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HIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII
[[Image:ac.harmodius.jpg|thumb|250px|Statue of Aristogiton and Harmodius 447 BC Roman copy of lost Greek original by {{Kritios}} (Archaeological Museum, Naples)]]
I AM GREEK ALOOOO HAHA

MY NAME IS SISI I LIKE TPO PIPI
'''Greek love''' is a relatively modern coinage (generally placed within quotation marks) intended as a reference to [[male bonding]] and intimate relations between males as practised in [[ancient Greece]], as well as to its application and expression in more recent times, particularly in a 19th-century European context. Apart from its historical connotation, the term has been applied to [[homosexual]] behaviour in general, and more particularly [[pederasty]].
THEY CLL ME TIII<math>H JKHJBKH<sup>Superscript text</sup></math>

HEHEHEHEHEHEHEH
==History==
Lo0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0L
Institutional [[Greek pederasty]], which sought to formalize the erotic relationship of an adult male ([[erastes]]) with an adolescent boy ([[eromenos]]), appeared on the Greek mainland, possibly from [[Cretan pederasty|Crete]], as early as the 7th century B.C. Both in [[Sparta]] and [[Athens]], the bonding of adult men and adolescent boys was an established cultural and social phenomenon, associated with educational practices and the instilling of high civic and philosophical ideals. Apart from literary evidence - the Socratic dialogues of [[Plato]], for example - there is also evidence from [[Greek vase]]s displaying that the intimate association of men with boys was represented in a range of emotive and expressive guises. These relationships, however, often transcended the physical or the erotic, the adult being invested with responsibility for the moral and spiritual welfare of the boy: abuse or exploitation of the younger partner was not tolerated. The spiritual and educational aspects were the focus of what came to be known as '[[Platonic love]]'. [[John Addington Symonds]] encapsulates this relationship as:

{{quotation|The lover taught, the hearer learned; and so from man to man was handed down the tradition of heroism, the peculiar tone and temper of the state to which, in particular among the Greeks, the Dorians clung with obstinate pertinacity. Xenophon distinctly states that love was maintained among the Spartans with a view to education; and when we consider the customs of the state, by which boys were separated early from their homes and the influences of the family were almost wholly wanting, it is not difficult to understand the importance of the paiderastic institution. The Lacedæmonian lover might represent his friend in the Assembly. He was answerable for his good conduct, and stood before him as a pattern of manliness, courage, and prudence. Of the nature of his teaching we may form some notion from the precepts addressed by the Megarian Theognis to the youth Kurnus. In battle the lovers fought side by side; and it is worthy of notice that before entering into an engagement the Spartans sacrificed to Eros. It was reckoned a disgrace if a youth found no man to be his lover. <ref name="Ethics">Symonds, J. A.: ''A Problem in Greek Ethics: Being an Inquiry into the Phenomenon of Sexual Inversion''. London: Privately printed, [1901] (p.13) (Follow text link, 'bei Rictor Norton', note sections VI and X)[http://www.schwulencity.de/SymondsProblems.html]</ref>}}

Male same-sex relationships of the kind portrayed by the "Greek love" ideal were increasingly disallowed within the [[Judaeo-Christian]] traditions of Western society, though there was more tolerance within Asian cultures until recent times<ref>Crompton, Louis: ''Homosexuality and Civilization'', First Harvard University Press paperback edition, 2006 (pp.213, 411 & ''passim'')</ref>. The [[Pashtun]] culture of modern-era [[Afghanistan]] is sometimes cited as a society where man-boy relationships - in many respects exhibiting similarities to the pattern of 'Greek love' - were practised openly in the pre-[[Taliban]] days<ref>Khyber, Daoud: ''The Return of the Catamites''[http://www.stickyrice.ws/?view=tg_thereturn]</ref>. In Western Europe, ‘boy-love’ or boy-worship as an aesthetic ideal flourished within groups of artists and poets who drew inspiration from the Hellenic past, and who consciously identified with the art and mores of the ancients - for example, the Florentine Renaissance artists and the Oxford Hellenists in Victorian England.

==Modern interpretations==
===Romantic Hellenism===
From the time of the Renaissance, Greek literature assumed a central place in classical education. This was particularly characteristic of England and Germany, where the influential figures of Byron, Shelley, Goethe and Winckelmann paid homage to the sexual realities of Greek life and culture.

Byron and his school-mates at Harrow would have read the classics and understood the meaning of the term, "Greek love" as recent biographers (Crompton<ref>Crompton, Louis:''Byron and Greek Love - Homophobia in 19th century England''. GMP Publishers Ltd 1998/The Cromwell Press. Introduction p.11</ref> & MacCarthy<ref name="MacCarthy">MacCarthy, Fiona: ''Byron, Life and Legend''. John Murray, London 2002. p.39</ref>) have suggested. His passionate boy-friendships inspired some of his most evocative verse including the ‘Thyrza’ poems (Childe Harold), and ‘Love and Death’ set in his beloved Greece where he was to end his life in the defense of Greek independence.<br />[[Image:Hyacinth Bosio Louvre LL52.jpg|thumb|400px|left|''[[Hyacinth (mythology)|Hyacinth]]'' by François Bosio, in marble (1817), Louvre]]
<blockquote>
Ours too the glance none saw beside;<br />
The smile none else might understand;<br />
The whisper'd thought of hearts allied,<br />
The pressure of the thrilling hand.<br />
</blockquote> from:''To Thyrza'', October 11, 1811<ref>The 'Thyrza' elegies were written in memory of John Edleston, a 15 year old Cambridge choirboy with whom the young Byron had a passionate friendship. The enforced secrecy of the relationship required concealment of the true object of his affection (see MacCarthy p.59 Note 5 above).</ref>
The poet, Shelley, a pupil at Eton, immersed himself in Greek literature, his Platonic studies leading to an eventual translation of the [[Symposium (Plato)|Symposium]] (1818) and in the same year a ‘Discourse on the Manners of the Antient Greeks Relative to the Subject of Love’ which stands as the first published essay (after Bentham’s unpublished writings of 1785) on the subject of homosexuality. The significance of this document lies in its repudiation of the evasions of contemporary scholarship which had cast a veil over the reality of Greek love as a sexual practice. Shelley, however, was restrained by the repressive homophobia of the time, so that much of the essay is couched in elaborately conceived circumlocution, while drawing a line between ‘ridiculous and disgusting conceptions’<ref>Crompton (in Byron & Greek Love p.294-5, refer Note 4) takes this as a reference to anal penetration, like the terms 'operose' and 'diabolical' which appear in the extract.</ref> and an oblique reference to ‘natural’ orgasmic release:

