, but one tries to be philosophical afterwards. Long ago, an old Negro told me: 'Learie, the only thing to do with people with bad manners is to forgive them; any other way hurts more.' He was right."[247] This conciliatory approach brought disapproval from more radical black spokesmen during his later life.[247]

Although reluctant to leave England, to which he felt he belonged as much as to Trinidad, his health necessitated plans to return permanently to Trinidad. Before he could do so, he died of a heart attack, probably brought about by bronchitis, on 1 July 1971. His body was flown to Trinidad, where he received a state funeral before being buried in Arouca. He was posthumously awarded Trinidad's highest honour, the Trinity Cross. Later in the month, a memorial service was held in London in Westminster Abbey.[248]

[edit] Family life

Constantine met his future wife, Norma Agatha Cox, in 1921. She had little interest in cricket and, although their relationship developed during the early 1920s, she resented that he gave more time to cricket than he did to her.[21] However, the relationship lasted and she began to take more of an interest in his sporting achievements. They were married on 25 July 1927; their only child, Norma, was born in April 1928.[50] Throughout their marriage, she motivated him to continue his efforts to further his career and they remained close. Norma died two months after her husband in 1971.[249]

[edit] Personality

John Arlott describes Constantine as a man of "easy humour and essential patience ... His outlook was that of a compassionate radical and he maintained his high moral standards unswervingly."[39] E. W. Swanton writes: "None could call Lord Constantine a modest man, but gifts of warmth and friendliness as well as a shrewd brain and a ready tongue helped to make him one of the personalities of his time."[38] He did not get along with everyone; he and England cricketer Wally Hammond feuded for nearly ten years over what Constantine perceived as a slight in 1925–26. Subsequently, Constantine continually bowled short when he encountered Hammond on the field, until the pair made peace in the Old Trafford Test match of 1933. After this, they pursued a more good-natured rivalry and became quite friendly; Hammond publicly expressed sympathy for the discrimination suffered by Constantine and other black West Indians.[250]

In his earlier years, acquaintances believed Constantine was too conscious of colour.[39] James wrote: "Many doors in England were open to him. That doors were closed to other West Indians seemed more important to him."[251] Michael Manley describes him as an extrovert who displayed great self belief in everything he did.[252] He also notes that "Constantine was too long in England and perhaps too slight in Test-match performance to make the impact on the Caribbean that he did on England. But he enchanted England."[138]

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ Learie Constantine was named after an Irishman whom his father met and befriended on his first tour of England in 1900.[2]
  2. ^ In the first game, Constantine opened the batting in the first innings with his uncle, Victor Pascall.[25] In the second game, Lebrun Constantine joined Pascall and his son in the match, one of few first-class matches where a father and son played together.[26][27]