<blockquote>
If we consider the facility with which certain phenomena connected with sleep, at the age of puberty, associate themselves with those images which are the objects of our waking desires…it will not be difficult to conceive the almost involuntary consequences of a state of abandonment in the society of a person of surpassing attractions, when the sexual connection cannot exist, to be such as to preclude the necessity of so operose and diabolical a machination as that usually described.
</blockquote>
The ‘Discourse’ was intended as an introduction to his translation of ‘The Symposium’ – which ‘towers over all others because it is alive’ (Lauritsen)<ref name="Lauritsen">John Lauritsen: Foreword to Shelley's translation of Plato's "The Banquet" [Symposium], Pagan Press 2001</ref>, but both documents were too daring for the time, and publication of translation (as ‘The Banquet’) and essay had to wait almost a century. In spite of its limitations, the document has nevertheless been considered as ‘a pioneering work in a field not fully and freely explored by an English scholar until Kenneth Dover’s authoritative study of 1980’.<ref>Dover, K.J.:''Greek Homosexuality''. Harvard University Press, 1978. Postscript 1989</ref> (Crompton)<ref name="Byron">Crompton, Louis: ''Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-Century England''. London: Faber and Faber, 1985</ref>

The German scholar and writer, [[Johann Joachim Winckelmann]], did more any other intellectual or artistic figure in the 18th century to promote the Greek ideal of beauty. His passionate dedication to the study and popularisation of Greek art and sculpture is reflected in detailed descriptions conveying in emotive and aesthetic terms an essential blend of eroticism, physicality and idealism. The sensual imagery employed in his portrayal of the [[Apollo Belvedere]] is intensely passionate, though never exceeding the bounds of good taste:[[Image:Belvedere Apollo Pio-Clementino Inv1015.jpg|thumb|250px|right| Belvedere Apollo. Roman artwork, ca. 130–140 CE, copy of a Greek bronze original probably by Leochares, ca. 330–320 BC.]]

<blockquote>An eternal springtime, like that which reigns in the happy fields of Elysium, clothes his body with the charms of youth and softly shines on the proud structure of his limbs....From admiration I pass to ecstasy, I feel my breast dilate and rise as if I were filled with the spirit of prophecy; I am transported to Delos and the sacred groves of Lycia - places Apollo honoured with his presence - and the statue seems to come alive like the beautiful creation of Pygmalion.</blockquote>
As Robert Aldrich observes<ref name="Aldrich">Aldrich, Robert: ''The Seduction of the Mediterranean: Writing, Art and Homosexual Fantasy''. London: Routledge, 1993 (pp. xi, 50-52, 54)</ref>: 'Greek sculpture and painting were the perfect representations of ideal beauty....This idea formed the basis of Winckelmann's art appreciation and criticism and should serve as the foundation for contemporary aesthetics and the programme of modern pedagogy.' The great German poet, [[Johann Wolfgang von Goethe|Goethe]], himself heterosexual, appreciated the depth of feeling and perception which lay behind the passion for Greek art by Winckelmann and others, and understood the force and nature of Greek love<ref>Paederasty is as old as humanity itself, and one can therefore say that it is natural,
that it resides in nature, even if it proceeds against nature. What culture has won
from nature will not be surrendered or given up at any price.
— A comment by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, 7 April 1830</ref>. Similarly, [[Walter Pater]], one of the group of Uranian writers and Hellenists in 19th century Oxford (see below),‘considered Winckelmann a true interpreter of the ancients', and so attuned with the spirit of the ancient world that his nature was 'itself like a relic of classical antiquity'.<ref>Walter Pater, 'Winckelmann', in ''The Renaissance Studies in Art and Poetry'' (London, 1907)</ref>

===Victorian Hellenism===
It is to the ‘[[Uranian]]s’, as they were called, that we may look to identify a conscious awareness of pederasty as an essential ingredient of Hellenism, and the impulse to acknowledge and declare this aspect of life in Ancient Greece at a time when Victorian justice upheld the illegality of all male-male sexual relations. The Uranians embraced a number of distinguished men of letters, including [[William Johnson Cory]], [[Gerald Manley Hopkins]], [[Walter Pater]], [[Oscar Wilde]] and the above-mentioned John Addington Symonds who defines the term:

{{quotation|I shall use the terms ''Greek Love'', understanding thereby a passionate and enthusiastic attachment subsisting between man and youth, recognised by society and protected by opinion, which, though it was not free from sensuality, did not degenerate into mere licentiousness.<ref name="Ethics" />}}