[edit] References

  1. ^ Howat, Gerald M. D. (2004, online edition 2011). "Constantine, Learie Nicholas, Baron Constantine (1901–1971)" (subscription or UK public library membership required). Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/30961. Retrieved 27 September 2011. 
  2. ^ a b c Mason, p. 3.
  3. ^ a b Mason, pp. 2–3.
  4. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 23.
  5. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 26.
  6. ^ Mason, p. 4.
  7. ^ a b c Mason, p. 2.
  8. ^ Howat (1976), p. 27.
  9. ^ a b "Learie Constantine (Cricketer of the Year)". Wisden Cricketers' Almanack. London: John Wisden & Co. 1940. http://www.espncricinfo.com/ci/content/story/154641.html. Retrieved 28 September 2011. 
  10. ^ Howat (1976), p. 28.
  11. ^ a b Mason, p. 5.
  12. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 28–29.
  13. ^ a b c Mason, p. 7.
  14. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 33–34.
  15. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 31–32.
  16. ^ Mason, p. 6.
  17. ^ Howat (1976), p. 34.
  18. ^ James, p. 50.
  19. ^ Mason, pp. 9–10.
  20. ^ Mason, p. 10.
  21. ^ a b c Howat (1976), p. 35.
  22. ^ a b c James, p. 104.
  23. ^ Mason, pp. 10–11.
  24. ^ "Trinidad v Barbados in 1921/22". CricketArchive. http://www.cricketarchive.com/Archive/Scorecards/10/10322.html. Retrieved 4 October 2011. 
  25. ^ "British Guiana v Trinidad in 1922/23". CricketArchive. http://www.cricketarchive.com/Archive/Scorecards/10/10648.html. Retrieved 4 October 2011. 
  26. ^ "Barbados v Trinidad in 1922/23". CricketArchive. http://www.cricketarchive.com/Archive/Scorecards/10/10649.html. Retrieved 4 October 2011. 
  27. ^ a b Mason, p. 11.
  28. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q "Player Oracle LN Constantine". CricketArchive. http://www.cricketarchive.com/cgi-bin/player_oracle_reveals_results2.cgi?playernumber=476&opponentmatch=exact&playername=&resulttype=All&matchtype=All&teammatch=exact&startwicket=&homeawaytype=All&opponent=&endwicket=&wicketkeeper=&searchtype=InningsList&endscore=&playermatch=contains&branding=cricketarchive&captain=&endseason=&startscore=&team=&startseason=. Retrieved 4 October 2011. 
  29. ^ a b Mason, pp. 11–12.
  30. ^ Howat (1976), p. 40.
  31. ^ Mason, p. 12.
  32. ^ Mason, p. 13.
  33. ^ Mason, pp. 13–14.
  34. ^ a b c d e f "First-class Batting and Fielding in Each Season by Learie Constantine". CricketArchive. http://cricketarchive.com/Archive/Players/0/476/f_Batting_by_Season.html. Retrieved 13 October 2011. 
  35. ^ a b c d e f "First-class Bowling in Each Season by Learie Constantine". CricketArchive. http://www.cricketarchive.com/Archive/Players/0/476/f_Bowling_by_Season.html. Retrieved 13 October 2011. 
  36. ^ a b Mason, p. 14.
  37. ^ Mason, p. 15.
  38. ^ a b c d e f Swanton, p. 70.
  39. ^ a b c d e f Arlott, John (1972). "Lord Learie Constantine (Obituary)". Wisden Cricketers' Almanack. London: John Wisden & Co. http://www.espncricinfo.com/ci/content/story/234709.html. Retrieved 16 October 2011. 
  40. ^ a b Mason, p. 16.
  41. ^ Howat (1976), p. 43.
  42. ^ James, p. 105.
  43. ^ James, pp. 107–08.
  44. ^ Mason, pp. 16–17.
  45. ^ Howat (1976), p. 45.
  46. ^ Mason, p. 18.
  47. ^ Mason, pp. 20–21.
  48. ^ James, p. 108.
  49. ^ a b Mason, pp. 21–22.
  50. ^ a b Mason, p. 19.
  51. ^ Mason, p. 22.
  52. ^ James, p. 106.
  53. ^ a b James, p. 109.
  54. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 51.
  55. ^ Mason, p. 24.
  56. ^ Howat (1976), p. 50.
  57. ^ "Cricket: West Indies avert defeat (subscription required)". The Times (London): p. 7. 16 May 1928. http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/viewArticle.arc?currPgSmartSet=1&next_Page=false%2Cfalse%2Cfalse%2Cfalse&prev_Page=false%2Cfalse%2Cfalse%2Cfalse&toDate=1928-10-01&fromDate=1928-05-01&currentPageNumber=2&resultsPerPage=10&sortBy=%2Barchiveissuedate&offset=0&viewName=&addFilters=&removeFilters=&addCat=&pageId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1928-05-16-07&articleId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1928-05-16-07-001&origPageId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1928-05-16-07&origArticleId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1928-05-16-07-001&xmlpath=&pubId=1&totalResults=131&addRefineFilters=&removeRefineFilters=&addRefineCat=&additionalKeyword=&next_Page=false%2Cfalse%2Cfalse%2Cfalse&prev_Page=false%2Cfalse%2Cfalse%2Cfalse&queryKeywords=Constantine&sectionId=1040&date_dd_From=1&date_mm_From=05&date_yyyy_From=1928&isDateSearch=false&singleDate=true&date_dd_to_range=1&date_mm_to_range=10&date_yyyy_to_range=1928&date_dd_from_precise=1&date_mm_from_precise=05&date_yyyy_from_precise=1928&isDateSearch=false&dateSearchType=range&dateSearchTypeLoadState=range&refineQuerykeywordText=. Retrieved 22 October 2011. 
  58. ^ Mason, pp. 24–25.
  59. ^ Howat (1976), p. 52.
  60. ^ Mason, p. 25.
  61. ^ a b c d e Mason, p. 27.
  62. ^ Mason, p. 28.
  63. ^ a b c d "Test Batting and Fielding in Each Season by Learie Constantine". CricketArchive. http://www.cricketarchive.com/Archive/Players/0/476/t_Batting_by_Season.html. Retrieved 23 October 2011. 
  64. ^ a b c d "Test Bowling in Each Season by Learie Constantine". CricketArchive. http://www.cricketarchive.com/Archive/Players/0/476/t_Bowling_by_Season.html. Retrieved 23 October 2011. 
  65. ^ Howat (1976), p. 53.
  66. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 55.
  67. ^ Mason, pp. 28–29.
  68. ^ Mason, p. 30.
  69. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 56.
  70. ^ a b c d e f Mason, p. 65.
  71. ^ Howat (1976), p. 58.
  72. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 58–59.
  73. ^ a b c Mason, p. 55.
  74. ^ Howat (1976), p. 59.
  75. ^ Howat (1976), p. 60.
  76. ^ Frith, pp. 31–32.
  77. ^ Howat (1976), p. 61.
  78. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 61–62.
  79. ^ a b c Mason, p. 57.
  80. ^ Mason, p. 58.
  81. ^ Poidevin, L. O. S. (26 November 1930). "The West Indies Team: Outstanding Personalities". The Sydney Mail (Sydney): p. 25. http://news.google.com/newspapers?id=13pVAAAAIBAJ&sjid=J5YDAAAAIBAJ&pg=6381%2C5939865. Retrieved 26 October 2011. 
  82. ^ Howat (1976), p. 64.
  83. ^ Howat (1976), p. 66.
  84. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 71–72.
  85. ^ Howat (1976), p. 73.
  86. ^ a b Mason, pp. 41–42.
  87. ^ Howat (1976), p. 100.
  88. ^ a b Mason, p. 59.
  89. ^ a b c d Frith, p. 358.
  90. ^ Howat (1976), p. 101.
  91. ^ Douglas, p. 103.
  92. ^ Mason, p. 59–60.
  93. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 102.
  94. ^ Frith, p. 355.
  95. ^ Frith, p. 357.
  96. ^ Gibson, Alan (1979). The Cricket Captains of England. London: Cassell. p. 159. ISBN 0-304-29779-8. 
  97. ^ Frith, pp. 356–58.
  98. ^ a b Douglas, pp. 167–68.
  99. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 104.
  100. ^ "England v West Indies 1933". Wisden Cricketers' Almanack. John Wisden & Co. 1934. http://www.espncricinfo.com/ci/content/story/151776.html. Retrieved 2 November 2011. 
  101. ^ Frith, p. 364.
  102. ^ Mason, pp. 62–63.
  103. ^ Howat (1976), p. 105.
  104. ^ Mason, p. 63.
  105. ^ Howat (1976), p. 107.
  106. ^ Howat (1976), p. 108.
  107. ^ Mason, pp. 63–64.
  108. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 109–10.
  109. ^ Mason, p. 64.
  110. ^ Howat (1976), p. 110.
  111. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 111.
  112. ^ a b c d e Preston, Hubert (1940). "The West Indian team in England 1939". Wisden Cricketers' Almanack. London: John Wisden & Co. http://www.espncricinfo.com/ci/content/story/155218.html. Retrieved 6 November 2011. 
  113. ^ Mason, p. 145.
  114. ^ a b Mason, p. 66.
  115. ^ "First-class Bowling for West Indians in West Indies in England 1939". CricketArchive. http://www.cricketarchive.co.uk/Archive/Events/ENG/West_Indies_in_England_1939/f_West_Indians_Bowling.html. Retrieved 6 November 2011. 
  116. ^ "England v West Indies 1939". Wisden Cricketers Almanack. London: John Wisden & Co. 1940. http://www.espncricinfo.com/ci/content/story/151858.html. Retrieved 6 November 2011. 
  117. ^ a b "Learie Constantine". CricketArchive. http://www.cricketarchive.com/Archive/Players/0/476/476.html. Retrieved 6 November 2011. 
  118. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 140–41.
  119. ^ Mason, pp. 30–31.
  120. ^ a b c Howat (1976), p. 94.
  121. ^ a b c Mason, p. 31.