His Uranian colleagues were similar in their views, though it is necessary in evaluating their position as an historical group, to be aware not only of the different emphases and interpretations brought to bear on their ideal of pederastic love, but also of other contemporaneous theories and concepts of sexuality taking place elsewhere. This is crucial to an understanding of Greek love both in its original sense and its wider applications. While this clandestine group of neo-Hellenists was finding support and inspiration from an ancient culture, the voices of [[Karl-Heinrich Ulrichs]], [[Karl-Maria Kertbeny]] and [[Richard von Krafft-Ebing]] were being heard across Europe, articulating their theories of ‘homosexuality’ (coined by Kertbeny), sexual orientation and gender inversion which were to make an increasing impact in legal, medical and sociological circles. The Uranians, almost all classically-educated Oxonians, stood aside from such scientific controversies, secure in the knowledge of their spiritual, philosophical and emotional antecedents. Their Hellenic appellation derives from both Plato’s ‘heavenly’ love and the birth of [[Aphrodite]] as described in Hesiod ([[Theogony]]), but it should not be confused with ‘Urning’, a term coined by Ulrichs to denote ‘a female psyche in a male body’ ('Urning' also derives from Classical sources, particularly the [[Symposium]]). The Uranians did not see themselves in this light, and were opposed to Ulrichs’s claims for androphilic, homoerotic liberation at the expense of the paederastic (refer [[Uranian Poetry]]). In the introduction to his ‘Love in Earnest’ (1970) Timothy D’Arch Smith underlines the distinction:
<blockquote>Adult homosexuality, indeed, has little to do with the themes of the poets here
treated who loved only adolescent boys and it is for this reason that I have
deliberately eschewed the word 'homosexual'. It is unpleasantly hybrid and
modern psychiatrists would give another term to the boy-lover [[Image:Alcibiades and friend - detail from Phidias and the Parthenon marbles by Alma Tadema.jpg|thumb|''Socrates and Alcibiades''<br>Victorian view of the balance of affection and restraint between the most famous eromenos and erastes<br>[[Lawrence Alma-Tadema]], ''[[:Image:1868 Lawrence Alma-Tadema - Phidias Showing the Frieze of the Parthenon to his Friends.jpg|Phidias Showing the Frieze of the Parthenon to his Friends]]'' (1868)]]
</blockquote>
- a position which thirty years on found ready agreement in Michael Kaylor's acknowledgment that the concept of the 'homosexual' was inapplicable to the dynamics of 'boy-love'.<ref name="Masaryk" >Kaylor, Michael Matthew: ''Secreted Desires: The Major Uranians: Hopkins, Pater and Wilde''. Brno, Czech Republic: Masaryk University Press, 2006 (pp.15 notes, xiv Preface, 58)
[http://www.mmkaylor.com] (The author has made this volume available in a free, open-access, PDF version.)</ref>

The immediate Hellenist precursors of the Uranians were the influential literary and reformist figures of Matthew Arnold, John Stuart Mill, and Benjamin Jowett who had already set out the Grecian values of philosophy and education which provided fertile ground for their passionate adherents:

<blockquote>The immense spiritual significance of the Greeks is due to their having been
inspired with this central and happy idea of the essential character of human
perfection […] [It is] this wonderful significance of the Greeks [that has]
affected the very machinery of our education, and is in itself a kind of homage to
it. (Arnold)</blockquote>

<blockquote>Of the Greek authors who at the Renaissance brought a new life into the world
Plato has had the greatest influence. The Republic of Plato is also the first
treatise upon education, of which the writings of Milton and Locke, Rousseau,
Jean Paul, and Goethe are the legitimate descendents. [….] He is the father of
idealism in philosophy, in politics, in literature.(Jowett)</blockquote>

Through such statements, the Victorian ‘Greek chorus’ (as Kaylor described it) “unwittingly facilitated a ‘suspect’ aspect of the ‘Hellenic element’ that assisted in the emergence of the Uranians as a group, a ‘suspect’ aspect that
linked the ‘essential character’ and ‘wonderful significance’ of the ancient Greeks
to their celebration of paederastic love and its attendant pedagogical practices.”<ref name="Masaryk" />
Passion for youth and passion for the education and moral welfare of youth – such was the call to arms of the Oxford Hellenists who brought wisdom, learning, and instinctive perceptions bred by a highly cultivated aesthetic milieu<ref>University of Oxford, ''Famous Oxonians''[http://www.ox.ac.uk/about_the_university/oxford_people/famous_oxonians/]</ref>. But the balance between pedagogic responsibility and pederastic inclination was (perhaps unsurprisingly) achieved with varying success: after all, the sober environment of Victorian England was a far cry from the blue skies of Hellas<ref>MacCarthy refers to Byron's 'dearly beloved Greece' as "the land of azure skies and incomparable landscapes: ultimate contrast to England's foggy shores." (see Notes 4, P.109)</ref>.

For the Uranians and those who shared their desires, Michael Kaylor identifies “two forms of erotic positioning in relation to this ‘boy-worship’— as well as the fulfilment and outcome of such an erotic attachment — one ‘conciliatory to social orthodoxies’, the other ‘pervasively dissident’. The three major figures highlighted in his study Hopkins, Pater and Wilde, “represent different responses to this ‘boy-worship’: Gerard Manley Hopkins sublimated most, if not all of his paederastic desires;
Walter Pater seems to have actualised his paederastic desires only once, threatening his academic position so thoroughly that he sublimated thereafter, a choice that later matured into an appreciation for such sublimation; Oscar Wilde actualised most of his paederastic desires, a ‘madness for pleasure’ that ruined many lives, and not just his own.”

To what extent does the sexual world of the Uranians mirror the pederasty of the Ancients? Certainly the intergenerational aspect is clear, even if the ‘boy’ was occasionally in his late teens or early twenties i.e. older than the traditional ‘eromenos’; the pedagogical element so essential to the Greek experience (as William Percy notes ''Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece'', 1996 ) was present except, for instance, in the case of Wilde, the dissident, though his writings can be construed as didactic and inspiringly so. Greek relationships were essentially asymmetrical, an aspect alluded to by the Uranians in their desire to emulate Grecian values within their own ‘culture’. Donald Mader viewed the use of these allusions as a “conscious and deliberate strategy for a sexual cultural politics through art” and as a “tool for valorization in a strategy for social acceptance.” He continues:

<blockquote>Surveying the allusions, one sees that they are largely to asymmetrical
relationships, either clearly age-structured, or between a god and a mortal, or a
warrior/hero and his protégé […], or various combinations of these. […] Such
relationships today are regarded as inherently morally culpable, paternalistic and
patronizing at best, exploitative or even ‘abuse’ at the worst; to hold up such
relationships as an ideal is accordingly viewed either as self-justification on the
part of the ‘superordinate’ party, or hypocrisy. Yet this inequality is part of the
objective outline that Uranians saw in their Greek mirror; the Greek
relationships were asymmetrical, and the Uranians saw themselves in this outline
and filled in their own features.<ref>Mader, Donald H., ''The Greek Mirror: The Uranians and Their Use of Greece'', Journal of Homosexuality, 49., 377-420</ref></blockquote>
The dilemma for the Uranians, put succinctly by A.C. Benson, one of Pater’s first biographers, resided in the educational value attached to the ‘essential character’ of the Greeks and their sanctioned practice of paederastic pedagogy:
<blockquote>But if we give boys Greek books to read and hold up the Greek spirit and the
Greek life as a model, it is very difficult to slice out one portion [the
paederastic], which was a perfectly normal part of Greek life, and to say that it is
abominable etc. etc.<ref>David Newsome, ''On the Edge of Paradise'': A. C. Benson: The Diarist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), p.192.</ref></blockquote>

<br style="clear: both;"/>

==Recent developments==
Since the publication in 1964 of ''Greek Love'' by J. Z. Eglinton (the pseudonym of [[Walter Breen]]),<ref>Eglinton, J. Z.: ''Greek Love''. New York: Acolyte Press, 1964 [http://www.amazon.com/Greek-Love-J-Z-Eglinton/dp/B000KD3E50]</ref> the term 'Greek love' has been authenticated in Humanities scholarship, being employed in the titles of books by major cultural critics, as, for example, Louis Crompton's ''Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-Century England'' (1985),<ref name="Byron">Crompton, Louis: ''Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-Century England''. London: Faber and Faber, 1985</ref>David Halperin's ''One Hundred Years of Homosexuality: and Other Essays on Greek Love'' (1990) <ref>Halperin, David M.: ''One Hundred Years of Homosexuality: and Other Essays on Greek Love''. New York: Routledge, 1990 [http://www.amazon.co.uk/Hundred-Years-Homosexuality-Ancient-World/dp/]</ref> and James Davidson's ''The Greeks and Greek Love: A Radical Reappraisal of Homosexuality in Ancient Greece'' (November 2007).<ref name="Davidson">Davidson, James: ''The Greeks and Greek Love: A Radical Reappraisal of Homosexuality in Ancient Greece''. London: Orion Publishing, November 2007 [http://www.orionbooks.co.uk/HB-3370/The-Greeks-And-Greek-Love.htm]</ref>

==Recognition of the term 'Greek love' by scholars and writers==
{{Love table}}

{{quotation|[As regards E. M. Forster's novel ''Maurice'':] The first [half] is dominated by Plato and, indirectly, by John Addington Symonds and the apologists for "Greek love"; the second is dominated by Edward Carpenter and his translation of the ideas of Walt Whitman.<ref>Kellogg, Stuart: ''Literary Visions of Homosexuality''. Binghamton, NY: Haworth, 1983 (pp. 35-36) [http://www.amazon.com/Literary-Visions-Homosexuality-Stuart-Kellogg/dp/] See also DeJean, Joan: "Sex and Philology: Sappho and the Rise of German Nationalism", in ''Re-Reading Sappho: Reception and Transmission'', ed. by Ellen Greene. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. pp. 122-45 (pp. 139-40)</ref>}}

{{quotation|"Greek love" did not hold the central place in the history of lesbians as it did in the history of homosexual men.<ref name="Aldrich"/>}}

{{quotation|Byron and his contemporaries would have been familiar with heroic concepts of "Greek love" through their reading of Horace, Catullus, Virgil, Petronius: indeed in Byron's Cambridge circle the term 'Horatian' was used as a code word for homosexual. <ref>MacCarthy, Fiona: ''Byron: Life and Legend'', John Murray (Publishers) Ltd 2002 (p.39) ISBN 0-7195-5621X</ref>}}

{{quotation|In this context such late-Victorian writers as Pater, Symonds, and Wilde, urged by Victorian liberalism to save the English polity by taking Greek history and philosophy seriously, will begin to glimpse in Plato's defense of transcendental, "Uranian" love a vocabulary adequate to their own inmost hopes, and to see in "Greek love" itself the promise of a Hellenic individuality and diversity with the most positive implications for Victorian civilization.<ref>Dowling, Linda C.: ''Hellenism and Homosexuality in Victorian Oxford''. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994 (p. 66) [http://www.amazon.com/Hellenism-Homosexuality-Victorian-Oxford-Dowling/dp/]</ref>}}

{{quotation|Gide was right. Those who did speak of "Greek love" tended to downplay its social and cultural significance. <ref>Merrick, Jeffrey and Bryant T. Ragan: ''Homosexuality in Modern France''. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996 (p.211) [http://www.whsmith.co.uk/whs/go.asp?isbn=&DB=220&Menu=Books]</ref> }}