  122. ^ Howat (1976), p. 95.
  123. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 87.
  124. ^ a b Mason, p. 32.
  125. ^ a b Mason, p. 38.
  126. ^ Howat (1976), p. 96.
  127. ^ Mason, pp. 33–34.
  128. ^ Mason, p. 35.
  129. ^ Howat (1976), p. 91.
  130. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 235.
  131. ^ a b Manley, p. 51.
  132. ^ Mason, pp. 32–33.
  133. ^ Mason, p. 36.
  134. ^ Mason, pp. 52–53.
  135. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 98.
  136. ^ Cardus, Neville (1934). Good Days. A Book of Cricket. London: Jonathan Cape. pp. 138, 141. 
  137. ^ Robertson-Glasgow, p. 123.
  138. ^ a b c Manley, p. 52.
  139. ^ Manley, pp. 26–27.
  140. ^ Manley, p. 26.
  141. ^ James, p. 128.
  142. ^ James, pp. 130–33.
  143. ^ Manley, p. 27.
  144. ^ Manley, p. 469.
  145. ^ Manley, p. 46.
  146. ^ James, p. 129.
  147. ^ Robertson-Glasgow, p. 124.
  148. ^ Manley, p. 50.
  149. ^ Manley, p. 471.
  150. ^ Mason, p. 37.
  151. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 95–97.
  152. ^ Mason, p. 43.
  153. ^ Mason, pp. 39–40.
  154. ^ Mason, pp. 40–41.
  155. ^ Mason, pp. 41–44.
  156. ^ a b James, p. 110.
  157. ^ Mason, p. 44.
  158. ^ Howat (1976), p. 75.
  159. ^ Mason, pp. 44–46.
  160. ^ Mason, pp. 47–48.
  161. ^ Mason, p. 48.
  162. ^ Mason, pp. 50–51.
  163. ^ James, pp. 121, 123.
  164. ^ Mason, p. 51.
  165. ^ Mason, pp. 45, 49–50.
  166. ^ Howat (1976), p. 121.
  167. ^ Mason, p. 91.
  168. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 129–35, 138–40.
  169. ^ Mason, pp. 91–92.
  170. ^ Mason, p. 76.
  171. ^ Howat (1976), p. 77.
  172. ^ Mason, p. 78.
  173. ^ Mason, pp. 78–79.
  174. ^ Mason, p. 79.
  175. ^ Mason, pp. 82–83.
  176. ^ Mason, pp. 83–84.
  177. ^ Mason, p. 87.
  178. ^ Mason, p. 88.
  179. ^ Mason, pp. 89–90.
  180. ^ a b Mason, p. 94.
  181. ^ a b c d e Williamson, Martin (26 January 2008). "We won't have niggers in this hotel". ESPNCricinfo. http://www.espncricinfo.com/magazine/content/story/333401.html. Retrieved 20 November 2011. 
  182. ^ Mason, p. 95.
  183. ^ Mason, p. 96.
  184. ^ a b Mason, p. 97.
  185. ^ a b Mason, p. 99.
  186. ^ James, p. 122.
  187. ^ Mason, p. 77.
  188. ^ Mason, p. 111.
  189. ^ Mason, p. 100.
  190. ^ Howat (1976), p. 143.
  191. ^ Mason, p. 101.
  192. ^ Mason, pp. 101–02.
  193. ^ Mason, pp. 102–07.
  194. ^ Mason, p. 108.
  195. ^ Mason, p. 109–10.
  196. ^ a b c Mason, p. 115.
  197. ^ Mason, pp. 115–16.
  198. ^ a b Mason, p. 117.
  199. ^ Mason, p. 111–12.
  200. ^ Mason, p. 114.
  201. ^ Howat (1976), p. 150.
  202. ^ Mason, p. 113.
  203. ^ Mason, pp. 117–18.
  204. ^ Mason, pp. 118–21.
  205. ^ Mason, p. 122.
  206. ^ Mason, p. 123.
  207. ^ Mason, pp. 123–26.
  208. ^ Mason, pp. 128–30.
  209. ^ Howat (1976), p. 156.
  210. ^ Mason, pp. 130–33.
  211. ^ Mason, pp. 133–34.
  212. ^ Mason, pp. 134–36.
  213. ^ a b Howat (1976), p. 164.
  214. ^ a b Mason, p. 137.
  215. ^ Mason, pp. 137–39.
  216. ^ Mason, pp. 140–41.
  217. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 166–69.
  218. ^ Mason, p. 141.
  219. ^ Mason, p. 142.
  220. ^ Mason, pp. 148–49.
  221. ^ Mason, p. 149.
  222. ^ Mason, pp. 151–52.
  223. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 176–78.
  224. ^ Mason, pp. 146–48.
  225. ^ Mason, pp. 153–55.
  226. ^ Mason, p. 154.
  227. ^ Mason, pp. 155–56.
  228. ^ Mason, p. 161.
  229. ^ Mason, pp. 156–58.
  230. ^ a b Mason, pp. 158–59.
  231. ^ Howat (1976), p. 190.
  232. ^ Howat (1976), p. 189.
  233. ^ Mason, p. 160.
  234. ^ Howat (1976), pp. 192–93.
  235. ^ Howat (1976), p. 193.
  236. ^ Mason, p. 163.
  237. ^ Mason, pp. 164–65.
  238. ^ Mason, pp. 165–66.
  239. ^ Mason, pp. 166–67.
  240. ^ Mason, pp. 167–68.
  241. ^ Mason, p. 168.
  242. ^ Mason, pp. 169–70.
  243. ^ a b Mason, pp. 170–72.
  244. ^ Swanton, p. 69.
  245. ^ Mason, pp. 172–75.
  246. ^ Mason, pp. 175–77.
  247. ^ a b Mason, p. 81.
  248. ^ Mason, pp. 181–82.
  249. ^ Mason, pp. 182–83.
  250. ^ Foot, David (1996). Wally Hammond, The Reasons Why: A Biography. London: Robson Books. pp. 158–60. ISBN 1-86105-037-2. 
  251. ^ James, p. 111.
  252. ^ Manley, p. 49.

[edit] Bibliography

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