{{quotation|Winckelmann's, Goethe's, and Moritz's languages of self-fashioning do not, of course, operate in isolation. [...] They were languages evolving within the contours of an emerging and formative discourse of German Classical [[aesthetics]] – an aesthetics deeply indebted to notions of "Greek love".<ref>Gustafson, Susan E.: ''Men Desiring Men: The Poetry of Same-Sex Identity and Desire in German Classicism''. Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2002 (p. 11) [http://wsupress.wayne.edu/literature/kritik/gustafsonmdm.htm]</ref>}}

{{quotation|Percy Bysshe Shelley considered the dynamics surrounding "Greek love" (or paederasty) in his ''Discourse on the Manners of the Antient Greeks Relative to the Subject of Love'' (written in 1818). William Beckford and George Gordon, Lord Byron, were both practitioners of "Greek love" – and had to flee to the Continent as a result.<ref name="Masaryk" />}}

{{quotation|Greek Love... helped to build a sense of a unified political society out of divided groups, a pan-Athenian Eros of the Academy, a pan-Theban Sacred Band
‘of the Polis', and finally, in images of Thessalian Achilles fighting foreign
Memnon over the beloved body of Antilochus of Pylos, a pan-Hellenic Eros,
a sense of Team Greece itself in opposition to the Barbarians.<ref name="Davidson"/>}}

==Notes==
<!--This article uses the Cite.php citation mechanism. If you would like more information on how to add references to this article, please see http://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Cite/Cite.php --> {{reflist}}

==See also==
*[[Eros (love)|Eros]]
*[[Homosexuality in Ancient Greece]]

[[Category:Pederasty]]
[[Category:Sex]]

Revision as of 06:05, 22 January 2009

File:Ac.harmodius.jpg
Statue of Aristogiton and Harmodius 447 BC Roman copy of lost Greek original by Template:Kritios (Archaeological Museum, Naples)

Greek love is a relatively modern coinage (generally placed within quotation marks) intended as a reference to male bonding and intimate relations between males as practised in ancient Greece, as well as to its application and expression in more recent times, particularly in a 19th-century European context. Apart from its historical connotation, the term has been applied to homosexual behaviour in general, and more particularly pederasty.

History

Institutional Greek pederasty, which sought to formalize the erotic relationship of an adult male (erastes) with an adolescent boy (eromenos), appeared on the Greek mainland, possibly from Crete, as early as the 7th century B.C. Both in Sparta and Athens, the bonding of adult men and adolescent boys was an established cultural and social phenomenon, associated with educational practices and the instilling of high civic and philosophical ideals. Apart from literary evidence - the Socratic dialogues of Plato, for example - there is also evidence from Greek vases displaying that the intimate association of men with boys was represented in a range of emotive and expressive guises. These relationships, however, often transcended the physical or the erotic, the adult being invested with responsibility for the moral and spiritual welfare of the boy: abuse or exploitation of the younger partner was not tolerated. The spiritual and educational aspects were the focus of what came to be known as 'Platonic love'. John Addington Symonds encapsulates this relationship as:

The lover taught, the hearer learned; and so from man to man was handed down the tradition of heroism, the peculiar tone and temper of the state to which, in particular among the Greeks, the Dorians clung with obstinate pertinacity. Xenophon distinctly states that love was maintained among the Spartans with a view to education; and when we consider the customs of the state, by which boys were separated early from their homes and the influences of the family were almost wholly wanting, it is not difficult to understand the importance of the paiderastic institution. The Lacedæmonian lover might represent his friend in the Assembly. He was answerable for his good conduct, and stood before him as a pattern of manliness, courage, and prudence. Of the nature of his teaching we may form some notion from the precepts addressed by the Megarian Theognis to the youth Kurnus. In battle the lovers fought side by side; and it is worthy of notice that before entering into an engagement the Spartans sacrificed to Eros. It was reckoned a disgrace if a youth found no man to be his lover. [1]

Male same-sex relationships of the kind portrayed by the "Greek love" ideal were increasingly disallowed within the Judaeo-Christian traditions of Western society, though there was more tolerance within Asian cultures until recent times[2]. The Pashtun culture of modern-era Afghanistan is sometimes cited as a society where man-boy relationships - in many respects exhibiting similarities to the pattern of 'Greek love' - were practised openly in the pre-Taliban days[3]. In Western Europe, ‘boy-love’ or boy-worship as an aesthetic ideal flourished within groups of artists and poets who drew inspiration from the Hellenic past, and who consciously identified with the art and mores of the ancients - for example, the Florentine Renaissance artists and the Oxford Hellenists in Victorian England.

Modern interpretations

Romantic Hellenism

From the time of the Renaissance, Greek literature assumed a central place in classical education. This was particularly characteristic of England and Germany, where the influential figures of Byron, Shelley, Goethe and Winckelmann paid homage to the sexual realities of Greek life and culture.

Byron and his school-mates at Harrow would have read the classics and understood the meaning of the term, "Greek love" as recent biographers (Crompton[4] & MacCarthy[5]) have suggested. His passionate boy-friendships inspired some of his most evocative verse including the ‘Thyrza’ poems (Childe Harold), and ‘Love and Death’ set in his beloved Greece where he was to end his life in the defense of Greek independence.

Hyacinth by François Bosio, in marble (1817), Louvre

Ours too the glance none saw beside;
The smile none else might understand;
The whisper'd thought of hearts allied,
The pressure of the thrilling hand.

from:To Thyrza, October 11, 1811[6]

The poet, Shelley, a pupil at Eton, immersed himself in Greek literature, his Platonic studies leading to an eventual translation of the Symposium (1818) and in the same year a ‘Discourse on the Manners of the Antient Greeks Relative to the Subject of Love’ which stands as the first published essay (after Bentham’s unpublished writings of 1785) on the subject of homosexuality. The significance of this document lies in its repudiation of the evasions of contemporary scholarship which had cast a veil over the reality of Greek love as a sexual practice. Shelley, however, was restrained by the repressive homophobia of the time, so that much of the essay is couched in elaborately conceived circumlocution, while drawing a line between ‘ridiculous and disgusting conceptions’[7] and an oblique reference to ‘natural’ orgasmic release:

If we consider the facility with which certain phenomena connected with sleep, at the age of puberty, associate themselves with those images which are the objects of our waking desires…it will not be difficult to conceive the almost involuntary consequences of a state of abandonment in the society of a person of surpassing attractions, when the sexual connection cannot exist, to be such as to preclude the necessity of so operose and diabolical a machination as that usually described.

The ‘Discourse’ was intended as an introduction to his translation of ‘The Symposium’ – which ‘towers over all others because it is alive’ (Lauritsen)[8], but both documents were too daring for the time, and publication of translation (as ‘The Banquet’) and essay had to wait almost a century. In spite of its limitations, the document has nevertheless been considered as ‘a pioneering work in a field not fully and freely explored by an English scholar until Kenneth Dover’s authoritative study of 1980’.[9] (Crompton)[10]

The German scholar and writer, Johann Joachim Winckelmann, did more any other intellectual or artistic figure in the 18th century to promote the Greek ideal of beauty. His passionate dedication to the study and popularisation of Greek art and sculpture is reflected in detailed descriptions conveying in emotive and aesthetic terms an essential blend of eroticism, physicality and idealism. The sensual imagery employed in his portrayal of the Apollo Belvedere is intensely passionate, though never exceeding the bounds of good taste:

Belvedere Apollo. Roman artwork, ca. 130–140 CE, copy of a Greek bronze original probably by Leochares, ca. 330–320 BC.

An eternal springtime, like that which reigns in the happy fields of Elysium, clothes his body with the charms of youth and softly shines on the proud structure of his limbs....From admiration I pass to ecstasy, I feel my breast dilate and rise as if I were filled with the spirit of prophecy; I am transported to Delos and the sacred groves of Lycia - places Apollo honoured with his presence - and the statue seems to come alive like the beautiful creation of Pygmalion.

As Robert Aldrich observes[11]: 'Greek sculpture and painting were the perfect representations of ideal beauty....This idea formed the basis of Winckelmann's art appreciation and criticism and should serve as the foundation for contemporary aesthetics and the programme of modern pedagogy.' The great German poet, Goethe, himself heterosexual, appreciated the depth of feeling and perception which lay behind the passion for Greek art by Winckelmann and others, and understood the force and nature of Greek love[12]. Similarly, Walter Pater, one of the group of Uranian writers and Hellenists in 19th century Oxford (see below),‘considered Winckelmann a true interpreter of the ancients', and so attuned with the spirit of the ancient world that his nature was 'itself like a relic of classical antiquity'.[13]

Victorian Hellenism

It is to the ‘Uranians’, as they were called, that we may look to identify a conscious awareness of pederasty as an essential ingredient of Hellenism, and the impulse to acknowledge and declare this aspect of life in Ancient Greece at a time when Victorian justice upheld the illegality of all male-male sexual relations. The Uranians embraced a number of distinguished men of letters, including William Johnson Cory, Gerald Manley Hopkins, Walter Pater, Oscar Wilde and the above-mentioned John Addington Symonds who defines the term:

I shall use the terms Greek Love, understanding thereby a passionate and enthusiastic attachment subsisting between man and youth, recognised by society and protected by opinion, which, though it was not free from sensuality, did not degenerate into mere licentiousness.[1]

His Uranian colleagues were similar in their views, though it is necessary in evaluating their position as an historical group, to be aware not only of the different emphases and interpretations brought to bear on their ideal of pederastic love, but also of other contemporaneous theories and concepts of sexuality taking place elsewhere. This is crucial to an understanding of Greek love both in its original sense and its wider applications. While this clandestine group of neo-Hellenists was finding support and inspiration from an ancient culture, the voices of Karl-Heinrich Ulrichs, Karl-Maria Kertbeny and Richard von Krafft-Ebing were being heard across Europe, articulating their theories of ‘homosexuality’ (coined by Kertbeny), sexual orientation and gender inversion which were to make an increasing impact in legal, medical and sociological circles. The Uranians, almost all classically-educated Oxonians, stood aside from such scientific controversies, secure in the knowledge of their spiritual, philosophical and emotional antecedents. Their Hellenic appellation derives from both Plato’s ‘heavenly’ love and the birth of Aphrodite as described in Hesiod (Theogony), but it should not be confused with ‘Urning’, a term coined by Ulrichs to denote ‘a female psyche in a male body’ ('Urning' also derives from Classical sources, particularly the Symposium). The Uranians did not see themselves in this light, and were opposed to Ulrichs’s claims for androphilic, homoerotic liberation at the expense of the paederastic (refer Uranian Poetry). In the introduction to his ‘Love in Earnest’ (1970) Timothy D’Arch Smith underlines the distinction:

Adult homosexuality, indeed, has little to do with the themes of the poets here

treated who loved only adolescent boys and it is for this reason that I have deliberately eschewed the word 'homosexual'. It is unpleasantly hybrid and

modern psychiatrists would give another term to the boy-lover

Socrates and Alcibiades
Victorian view of the balance of affection and restraint between the most famous eromenos and erastes
Lawrence Alma-Tadema, Phidias Showing the Frieze of the Parthenon to his Friends (1868)

- a position which thirty years on found ready agreement in Michael Kaylor's acknowledgment that the concept of the 'homosexual' was inapplicable to the dynamics of 'boy-love'.[14]

The immediate Hellenist precursors of the Uranians were the influential literary and reformist figures of Matthew Arnold, John Stuart Mill, and Benjamin Jowett who had already set out the Grecian values of philosophy and education which provided fertile ground for their passionate adherents:

The immense spiritual significance of the Greeks is due to their having been

inspired with this central and happy idea of the essential character of human perfection […] [It is] this wonderful significance of the Greeks [that has] affected the very machinery of our education, and is in itself a kind of homage to

it. (Arnold)

Of the Greek authors who at the Renaissance brought a new life into the world

Plato has had the greatest influence. The Republic of Plato is also the first treatise upon education, of which the writings of Milton and Locke, Rousseau, Jean Paul, and Goethe are the legitimate descendents. [….] He is the father of

idealism in philosophy, in politics, in literature.(Jowett)

Through such statements, the Victorian ‘Greek chorus’ (as Kaylor described it) “unwittingly facilitated a ‘suspect’ aspect of the ‘Hellenic element’ that assisted in the emergence of the Uranians as a group, a ‘suspect’ aspect that linked the ‘essential character’ and ‘wonderful significance’ of the ancient Greeks to their celebration of paederastic love and its attendant pedagogical practices.”[14] Passion for youth and passion for the education and moral welfare of youth – such was the call to arms of the Oxford Hellenists who brought wisdom, learning, and instinctive perceptions bred by a highly cultivated aesthetic milieu[15]. But the balance between pedagogic responsibility and pederastic inclination was (perhaps unsurprisingly) achieved with varying success: after all, the sober environment of Victorian England was a far cry from the blue skies of Hellas[16].

For the Uranians and those who shared their desires, Michael Kaylor identifies “two forms of erotic positioning in relation to this ‘boy-worship’— as well as the fulfilment and outcome of such an erotic attachment — one ‘conciliatory to social orthodoxies’, the other ‘pervasively dissident’. The three major figures highlighted in his study Hopkins, Pater and Wilde, “represent different responses to this ‘boy-worship’: Gerard Manley Hopkins sublimated most, if not all of his paederastic desires; Walter Pater seems to have actualised his paederastic desires only once, threatening his academic position so thoroughly that he sublimated thereafter, a choice that later matured into an appreciation for such sublimation; Oscar Wilde actualised most of his paederastic desires, a ‘madness for pleasure’ that ruined many lives, and not just his own.”

To what extent does the sexual world of the Uranians mirror the pederasty of the Ancients? Certainly the intergenerational aspect is clear, even if the ‘boy’ was occasionally in his late teens or early twenties i.e. older than the traditional ‘eromenos’; the pedagogical element so essential to the Greek experience (as William Percy notes Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece, 1996 ) was present except, for instance, in the case of Wilde, the dissident, though his writings can be construed as didactic and inspiringly so. Greek relationships were essentially asymmetrical, an aspect alluded to by the Uranians in their desire to emulate Grecian values within their own ‘culture’. Donald Mader viewed the use of these allusions as a “conscious and deliberate strategy for a sexual cultural politics through art” and as a “tool for valorization in a strategy for social acceptance.” He continues:

Surveying the allusions, one sees that they are largely to asymmetrical

relationships, either clearly age-structured, or between a god and a mortal, or a warrior/hero and his protégé […], or various combinations of these. […] Such relationships today are regarded as inherently morally culpable, paternalistic and patronizing at best, exploitative or even ‘abuse’ at the worst; to hold up such relationships as an ideal is accordingly viewed either as self-justification on the part of the ‘superordinate’ party, or hypocrisy. Yet this inequality is part of the objective outline that Uranians saw in their Greek mirror; the Greek relationships were asymmetrical, and the Uranians saw themselves in this outline

and filled in their own features.[17]

The dilemma for the Uranians, put succinctly by A.C. Benson, one of Pater’s first biographers, resided in the educational value attached to the ‘essential character’ of the Greeks and their sanctioned practice of paederastic pedagogy:

But if we give boys Greek books to read and hold up the Greek spirit and the

Greek life as a model, it is very difficult to slice out one portion [the paederastic], which was a perfectly normal part of Greek life, and to say that it is

abominable etc. etc.[18]


Recent developments

Since the publication in 1964 of Greek Love by J. Z. Eglinton (the pseudonym of Walter Breen),[19] the term 'Greek love' has been authenticated in Humanities scholarship, being employed in the titles of books by major cultural critics, as, for example, Louis Crompton's Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-Century England (1985),[10]David Halperin's One Hundred Years of Homosexuality: and Other Essays on Greek Love (1990) [20] and James Davidson's The Greeks and Greek Love: A Radical Reappraisal of Homosexuality in Ancient Greece (November 2007).[21]

Recognition of the term 'Greek love' by scholars and writers

[As regards E. M. Forster's novel Maurice:] The first [half] is dominated by Plato and, indirectly, by John Addington Symonds and the apologists for "Greek love"; the second is dominated by Edward Carpenter and his translation of the ideas of Walt Whitman.[22]

"Greek love" did not hold the central place in the history of lesbians as it did in the history of homosexual men.[11]

Byron and his contemporaries would have been familiar with heroic concepts of "Greek love" through their reading of Horace, Catullus, Virgil, Petronius: indeed in Byron's Cambridge circle the term 'Horatian' was used as a code word for homosexual. [23]

In this context such late-Victorian writers as Pater, Symonds, and Wilde, urged by Victorian liberalism to save the English polity by taking Greek history and philosophy seriously, will begin to glimpse in Plato's defense of transcendental, "Uranian" love a vocabulary adequate to their own inmost hopes, and to see in "Greek love" itself the promise of a Hellenic individuality and diversity with the most positive implications for Victorian civilization.[24]

Gide was right. Those who did speak of "Greek love" tended to downplay its social and cultural significance. [25]

Winckelmann's, Goethe's, and Moritz's languages of self-fashioning do not, of course, operate in isolation. [...] They were languages evolving within the contours of an emerging and formative discourse of German Classical aesthetics – an aesthetics deeply indebted to notions of "Greek love".[26]

Percy Bysshe Shelley considered the dynamics surrounding "Greek love" (or paederasty) in his Discourse on the Manners of the Antient Greeks Relative to the Subject of Love (written in 1818). William Beckford and George Gordon, Lord Byron, were both practitioners of "Greek love" – and had to flee to the Continent as a result.[14]

Greek Love... helped to build a sense of a unified political society out of divided groups, a pan-Athenian Eros of the Academy, a pan-Theban Sacred Band

‘of the Polis', and finally, in images of Thessalian Achilles fighting foreign Memnon over the beloved body of Antilochus of Pylos, a pan-Hellenic Eros,

a sense of Team Greece itself in opposition to the Barbarians.[21]

Notes

  1. ^ a b Symonds, J. A.: A Problem in Greek Ethics: Being an Inquiry into the Phenomenon of Sexual Inversion. London: Privately printed, [1901] (p.13) (Follow text link, 'bei Rictor Norton', note sections VI and X)[1]
  2. ^ Crompton, Louis: Homosexuality and Civilization, First Harvard University Press paperback edition, 2006 (pp.213, 411 & passim)
  3. ^ Khyber, Daoud: The Return of the Catamites[2]
  4. ^ Crompton, Louis:Byron and Greek Love - Homophobia in 19th century England. GMP Publishers Ltd 1998/The Cromwell Press. Introduction p.11
  5. ^ MacCarthy, Fiona: Byron, Life and Legend. John Murray, London 2002. p.39
  6. ^ The 'Thyrza' elegies were written in memory of John Edleston, a 15 year old Cambridge choirboy with whom the young Byron had a passionate friendship. The enforced secrecy of the relationship required concealment of the true object of his affection (see MacCarthy p.59 Note 5 above).
  7. ^ Crompton (in Byron & Greek Love p.294-5, refer Note 4) takes this as a reference to anal penetration, like the terms 'operose' and 'diabolical' which appear in the extract.
  8. ^ John Lauritsen: Foreword to Shelley's translation of Plato's "The Banquet" [Symposium], Pagan Press 2001
  9. ^ Dover, K.J.:Greek Homosexuality. Harvard University Press, 1978. Postscript 1989
  10. ^ a b Crompton, Louis: Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-Century England. London: Faber and Faber, 1985
  11. ^ a b Aldrich, Robert: The Seduction of the Mediterranean: Writing, Art and Homosexual Fantasy. London: Routledge, 1993 (pp. xi, 50-52, 54)
  12. ^ Paederasty is as old as humanity itself, and one can therefore say that it is natural, that it resides in nature, even if it proceeds against nature. What culture has won from nature will not be surrendered or given up at any price. — A comment by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, 7 April 1830
  13. ^ Walter Pater, 'Winckelmann', in The Renaissance Studies in Art and Poetry (London, 1907)
  14. ^ a b c Kaylor, Michael Matthew: Secreted Desires: The Major Uranians: Hopkins, Pater and Wilde. Brno, Czech Republic: Masaryk University Press, 2006 (pp.15 notes, xiv Preface, 58) [3] (The author has made this volume available in a free, open-access, PDF version.)
  15. ^ University of Oxford, Famous Oxonians[4]
  16. ^ MacCarthy refers to Byron's 'dearly beloved Greece' as "the land of azure skies and incomparable landscapes: ultimate contrast to England's foggy shores." (see Notes 4, P.109)
  17. ^ Mader, Donald H., The Greek Mirror: The Uranians and Their Use of Greece, Journal of Homosexuality, 49., 377-420
  18. ^ David Newsome, On the Edge of Paradise: A. C. Benson: The Diarist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), p.192.
  19. ^ Eglinton, J. Z.: Greek Love. New York: Acolyte Press, 1964 [5]
  20. ^ Halperin, David M.: One Hundred Years of Homosexuality: and Other Essays on Greek Love. New York: Routledge, 1990 [6]
  21. ^ a b Davidson, James: The Greeks and Greek Love: A Radical Reappraisal of Homosexuality in Ancient Greece. London: Orion Publishing, November 2007 [7]
  22. ^ Kellogg, Stuart: Literary Visions of Homosexuality. Binghamton, NY: Haworth, 1983 (pp. 35-36) [8] See also DeJean, Joan: "Sex and Philology: Sappho and the Rise of German Nationalism", in Re-Reading Sappho: Reception and Transmission, ed. by Ellen Greene. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. pp. 122-45 (pp. 139-40)
  23. ^ MacCarthy, Fiona: Byron: Life and Legend, John Murray (Publishers) Ltd 2002 (p.39) ISBN 0-7195-5621X
  24. ^ Dowling, Linda C.: Hellenism and Homosexuality in Victorian Oxford. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994 (p. 66) [9]
  25. ^ Merrick, Jeffrey and Bryant T. Ragan: Homosexuality in Modern France. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996 (p.211) [10]
  26. ^ Gustafson, Susan E.: Men Desiring Men: The Poetry of Same-Sex Identity and Desire in German Classicism. Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2002 (p. 11) [11]

See also